
.J^&^v) f^T 



X^\TSD 





■##&/ CSjM4/~. TS^ 



LIFE 



JOHN KNOX; 

CONTAINING 

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE HISTORY 

OF 

THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 



BIOGRAPHICAL, NOTICES OF THE PRINCIPAL REFORMERS, 

AND SKETCHES OF THE PROGRESS OF LITERATURE IN SCOTLAND 

DURING THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 5 



AN APPENDIX, 

CONSISTING OF ORIGINAL PAPERS. 

BY THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D. 

FIRST* C<M?$k&k a AMERICAN EDITION. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION. 

No. 1319 WALNUT STREET. 



vn 



V a $ 79 



yafS- 



rt 



PBEPA !E TO THE EIRST EDITION. 



The ■ r mation from Popery i arks an epoch un- 
iably the most impor " the history of 

modern Europe. The effects of the change which it 
produced, in religion, in n in politics, and in 

literature, continue to be felt at the present day. No- 
thing, surely, can he more interesting than an investi- 
gation of the history of tha i.od, and of those men 
who were the instruments i , _er Providence, of ac- 
complishing a revolution which has proved so benefi- 
cial to mankin 

Though many able writers have employed their 
talents in tracing causes and consequences of the 

Reformation) and though the leading facts respecting 
its prog Gotland have been repeatedly stated, 

it ccurred to me that the subject was by no means 
r •_ was confirmed in this opinion by a more 

- examination of the ecclesiastical history of this 
country, which I began, for my own satisfaction, 
s years ago. While I was pleased at finding 

the here existed such ample materials for illustrating 
the history of the Scottish Reformation, I could not 
but regret that no one had undertaken to digest and 
exhibit the information on this subject which lay hid 



, 



IV PREFACE. 

in manuscripts, and in books which are n. w little 
known or consulted. Not presuming, however, that I 
had the ability or the leisure equ ite for executing i 
task of such difficulty and < 'med the design 

of drawing up memorials "1 Reformer, 

in which his personal histoid 'nod with 

illustrations of the progress ol 'aking, 

in the advancement of which he t* ous 

a part. 

A work of kind seemed to be wan, 

name of 1 °d, often occurs in the gem .■ 

tories of the nd some of our historians 

drawn, wi ability, the leading traits 01 

character wi could not fail to be struck ; 

but it was foi\ T Mect to detail the events 

of his life, and i be expected that they 

would bestow that n cal attention on his 

history, which is nee, a complete and 

accurate idea of his cha I nrs of his life 

have been prefixed to editions o some c his works, 
and inserted in biographical ( periodical 

publications; but in many in. i authors 

were destitute of proper informa. f hers 

they were precluded, by the limits to mv 

confined, from entering into those mini 
which are so useful for illustrating individi> i 
and which render biography both pleasiru 
structive. Nor can it escape observation, that 
ber of writers have been guilty of great injusti 
the memory of our Reformer, and from prejudi, 
from ignorance, or from inattention, have exhibited a 
distorted caricature, instead of a genuine portrait. 

I was encouraged to prosecute my design, in con- 



PREFACE. v 

sequence of my possessing a manuscript volume of 
Knox's Letters, which throw considerable light upon 
his character and history. The advantages which I 
have ierived from this volume will appear in the 
course of the wo" 1 .ere it is quoted under the 
general title o f ters* 

The ;s which I have chiefly made 

usp of, are Calderwood's large History of the Church 
}f Scotland, How's History, and Wodrow's Collections. 
Calderwood's History, besides much valuable informa- 
tion respecting the early period of the Reformation, 
contains a collection of letters written by Knox be- 
: sen 1559 and 1572, which, together those in 

my possession, extended over (twenty years of the 
most active period of his life. I have carefully con- 
sulted this history as far cs it re] the period of 
which I write. The I most frequently 
quote belongs to the of Scotland. In the 
Advocates' Librar omplete copy of that 
work, there is a folio volume of it, reaching to the end 
of the year 1572. It was written in 1634, and has a 
number of interlineations and marginal alterations, 
differing f other copies, which, if not made by 
the author's own hand, were most probably done 
unde^ nave sometimes quoted this copy. 
The reader will easily discern when this is the case, 
;es to it are made merely by the year 
ander \ I ich the transaction is recorded, the volume 
r paged. 

Row, in composing the early part of his Historie of 

Kirk, had the assistance of Memoirs written by 

David Ferguson, his father-in-law, who was admitted 

* See aii account of this MS. p. 503. 



VI P 

minister of Dunfern tablishment of tlie 

Reformation. Copies ■ seem to have 

been taken before the author had put the finishing 
hand to it, which may accot itional mat- 

ter to be fonnd in some of the asionaUv 

quoted the copy which belongs to ibrary 

in Edinburgh, but more frequently : bed 

in 1726, which is more full than any c e 

had access to see. 

The industrious Wodrow had amassed a 
collection of manuscripts relating to the ecclesi 
history of Scfoti id, the greater part of which is 
deposited in oui iblic libraries. In the library of 
the Univc >gow, there is a number of vol- 

umes in dng collections which he had 

made for illu ' : :; the lives of the Scottish reform- 
ers and divines h century. These have 
supplied me with goni interesting facts; and are 
quoted under the na w MSS. in Bibl. 
Coll. Glas. 

For the transactions of General Assembly, I 

have consulted the Register commonly called the 
Book of the Universal Kirk. There are se\ opies 

of this manuscript in the country; is 

followed in this work, and which is the 
have examined, belongs to the Advocates' Lib] 

I have endeavoured to avail myself of the \ 
histories of the period, and of books published in the 
age of the Reformation, which often incidentally men- 
tion facts that are not recorded by historians. In the 
Advocates' Library, which contains an invaluable 
treasure of information respecting Scottish affairs, I 



PREFACE. v ii 

had an opportunity of examining tl e original editions 
of most of the Reformer's works. The rarest of all 
his tracts is the narrative of his Disputation with the 
Abbot of Crossragnel, which scarcely any writer since 
Knox's time seems to have seen. After I had given 
up all hopes of procuring a sight of this curious tract, 
I was accidentally informed that a copy of it was in 
the library of Alexander Boswell, Esq. of Auchinleck, 
who very politely communicated it to me. 

In pointing out the sources which I have consulted, 
I wish not to be understood as intimating that the 
reader may expect in the following work, much infor- 
mation which is absolutely new. He who engages in 
researches of this kind, must lay his account with 
finding the result of his discoveries reduced within a 
small compass, and should be prepared to expect that 
many of his readers will pass over with a cursory 
eye, what he has procured with great, perhaps with 
unnecessary labour. The principal facts respecting 
the Reformation and the Reformer, are already known. 
I natter myself, however, that I have been able to 
place some of these facts in a new and more just light, 
and to bring forward others which have not hitherto 
been generally known. 

The reader will find the authorities, upon which I 
have proceeded in the statement of facts, carefully 
marked ; but my object was rather to be select than 
numerous in my references. When I had occasion to 
introduce facts which have been often repeated in his- 
tories, and are already established and unquestionable, 
I did not reckon it necessary to be so particular in 
producing the authorities. 



viii PREFACE. 

After so many writers of biography have incurred 
the charge either of uninteresting generality, or of 
tedious prolixity, it would betray great arrogance were 
I to presume that I had approached the due medium. 
I have particularly felt the difficulty, in writing the 
life of a public character, of observing the line which 
divides biography from general history. Desirous of 
giving unity to the narrative, and at the same time 
anxious to convey information respecting the ecclesi- 
astical and literary history of the period, I have sepa- 
rated a number of facts and illustrations of this de- 
scription, and placed them in notes at the end of the 
Life. I am not without apprehensions that I may 
have exceeded in the number or length of these notes, 
and that some readers may think, that, in attempting 
to relieve one part of the work, I have overloaded 
another. 

No apology will, I trust, be deemed necessary for 
the freedom with which I have expressed my senti- 
ments on the public questions which naturally occur- 
red in the course of the narrative. Some of these are 
at variance with opinions which are popular in the 
present age ; but it does not follow from this that they 
are false, or that they should have been suppressed. I 
have not become the indiscriminate panegyrist of the 
Reformer, nor have I concealed or thrown into shade 
his faults ; but, on the other hand, the apprehension 
of incurring these charges has not deterred me from 
vindicating him wherever I considered his conduct to 
be justifiable, or from apologizing for him against un- 
candid and exaggerated censures. The attacks which 
have been made on his character from so many quar 
ters, and the attempts to wound the Reformation 



PREFACE. ^ 

through him, must be my excuse for having so often 
adopted the language of apology. 

In the Appendix, I have inserted a number of Knox's 
letters, and other papers relative to that period, none 
of which, as far as I know, have formerly been pub- 
lished. Several others, intended for insertion in the 
same place, have been kept back, as the work has 
swelled to a greater size than was expected. A very 
scarce Poem, written in commendation of the Refor- 
mer, and published in the year after his death, is re- 
printed in the Supplement. 

The prefixed portrait of Knox is engraved from a 
painting in the possession of the Right Honourable 
Lord Torphichen, with the use of which his Lord- 
ship, in the most obliging manner, favoured the pub- 
lishers. There is every reason to think that it is a 
genuine likeness, as it strikingly agrees with the print 
of our Reformer, which Beza, who was personally 
acquainted with him, published in his Icones. There 
is a small brass medal, which has on one side a bust 
of Knox, and on the other the following inscription : — 

JOANNES KNOXTJS SCOTUS THE0L0GUS ECCLESI^ EDIM- 
BTJRGENSIS PASTOR. OBIIT EDIMBURGI AN. 1572. MT. 57. 

It appears to have been executed at a period much 
later than the Reformer's death. There is an error 
of ten years as to his age ; and as Beza has fallen into 
the same mistake, it is not improbable that the inscrip- 
tion was copied from his Icones, and that the medal 
was struck on the Continent. 

Edinburgh, November 14, 1811. 



PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

In preparing this work for a second impression, I 
have endeavoured carefully to correct mistakes which 
had escaped me in the first, both as to matter and lan- 
guage. I have introduced accounts of the principal 
public transactions of the period, which a desire of 
being concise induced me formerly to exclude, but 
which serve to throw light on the exertions of the 
Reformer, and ought to be known by those who read 
his Life. And I have entered into a more full detail 
of several parts of his conduct than was practicable 
within the limits of a single volume. Such additional 
authorities, printed or manuscript, as I have had ac 
cess to, since the publication of the former edition, 
have been diligently consulted ; and I flatter myself 
that the alterations and additions which these have 
enabled me to make, will be considered as improve- 
ments. 

I have added to the Supplement a number of ori- 
ginal Latin Poems on the principal characters men- 
tioned in the course of the work, which may not be 
unacceptable to the learned reader. 

Edinburgh, March 1, 1813. 

ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FIFTH EDITION. 

Besides the additional matter introduced into the 
Fourth Edition, the present contains a variety of new 
facts and documents, the most interesting of which 
will be found in the Note concerning Scottish Mar- 
tyrs. The portrait of the Regent Murray, engraved 
for this edition, is taken from the original in Holyrood 
Palace. 

Edinburgh, February 14, 1831. 



CONTENTS. 



PERIOD FIRST. 

Birth and parentage of Knox — his education — state of literature in Scot- 
land — introduction of Greek language — political and ecclesiastical opin- 
ions of John Major — their probable influence on Knox and Buchanan — 
Knox teaches scholastic philosophy at St. Andrews — is admitted to cleri- 
cal orders — change in his studies and sentiments — state of religion in 
Scotland — urgent necessity of a reformation — gratitude due to the reform- 
ers — introduction of reformed opinions into Scotland — Patrick Hamilton — 
martyrs — exiles for religion — reformation promoted by the circulation of 
the Scriptures — by poetry — embraced by persons of rank — its critical 
state at the death of James V Page 17 



PERIOD SECOND. 

Knox retires from St. Andrews, and joins himself to the reformed — is de- 
graded from the priesthood-^reformation favoured by Regent Arran — 
Scottish Parliament authorize the use of the Scriptures in the vulgar 
language — the Regent abjures the reformed religion — Thomas Guillaume 
— George Wishart — Knox enters the family of Langniddrie as a tutor — 
Cardinal Beatoun assassinated — Knox persecuted by Archbishop Hamil- 
ton — averse to go to England — takes refuge in the Castle of St. Andrews 
— his sentiments respecting the assassination of Beatoun — Sir David 
Lyndsay of the Mount— Henry Balnaves of Halhill — John Rough— 
Knox's call to the ministry — his reluctance to comply with it — -reflections 
on this — his first sermon — his disputation before a convention of the clergy 
— the clergy begin to preach at St. Andrews — success of Knox's labours — 
castle taken, and Knox confined in the French galleys — his health in- 
jured — his fortitude of mind — writes a confession of faith — extract from 
his dedication to a treatise of Balnaves — his humane advice to his fellow- 
prisoners — his liberation, Page 38 



PERIOD THIRD. 

Knox arrives in England — state of the Reformation in that kingdom — Knox 
sent by the privy council to preach at Berwick — his great exertions - 



ii CONTENTS. 

character of Bishop Tonstal — Knox defends his doctrine before him — is 
removed to Newcastle — made chaplain to Edward VI. — consulted in the 
revisal of the Liturgy and Articles — makes proposals of marriage to 
Marjory Bowes — receives marks of approbation from the privy council — 
incurs the displeasure of Earl of Northumberland — is honourably acquit- 
ted by the privy council — bad state of his health — preaches in London — 
declines accepting a benefice — refuses a bishopric — his objections to thr 
worship and government of the Church of England — private sentiments of 
English reformers similar to his — plan of Edward VI. for improving the 
Church of England — state of his court — boldness and honesty of I 
chaplains — Knox's sermons at court — his distress at the death of Edwara 
— he retires to the north of England on the accession of Mary — returns 
to the south — his prayer for the queen — marries Marjory Bowes — displea- 
sure of some of her relations at this — Roman Catholic religion restored 
by Parliament — Knox continues to preach — his letters are intercepted — 
he is forced to abscond — and retires to Dieppe in France, . Page 62 



PERIOD FOURTH. 

Knox's uneasy reflections on his flight — letters to his friends in England — 
his eloquent exhortation to religious constancy — he visits Switzerland — 
returns to Dieppe with the intention of venturing into England — visits 
Geneva— -forms an intimate friendship with Calvin — returns to Dieppe — 
distressing tidings from England — writes his admonition — apology for the 
severity of its language — devotes himself to study at Geneva — his means 
of subsistence — called to be minister to the English exiles at Frankfort — 
dissensions among them about the Liturgy — moderation with which Knox 
acted in these — harmony restored — disorderly conduct of the sticklers for 
the Liturgy — rebuked by Knox — he is accused of high treason — retires to 
Geneva — turns his thoughts to his native country — retrospect of ecclesi- 
astical transactions in Scotland from the time he left it — triumph of the 
Popish clergy — execution of Melville of Raith — martyrdom of Adam 
Wallace — provincial councils of the clergy — canons enacted by them for 
reforming abuses — catechism in the vulgar language — Queen Dowager 
made Regent — she privately favours the Protestants — violence of English 
Queen drives preachers into Scotland — William Harlow — John Wiilock 
— Knox visits his wife at Berwick — preaches privately in Edinburgh — 
John Erskine of Dun — William Maitland of Lethington — Knox's letter to 
Mrs. Bowes — he prevails on the Protestants to abstain from hearing mass 
— preaches at Dun — at Calderhouse — Sir James Sandilands — John Spots- 
wood — Lord Lorn — Lord Erskine — the Prior of St. Andrews — Knox dis- 
penses the sacrament of the supper in Ayrshire — Earl of Glencairn — first 
religious covenant in Scotland — conversation at court about Knox — he is 
summoned before a convention of the clergy — appears — preaches publicly 
in Edinburgh — his letter to Mrs. Bowes — his letter to the queen regent — 
he receives a call from the English Congregation at Geneva — leaves 
Scotland — clergy condemn him as a heretic, and burn his effigy — -sum- 
mary of the doctrine which he had taught — estimate of the advantages 
which accrued to the Reformation from this visit — letter of instruction 
which he left behind him, Pa^e 87 



PERIOD FIFTH. 

Knox arrives at Geneva — happiness which he enjoyed in that city — his pas- 
sionate desire to preach the gospel in his native country — he receives an 



CONTENTS. x j n 

invitation from the Protestant nobles in Scotland — leaves Geneva — re- 
ceives letters at Dieppe dissuading' him from prosecuting the journey — 
his animated letter to the nobility — persecution of the Protej.ants in 
France — Knox preaches in Rochelle — and at Dieppe — reasons which in- 
duced him not to proceed to Scotland — he writes to the Protestants of 
Scotland — warns them against the Anabaptists — writes to the nobility — 
his prudent advice respecting resistance to the government — he returns 
to Geneva—assists in an English translation of the Bible — publishes his 
letter to the Queen Regent — and his Appellation from the sentence of the 
clergy — and his First Blast of the Trumpet — reasons which led to this 
publication against female government — Aylmer's answer to it — Knox 
receives a second invitation from the Protestant nobility of Scotland — 
progress which the Reformation had made — formation of private congre- 
gations — resolutions of a general meeting — Protestant preachers taken 
into the families of the nobility — correspondence between the Archbishop 
of St. Andrew's and Earl of Argyle — martyrdom of Walter Mill — impor- 
tant effects of this — Protestants present a petition to the regent — her fair 
promises to them — death of Queen Mary of England and accession of 
Elizabeth — Knox leaves Geneva for Scotland — is refused a passage through 
England — grounds of this refusal — Knox's reflections on it — reason for his 
wishing to visit England — he writes to Cecil from Dieppe — arrives in 
Scotland, Page 129 



PERIOD SIXTH. 



Critical situation in which Knox found matters at his arrival — dissimulation 
of the Queen Regent — differences between her and Archbishop Hamilton 
accommodated — a provincial council of the clergy — reconciliation of the 
two archbishops — remonstrance presented by some members of the Popish 
Church — canons of the council — treaty between the regent and clergy 
for suppressing the Reformation — proclamation by the queen against the 
Protestants — the preachers summoned to stand trial — Knox's letter to 
Mrs. Locke — clergy alarmed at his arrival — he is outlawed — he repairs 
to Dundee — Protestants of the north resolve to attend the trial of their 
preachers — send information of this to the Regent — her duplicity — Knox 
preaches at Perth — demolition of the monasteries in that town — unjustly 
imputed to Knox — Regent threatens the destruction of Perth — Protes- 
tants resolve to defend themselves — a treaty — Knox's interview with Ar- 
gyle and Prior — treaty violated by the Regent — the name of the Congre- 
gation given to the Protestant association — Lords of the Congregation 
invite Knox to preach at St. Andrews — archbishop opposes this by arms — 
intrepidity of Knox — he preaches at St. Andrews — magistrates and inha- 
bitants agree to demolish the monasteries and images, and to set up the 
reformed worship — their example followed in other parts of the kingdom 
— apology for the destruction of the monasteries — Lords of the Congre- 
gation take possession of Edinburgh — Knox is chosen minister of that 
city — Willock supplies his place after the capital was given up to the 
Regent — Archbishop Hamilton preaches — Knox undertakes a tour of 
preaching through the kingdom — his family arrive in Scotland — Christo- 
pher Goodman — settlement of Protestant ministers in principal towns — ■ 
French troops come to the assistance of the Regent — Knox persuades the 
Congregation to seek assistance from the court of England — apologizes 
to Elizabeth for his book against female government — undertakes a jour- 
ney to Berwick — succeeds in the negotiation — reasons for hi? taking a 
2 



* 1V CONTENTS. 

part in political managements — embarrassments in which this involved 
him — prejudices of the English court against him — their confidence in 
his honesty — his activity and danger — Lords of Congregation consult on 
the deposition of the Regent — Knox advises her suspension — influence of 
the Reformation on civil liberty — political principles of Knox — resistancs 
to tyrants not forbidden in the New Testament — disasters of the Congre- 
gation — their courage revived by the eloquence of Knox — his exertions 
in Fife — treaty between Elizabeth and Congregation — expedition of the 
French troops against Glasgow — English army enter Scotland — death of 
the Queen Regent — intrigues of the French court — civil war concluded 
— exertions of Protestant preachers during the war — increase of their 
number — conduct of Popish clergy — their pretended miracle of Mussel- 
burgh — meeting of parliament — petition of Protestants — Protestant Con- 
fession of Faith ratified by parliament — retrospective view of the ad- 
vancement of the Reformation, Pasre 158 



PERIOD SEVENTH. 



Knox resumes his situation in Edinburgh — urges the settlement of ecclesi- 
astical polity — aversion to this on the part of the nobles — Knox is employed 
in compiling the Book of Discipline — this is approved by General Assem- 
bly and subscribed by greater part of Privy Council — sketch of the form 
and order of the Reformed Church of Scotland — attention to education — 
avarice of the nobility — influence of the Reformation on literature — intro- 
duction of Hebrew into Scotland — John Row — return of Buchanan — re- 
marks on Mr. Hume's representation of the rudeness of Scotland — literary 
hours in a Scottish minister's family — cultivation of the vernacular lan- 
guage — David Ferguson — First General Assembly — Knox loses his wife 
— corresponds with Calvin — his anxiety for the safety of the Reformed 
Church — Queen Mary arrives in Scotland — her education — her fixed de- 
termination to restore Popery — alarm excited by her setting up of mass — 
behaviour of Knox on this occasion — remarks nn this — sanguinary spirit 
and proceedings of Roman Catholics — hostile intentions of the Queen 
against Knox — first interview between them — Knox's opinion of her cha- 
racter — his austerity and vehemence useful — he vindicates the right of 
holding ecclesiastical assemblies — inveighs against the inadequate provi- 
sion made for the ministers of the Church — his own stipend — attention of 
town-council to his support and accommodation — he installs two superin- 
tendents — is employed in reconciling the nobility — the Queen is offended 
at one of his sermons — second interview between them — his great labours 
in Edinburgh — he obtains a colleague — incidents in the life of John Craig 
— the Prior of St. Andrews created Earl Murray, and made prime minister 
— insurrection under Huntly — conduct of Knox on that occasion — Quin- 
tin Kennedy — dispute between him and Knox — Ninian Wingate— -excom- 
munication of Paul Methven — reflections on the severity of the Protes- 
tant discipline — third interview between Knox and the Queen — artifice 
of Mary — she prevails on the parliament not to ratify the Protestant religion 
— indignation of Knox at this — breach between him and Earl of Murray 
— his sermon at the dissolution of parliament — fourth interview between 
him and the Queen — apology for the sternness of his behaviour — slander 
against his character — he is accused of high treason — the courtiers endea- 
vour to intimidate him into a submission — his trial and defence — indigna- 
tion of the Queen at his acquittal, Page 208 



CONTENTS. 



PERIOD EIGHTH. 



i tc courtiers charge Knox with usurping a papal power — the General As- 
lemhly vindicate him — he marries a daughter of Lord Ochiltree — splene- 
ic reflections of the Papists on this alliance — dissensions between the 
Tourt and preachers — apology for the liberty of the pulpit — debate be- 
tween Knox and secretary Maitland — on Knox's form of prayer for the 
Queen — and on his doctrine respecting resistance to civil rulers — Craig's 
account of a similar dispute in Bologna — the Queen marries Lord Darn- 
ley — change in the court — reasons which induced the nobles who opposed 
the marriage to take up arms — Queen amuses the Protestant ministers — 
Knox is reconciled to Earl of Murray — gives offence to the King — is 
inhibited from preaching — town-council remonstrate against this — he re- 
sumes his employment — Goodman leaves St. Andrews — petition for Knox's 
translation to that town refused by Assembly — he is employed to write 
different treatises for the church — extract from the treatise of Fasting — 
measures taken by the Queen for restoring Popery — assassination of 
Rizzio — sudden changes in the court — Knox retires to Kyle — Queen re- 
fuses to permit his return to the capital — he resolves to visit his sons in 
England — receives a recommendation from the General Assembly — car- 
rier a letter to the English bishops — Archbishop Hamilton restored to his 
ancent jurisdiction — spirited letter of Knox on that occasion — alienation 
betvveen Mary and her husband — the King murdered by Bothwell — the 
Queen's participation in the murder — her marriage to Bothwell — inde- 
pendtnt behaviour of John Craig — the Queen resigns the crown to her 
son — ^nox returns to Edinburgh — preaches at the coronation of James 
VI. — lis opinion concerning the punishment of Mary — the Earl of Mur- 
ray is : nstalled in the Regency — act of Parliament in favour of the Pro- 
testan Church — state of the Church during the regency of Murray — 
Knox i herishes the desire of retiring from public life — the regent opposed 
by a pi £ ty attached to Mary — attempts made on his life — he is assassin- 
ated bv Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh — national grief at this event — cha- 
racter 1/ Murray — Knox bewails his loss — fabricated conference between 
them — Thomas Maitland insults over the death of the Regent — Knox's 
denunciation against him — his pathetic sermon before the Regent's fune- 
ral — is struck with apoplexy, Page 268 



PERIOD NINTH. 

Knox recovers from the apoplectic stroke — Kircaldy of Grange joins the 
Queen's party — Knox involved in a personal quarrel with him — interposi- 
tion of the gentlemen of the west in his favour — anonymous libels against 
him — his spirited answers from the pulpit — Queen's party take possession 
of the capital — danger to which Knox is exposed — he is prevailed on to 
retire to St. Andrews — civil war — hostility of the Queen's faction against 
Knox — he 's opposed by their adherents at St. Andrews — John Hamilton 
— Archibald Hamilton — execution of Archbishop Hamilton — the Regent 
Lennox slain — is succeeded by Earl of Mar — invasion on the jurisdiction 
of the Church — tulchan bishops — not approved of by the General Assem- 
bly — Knox's letter to the assembly at Stirling — his sentiments respecting 
episcopacy — he refuses to install Douglas as Archbishop of St. Andrews — 
gradual decay of his health — striking description of his appearance and 
pulpit elocmence — his familiarity with the students at the university — hft 



v i CONTENTS. 

publishes an answer to a Scots Jesuit — ardently desires his dissolution — 
his last letter to the General Assembly — his subscription to Ferguson's 
sermon — he returns to Edinburgh — requests a smaller place of worship — 
Craig removes from Edinburgh — Lawson chosen as successor to Knox — 
Knox's letter to him — Bartholomew massacre in France — Knox's denun- 
ciation against Charles IX. — he begins to preach in the Tolbooth Church 
— his last sermon — his sickness — interview between him and his session — 
his message to Kircaldy — his religious advices, meditations, and comfort 
during his last illness — his death — his funeral — opinions entertained re- 
specting him by the Papists — by foreign reformers — by Scottish Protes- 
tants — by divines of the Church of England — origin and cause of preju- 
dices against him — his character — reflections on the prophecies ascribed 
to him — account of his family — sufferings of John Welch, his son-in-law, 
interview between bim and Louis XIII. — interview between Mrs. Welch 
and James VI. — character of Knox's writings — conclusion, Page 310 



Notes 367 

Appendix, 505 

Supplement, 540 

Index ,563 



THK 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD I. 



FROM THE YEAR 1505, IN WHICH HE WAS BORN, TO THE YEAR 1542 
WHEN HE EMBRACED THE REFORMED RELIGION. 

John Knox was born in the year one thousand five hundred 
and five. The place of his nativity has been disputed. That 
he was born at Gilford, a village in East Lothian, has long 
been the prevailing opinion ; but some late writers, relying 
upon popular tradition, have fixed his birth-place at Hadding- 
ton, the principal town of the county. The house in which he 
is said to have been born is still shown by the inhabitants, in 
one of the suburbs of the town called the Gifford-gate. This 
house, with some adjoining acres of land, continued to be pos- 
sessed, until about fifty years ago, by a family of the name of 
Knox, who claimed affinity with the Reformer. I am inclined, 
however, to prefer the opinion of the oldest and most credible 
writers, that he was born in the village of Gifford.* 

His father was descended from an ancient and respectable 
family, who possessed the lands of Knock, Ranferly, and Craig- 
ends, in the shire of Renfrew. The descendants of this family 
have been accustomed to enumerate among the honours of 
their house, that it gave birth to the Scottish Reformer, a bishop 
of Raphoe, and a bishop of the Isles, t At what particular 
period his paternal ancestors removed from their original seat, 

* See Note A. 

f Nisbet's Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd's Renfrew, by Semple, Part II. 
pp. 30, 139. Account "of Knox, prefixed to his Historie, anno 1732, pacre is. 
Keith's Scotlish Bishops, p. 177. 

C 17 



18 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

and settled in Lothian, I have not been able exactly to ascer- 
tain. His mother's name was Sinclair.* 

Obscurity of parentage can reflect no dishonour upon the 
man who has raised himself to distinction by his virtues and 
talents. But though our Reformer's parents were neither great 
nor opulent, the assertion of some writers that they were in 
poor circumstances, is contradicted by facts.t They were able 
to give their son a liberal education, which, in that age, was 
far from being common. In his youth, he was put to the 
grammar school of Haddington : and, after he had acquired 
the principles of the Latin language, his father sent him, in the 
year 1521, to the University of Glasgow.:}: 

The state of learning in Scotland at that period, and the pro- 
gress which it made in the subsequent part of the century, have 
not been examined with the attention which they deserve, and 
which has been bestowed on contemporaneous objects of infe- 
rior importance. There were unquestionably learned Scots- 
men in the early part of the sixteenth century; but most of 
them owed their chief acquirements to the advantage of a for- 
eign education. Those improvements which the revival of 
literature had introduced into the schools of Italy and France, 
were long in reaching the universities of Scotland, though ori- 
ginally formed upon their model ; and, when they did arrive, 
they were regarded with a suspicious eye, and discountenanced 
by the clergy. The principal branches cultivated in our uni- 
versities were the Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theology, 
and canon law.§ 

* In times of persecution or war, when there was a risk of his letters 
being intercepted, the Reformer was accustomed to subscribe, "John Sin- 
clair." Under this signature at one of them, in the collection of letters in 
my possession, is the following note: " Yis was his mother's surname, wlk 
he wrait in time of trubill." MS. Letters, p. 346. 

f See Note A. 

I See Note B. Beza (Icones Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij. anno 1580) and 
Verheiden (Effigies et Elogia Praestant. Theolog. p. 92. Hagaecomit. 1602) 
say that Knox was educated at the University of St. Andrews. 

Q Boetii Vitae Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix. col. cum fol. 
xxvi — xxviii. Impress, anno 1522. This little work is of great value, and 
contains almost the only authentic retires which we possess, as to the state 
of learning in Scotland, about the beginning of the sixteenth century. 
Mackenzie, the copier of the fabulous Dempster, who gives an account, of 
learned men who never existed, and of books that no man ever saw, or could 
see, talks of almost every writer whom he mentions as finishing " the course 
of his studies in the Belles Lettres and Philosophy," in one of the Scots uni- 
versities. These are merely words of course. The Aristotelian rules con- 
cerning rhetoric were taught by the professors of scholastic philosophy ; but 
it does not appear that stated lectures of this kind were read, until the time 
of the Reformation, when they were appointed to be regularly delivered in 
the colleges. First Book of Discipline, pp. 40, 42, edit, anno 1621. 



L T FE OF JOHN KNOX. 19 

Even in the darkest ages, Scotland was never altogether des- 
titute of schools for teaching the Latin language.* It is prob- 
able lhat these were at flrsi attached to monasteries ; and it 
was long a common practice among the barons to board their 
children with the monks for their education. t When the 
regular clergy had degenerated, and learning was no longer 
confined to them, grammar schools were erected in the principal 
towns, and taught by persons who had qualified themselves for 
this task in the best manner that the circumstances of the 
country admitted. The schools of Aberdeen, Perth, Stirling, 
Dumbarton, Killearn, and Haddington, are particularly men- 
tioned in writings about the beginning of the sixteenth century. 
The two first of these acquired the greatest celebrity, owing to 
the skill of the masters who presided over them. In the year 
1520, John Vaus was rector of the school of Aberdeen, and is 
commended by Hector Boece, the learned principal of the uni- 
versity, for his knowledge of the Latin tongue, and his success 
in the education of youth.! At a period somewhat later, An- 
drew Simson acted as master of the school of Perth, where he 
taught Latin with applause. He had sometimes three hundred 
boys under his charge at once, including sons of the principal 
nobility and gentry ; and from his school proceeded many of 
those who afterwards distinguished themselves both in Church 
and State. § 

These schools afforded the means of instruction in the Latin 
tongue, the knowledge of which, in some degree, was requisite 
for enabling the clergy to perform the religious service. But 
the Greek language, long after it had been enthusiastically 
studied on the Continent, and after it had become a fixed branch 
of education in the neighbouring kingdom, continued to be 

* In the twelfth century, there was a school at Abernethy and at Rox- 
burgh. Sir James Dalrymple's Collections, pp. 226, 255. Other schools in 
that and the subsequent century are mentioned in charters, apud Chalmers's 
Caledonia, i. 76. 

f Caledonia, i. 768. 

\ Boetii Vita?, f'ol. xxx. Vaus was the author of " Rudimenta Artis 
Grammatical per Jo. Vaus Scotvrn Selecta — Edinbvrgi Excudebat Robertus 
Lepreuik, Anno Do. 1566." 4to. This was probably another edition of the 
work printed by Jod. Bad. Ascensius, Paris, 1522. 

\ Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. pp. 3, 4. Simson taught 
at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the establishment of the Reformation, 
he became minister of Dunning and Cargill, from which he was translated, 
in 1566, to Dunbar, where he sustained the double office of minister of the 
parish, and master of the grammar school. He was the author of the Latin 
Rudiment-, which continued to be taught in the schools of Scotland until 
the time if Ruddiman, and were much esteemed by that accomplished 
scholar. Row, ut supra. Keith's History, p. 534. Chalmers's Life of 
Ruddiman, pp. 2*, 22, 63. 



•20 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

almost unknown in Scotland. Individuals acquired the know 
ledge of it abroad ; but the first attempts to teach it in this 
country were of a private nature, and exposed their authors to 
the suspicion of heresy. The town of Montrose is distinguished 
oy being the first place, as far as I have been able to discover, 
in which Greek was taught in Scotland ; and John Erskine of 
Dun is entitled to the honour of being regarded as the first of 
his countrymen who patronized the study of that elegant and 
useful language. As early as the year 1534, this enlightened 
and public spirited baron, on returning from his travels, brought 
with him a Frenchman, skilled in the Greek tongue, whom he 
settled in Montrose ; and, upon his removal, he liberally encou- 
raged others to come from France and succeed to his place. 
From this private seminary many Greek scholars proceeded, and 
the knowledge of the language was gradually diffused over the 
kingdom.* After this statement, I need scarcely add, that the 
Oriental tongues were at this time utterly unknown in Scot- 
land. I shall afterwards have occasion to notice the introduc- 
tion of the study of Hebrew. 

(Knox acquired the Greek language before he arrived at 
middle age ; but we find him acknowledging, as late as the year 
1 550, that he was ignorant of Hebrew,! a defect in his education 
which he exceedingly lamented, and which he afterwards got 
supplied during his exile on the Continent.) 

John Mair, better known by his Latin name, Major, was 
professor of philosophy and theology at Glasgow, when Knox 
attended the university. The minds of young men, and their 
future train of thinking, often receive an important direction 
from the master under whom they are educated, especially if 
his reputation be high. Major was at that time deemed- an 
oracle in the sciences which he taught ; and as he was the pre- 
ceptor of Knox, and of the celebrated scholar Buchanan, J it 
may be proper to advert to some of his opinions. He had 
received the greater part of his education in France, and acted 
for some time as a professor in the University of Paris, where 



* Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, in Wodrow MSS. vol. 1. Bibl. Coll. 
Glas. This •industrious collector had access to some of Erskine's papers, 
when employed in compiling' his Life. Additional facts respecting- t.'ie early 
state of Greek literature in Scotland will be found in Note C. 

f " In the Hebrew toung (says Knox, in his defence before the Bishop of 
Durham), I confess myself ignorant ; but have, as God knavveth, fervent 
thirst to have sum entrance thairin." MS. Letters, p. 16. 

I Major had come to St. Andrews in 1523. The Records of that Uni- 
versity show that Buchanan was not of St. Salvator's College, but of St. 
Mary's. It is probable that Major at that time taught in this College ; 
and it was not until 1533 that he bpcame provost, or principal, of St 
Salvator's. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 21 

he acquired a more liberal habit of thinking and expressing 
himself on certain subjects than was yet to be met with in his 
native country, and in other parts of Europe. He had imbibed 
the sentiments concerning ecclesiastical polity, maintained by 
John Gerson and Peter D'Ailly, who so ably defended the 
decrees of the Council of Constance, and the liberties of the 
Gallican Church, against the advocates for the uncontrollable 
authority of the Sovereign Pontiff. He taught that a General 
Council was superior to the pope, and might judge, rebuke, 
restrain, and even depose him from his dignity ; denied the 
temporal supremacy of the bishop of Rome, and his right to 
inaugurate or dethrone princes ; maintained that ecclesiastical 
censures, and even papal excommunications, had no force, if 
pronounced on irrelevant or invalid grounds : he held that 
tithes were not of divine right, but merely of human appoint- 
ment ; censured the avarice, ambition, and secular pomp of the 
Court of Rome, and of the Episcopal order ; was no warm 
friend of the regular clergy ; and advised the reduction of 
monasteries and holydays.* 

His opinions respecting civil governments were analogous to 
those which he held as to ecclesiastical polity. He taught, that 
the authority of kings and princes was originally derived from 
the people ; that the former are not superior to the latter, collec- 
tively considered : that if rulers become tyrannical, or employ 
their power for the destruction of their subjects, they may law- 
fully be controlled by them, and proving incorrigible may be 
deposed by the community as the superior power ; and that 
tyrants may be judicially proceeded against, even to capital 
punishment. t 

The- affinity between these sentiments and the political prin- 
ciples afterwards avowed by Knox, and defended by the classic 
pen of Buchanan, is too striking to require illustration. Some 
of them, indeed, had been taught by at least one Scottish author, 
who flourished before the time of Major ; but it is most proba- 
ble that the oral instructions and writings of their master first 
suggested to them the sentiments which they so readily adopted, 
and which were afterwards confirmed by mature reflection, and 
more extensive reading ; and that, consequently, the important 
changes which tnese contributed to accomplish, should be traced, 
in a certain measure, to this distinguished professor. Nor, in 
such circumstances, could his ecclesiastical opinions fail to have 
a proportionate share of influence on their habits of thinking 
with respect to religion and the Church. 

* These sentiments are collected from his Commentaries on the Third 
Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his Exposition of Matthew's Gos- 
pel ; printed in Latin at Paris, the former in 1517, and the latter in 1518. 

[ See Note D. 



22 LIFE OF JOHN K.VOX. 

But though, in these respects, the opinions of Majoi were 
more free and rational than those generally entertained at that 
time, it must be confessed that the portion of instruction which 
his scholars could derive from him was extremely small, if we 
allow his publications to be a fair specimen of his academical 
prelections. Many of the questions which he discusses are 
utterly useless and trifling ; the rest are rendered disgusting by 
the most servile adherence to all the minutiae of the scholastic 
mode of reasoning. The reader of his works must be content 
with painfully picking a grain of truth from the rubbish of 
many pages ; nor will the drudgery be compensated by those 
discoveries of inventive genius and acute discrimination, for 
which the writings of Aquinas, and some others of that subtle 
school, may still deserve to be consulted. Major is entitled to 
praise, for exposing to his countrymen several of the more 
glaring errors and abuses of his time ; but his mind was deeply 
tinctured by superstition, and he defended some of the absurdest 
tenets of popery by the most ridiculous and puerile arguments.* 
His talents were moderate ; with the writings of the ancients 
he appears to have been acquainted only through the medium 
of the collectors of the middle ages ; nor does he ever hazard 
an opinion, or pursue a speculation, beyond the limits which 
had been marked out by some approved doctor of the Church. 
Add to this, that his style is, to an uncommon degree, harsh 
and forbidding : " exile, aridum, conscissum, ac minutum." 

Knox and Buchanan soon became disgusted with such stu- 
dies, and began to seek entertainment more gratifying to their 
ardent and inquisitive minds. Having set out in search of 
knowledge, they released themselves from the trammels, and 
overleaped the boundaries, prescribed to them by their timid 
conductor. Each following the native bent of his genius and 
inclination, they separated in the prosecution of their studies. 
Buchanan, indulging in a more excursive range, explored the 
extensive fields of literature, and wandered in the flowery mead 
of poesy ; while Knox, passing through the avenues of secular 
learning, devoted himself to the study of divine truth, and the 
labours of the sacred ministry. Both, however, kept uniformly 



* Lord Hailes, having- given an example of this, adds, " After this, can 
Buchanan be censured lor saying that he was ' solo cognomine Major .'' " 
(Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 11.) By the way, it was 
Major who first said this of himself. It was the sight of these words, 
" Joannes, solo cognomine Major," in the dedicatory epistle to his writings, 
that drew from Buchanan the satirical lines, which have been so often ap- 
pealed to by his enemies, as an infallible proof of the badness of his heart. 
If fault the-re was in this, we may certainly make the apology which his 
learned editor produces for him in another case, " Non tarn hominis vitium, 
quam poetoe." Poets and wits cannot always spare their best friends. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 23 

in view the advancement of true religion and liberty, with the 
.ove of which they were equally smitten ; and. as, during their 
lives, they suffered a long and painful exile, and were exposed 
to many dangers, for adherence to this kindred cause, so their 
memories have not been divided in the profuse but honourable 
obloquy with which they have been aspersed by its enemies, 
and in the deserved and grateful recollections of its genuine 
friends.* 

But we must not suppose that Knox was able at once to 
divest himself of the prejudices of his education and of the 
times. Barren and repulsive as the scholastic studies appear 
to our minds, there was something in the intricate and subtle 
sophistry then in vogue calculated to fascinate the youthful and 
ingenious mind. It had a show of wisdom ; it exercised, 
although it did not enrich, the understanding ; it even gave 
play to the imagination, while it served to flatter the pride of 
the learned adept. Once involved in the mazy labyrinth, il 
was no easy task to break through it, and to escape into the 
open field of rational and free inquiry. Accordingly, Knox 
continued for some time captivated with these studies, and 
prosecuted them with great success. After he was created 
master of arts, he taught philosophy, most probably as a regent 
of one of the classes in the university.! His class became cel- 
ebrated ; and he was considered as equalling, if not excelling, 
his master in the subtleties of the dialectic art. J About the 
same time, although he had no interest but what was procured 
by his own merit, he was advanced to clerical orders, and was 
ordained' a priest, before he reached the age fixed by the canons 
of the church. § This must have taken place previous to the 

* Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect, Oper. ed. 
Ruddiman, pp. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer, in his Historie, has borne 
testimony to the virtues as well as splendid talents of the Poet: "That 
notable man, Mr. George Bucquhanane — remains alyve to this day, in the 
yeir of God 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret honour of this na- 
tioun, and to the comfort of thame that delyte in letters and vertevv. That 
singulare wark of David's Psalmes, in Latin meetre and poesie, besyd mony 
uther, can witness the rare graices of God gevin to that man." Historie, 
p. 24. 

t D. Buchanan's Life of Knox. Mackenzie's Lives, iii. 111. Although 
I have followed the common accounts, I have great doubts if Knox was 
made Master of Arts. It was usual to put Mr. before the names of those 
who had been laureated, but I have never seen this title prefixed to his 
name in any old record. 

| "In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie versatus Cnoxus, eandem 
et magna autoritate docuit : visusque fuit magistro suo (si qua in subtil- 
itate felicitas), in quibusdam felicior." Verheiden. Effigies et Elogia 
Prsestant Theolog. p. 92. Hagsecomit. 1602. Bezae Icones. Ee. iij. Melch., 
Adami Vitse Theolog. Exter. p. 137. Francofurt.i, 161S. 

b See Note E. 



24 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

year 153}, at which time he had arrived at his twenty-fifth 
year, the canonical age for receiving ordination. 

It was not long, however, till his studies received a new 
direction, which led to a complete revolution in his religious 
sentiments, and had an important influence on the whole of his 
future life. Not satisfied with the excerpts from ancient authors, 
which he found in the writings of the scholastic divines and 
canonists, he resolved to have recourse to the original works. 
In them he found a method of investigating and communicating 
truth to which he had hitherto been a stranger, and the simpli- 
city of which recommended itself to his mind, in spite of the 
prejudices of education and the pride of superior attainments in 
his own favourite art. Among the fathers of the Christian 
Church, Jerome and Augustine attracted his particular attention. 
By the writings of the former, he was led to the Scriptures as 
the only pure fountain of divine truth, and instructed in the 
utility of studying them in the original languages. In the works 
of the latter, he found religious sentiments very opposite to 
those taught in the Romish Church, who, while she retained 
his name as a saint in her calendar, had banished his doctrine, 
as heretical, from her pulpits. From this time, he renounced 
the study of scholastic theology ; and although not yet com- 
pletely emancipated from superstition, his mind was fitted for 
improving the means which Providence had prepared for lead- 
ing him to a fuller and more comprehensive view of the 
system of evangelical religion. It was about the year 1535 
when this favourable change commenced ;* but it does not 
appear that he professed himself a Protestant before the year 
1542. 

As I am now to enter upon that period of Knox's life at 
which he renounced the Roman Catholic communion and com- 
menced Reformer, it may not be improper to take a survey of 
the state of religion in Scotland at that time. Without an ade- 
quate knowledge of this, it is impossible to form a just estimate 
of the necessity and importance of that Reformation, in the ad- 
vancement of which he laboured with so great zeal ; and no- 
thing has contributed so much to give currency, among Pro- 
testants, to prejudices against his character, as ignorance, or a 
superficial consideration of the enormous and almost incredible 
abuses which then prevailed in the Church. This must be my 
apology for a digression which might otherwise be deemed 
superfluous or disproportionate. 

The corruptions by which the Christian religion was univer 

* Bezse Icones, Verheidenii Effigies Melchior Adam ; ut supra. Spots 
wood's History, p. 265. Lond. 1677 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. '25 

sally disfigured, before the Reformation, had grown to a greater 
height in Scotland than in any other nation within the pale of 
the Western Church. Superstition and religious imposture, in 
their grossest forms, gained an easy admission among a rude 
and ignorant people. By means of these, the clergy attained 
to an exorbitant degree of opulence and power ; which were 
accompanied, as they always have been, with the corruption of 
their order, and of the whole system of religion. 

The full half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the 
clergy ; and the greater part of this was in the hands of a few 
individuals, who had the command of the whole body. Avarice, 
ambition, and the love of secular pomp, reigned among the 
superior orders. Bishops and abbots rivalled the first nobility 
in magnificence, and preceded them in honours: they were 
Privy-Counsellors, and Lords of Session, as well as of Parlia- 
ment, and had long engrossed the principal offices of state. A 
vacant bishopric or abbacy called forth powerful competitors, 
who contended for it as for a principality or petty kingdom ; it 
was obtained by similar arts, and not unfrequently taken pos- 
session of by the same weapons.* Inferior benefices were 
openly put to sale, or bestowed on the illiterate and unworthy 
minions of courtiers ; on dice-players, strolling bards, and the 
bastards of bishops.t Pluralities were multiplied without 
bounds, and benefices, given in commendam, were kept vacant 
during the life of the commendator — nay, sometimes during 
several lives ;% so that extensive parishes were frequently de- 
prived for a long course of years, of all religious service, — if a 
deprivation it could be called, at a time when the curfi of souls 
was no longer regarded as attached to livings originally endow- 
ed for that purpose. The bishops never, on any occasion, con- 

* During- the minority of James V. the celebrated Gawin Douglas was 
recommended by the Queen to the archbishopric of St. Andrews ; but John 
Hepburn, prior of the regular canons, opposed the nomination, and took the 
archiepiscopal palace by storm. Douglas afterwards laid siege to the cath- 
edral of Dunkeld, and carried it more by the thunder of his cannon, than 
the dread of the excommunication which he threatened to fulminate against 
his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44. Spotsw. 61. Life of Gawin Doug- 
las, prefixed to his translation of the iEneid : Ruddirnan's edition. 

t Sir David Lindsay's Works, by Chalmers, i. 344; ii. 237, 238. Win- 
zet, and Kennedy ; apud Keith, App. 488, 504. 

I The Popes were accustomed to grant' liberty to the commendators to 
dispose of benefices which they held by this tenure, to others who should 
succeed to them after their death. Introduction to Scots Biography, in 
Wodrow, MSS. vol. ix. p. 171 ; Bibl. Coll. Glas. So late as anno 1534, Clement 
VII. granted, in commendam, to his nephew, Hypolitus, Cardinal de Medici, 
all the benefices in the world, secular and regular, dignities and parsona- 
ges, simple and with cure, being vacant, for six months: with power to 
dispose of all their fruits, and convert them to his own use. Father Paul's 
History of the Council of Trent, lib. 1. p. 251. Lond. 1620. 
3 D 



26 LIFE OF JOHN K N DX. 

descended to preach ; indeed, I scarcely recollect an .ustance 
of it mentioned in history, from the erection ot the regular 
Scottish Episcopacy down to the era of the Reformation.* The 
practice had even gone into desuetude among all the secular 
clergy, and was wholly devolved on the mendicant monks, 
who employed it for the most mercenary purposes.t 

The lives of the clergy, exempted from secular jurisdiction, 
and corrupted by wealth and idleness, were become a scandal 
to religion, and an outrage on decency. While they professed 
chastity, and prohibited, under the severest penalties, any of the 
ecclesiastical order from contracting lawful wedlock, the bishops 
set an example of the most shameless profligacy before the 
inferior clergy ; avowedly kept their harlots, provided their 
natural sons with benefices, and gave their daughters in marriage 
to the sons of the nobility and principal gentry, many of whom 
were so mean as to contaminate the blood of their families by 
such base alliances for the sake of the rich dowries which they 
brought.! 

Through the blind devotion and munificence of princes and " 
nobles, monasteries, those nurseries of superstition and idleness, 
had greatly multiplied in the nation ; and though they had uni- 
versally degenerated, and were notoriously become the haunts 
of lewdness and debauchery, it was deemed impious and sacri- 
legious to reduce their number, abridge their privileges, or 
alienate their funds.§ The kingdom swarmed with ignorant, 

* One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When George Wish- 
art was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, archbishop ot* Glasgow, took posses- 
sion of the pulpit, in order to exclude the Reformer. Some of the more 
zealous hearers would have dispossessed the bishop, but Wishart would 
not suffer them. " The bishope preichit to his jackmen, and to some 
auld boisses of the toun. The soum of all his sermone was, They sey, 
we sould preiche: Quhy not] Better lait thryve nor nevir thryve. Had 
us still for your bishope, and we sail provyde better the next tyme." 
Knox, Histone, p. 44. 

| War not the preiching of the begging freiris, 
Tint war the faith among the seculeiris. 

Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101. 

\ Lord Hailes's Notes on Ancient Scottish Poems, pp. 249, 250, 297, 309. 
We need not appeal to the testimony of the reformers, nor to satirical 
poems published at that time, in proof of the extreme profligacy of the 
popish clergy. The truth is registered in the Acts of Parliament, and in 
the decrees of their own councils, (Wilkins, Concil. torn. iv. pp. Ifi — (it). 
Keith's Hist. pref. xiv. and p. 14,) in the records of legitimation. (Lord 
Hailes, ut supra, pp. 249, 250,) and in the confessions of their nun wri- 
ters. (Kennedy and Winzet, apud Keith, append. 202, 205 — 21)7. Lesley, 
Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie's True Information of the Unhallowed 
Offspring, &c. of our Scottish Calvinian Gospel, pp. 15,16; Wirtzburg, 
anno 1628.) 

*> In consequence of a very powerful confederacy against the religious 
knights, called Templars, and upon charges of the most flagjtious crimes, 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 27 

idle, luxurious monks, who, like locusts, devoured the fruits of 
the earth, and filled the air with pestilential infection ; with 
friars, white, black, and grey ; canons regular, and of St. 
Anthony ; Carmelites, Carthusians, Cordeliers, Dominicans, 
Franciscan Conventuals and Observantines, Jacobins, Premon- 
stratensians, monks of Tyrone, and of Vallis Caulium, and 
Hospitallers, or Holy Knights of St. John of Jerusalem ; nuns 
of St. Austin, St. Clair, St. Scholastica, and St. Catherine of 
Sienna, with canonesses of various clans.* 

The ignorance of the clergy respecting religion was as gross 
as the dissoluteness of their morals. Even bishops were not 
ashamed to confess that they were unacquainted with the canon 
of their faith, and had never read any part of the sacred Scrip- 
tures, except what they met with in their missals.t Under such 
masters the people perished for lack of knowledge. That book, 
which was able to make them wise unto salvation, and intended 
to be equally accessible to " Jew and Greek, Barbarian and 
Scythian, bond and free," was locked up from them, and the 
use of it in their own tongue prohibited under the heaviest 
penalties. The religious service was mumbled over in a dead 
language, which many of the priests did not understand, and 
some of them could scarcely read ; and the greatest care was 

that order was suppressed by a general council, anno 1312 ; but their pos- 
sessions were conferred upon another order of sacred knights. The pleni- 
tude of papal power was stretched to the very utmost, in this dread attempt : 
" Quanquam," says his holiness in the bull, "de jure non possumus, tamen 
ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus." Walsingham, 
Histor. Angl. p. 99. When the Gilbertine monks retired from Scotland, 
because the air of the country did not agree with them, their revenues 
were, upon their resignation, transferred to the monastery of Paisley. 
Keith's Scottish Bishops, p. 266. 

* See Note F. 

| Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chalmers's Lyndsay, ii. 62, 63, 64. 
Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, p. 30. Sir Ralph 
Sadler's testimony to he clergy, as the only men of learning about the court 
of James V. may seet \ to contradict what I have asserted. But Sndler 
speaks of their talents for political management, and in the same letter 
gives a proof of their ignorance in other respects. The clergy, at that 
time, made law their principal study, and endeavoured to qualify themselves 
for offices of State. This, however, engaged their whole attention, and 
they were grossly ignorant in their own profession. Sadler's State Papers, 
i. 47, 48 ; Edin. 1809. Knox, Historie, p. 18. 

Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for Scotland, being 
obliged to say grace, at an entertainment which* he gave to the pope and 
cardinals in Rome, blundered so in his latinity, that his holiness and their 
eminences lost their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop, that he 
concluded the blessing by giving all the false carles to the devil, in nom- 
ine patris, Jilii et sancti spiritus ; to which the company, not understanding 
his Scoto-Latin, said Amen. " The holy bishop," says Pitscottie, " was not 
a good scholar, and had not good Latin." History, p. 106 



/ 



lb LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

taken to prevent even catechisms, composed and approved by 
the clergy, from coming into the hands of the laity.* 

Scotland, from her local situation, had been less exposed to 
disturbance from the encroaching ambition, the vexatious 
exactions, and fulminating anathemas of the Vatican court, 
than the countries in the immediate vicinity of Rome. But 
from the same cause, it was more easy for the domestic clergy 
to keep up on the minds of the people that excessive veneration 
for the Holy See, which could not be long felt by those who 
had the opportunity of witnessing its vices and worldly politics.t 
The burdens which attended a state of dependence upon a 
remote foreign jurisdiction were severely felt. Though the 
popes did not enjoy the power of presenting to the Scottish pre- 
lacies, they wanted not numerous pretexts for interfering with 
them. The most important causes of a civil nature, which the 
ecclesiastical courts had contrived to bring within their juris- 
diction, were frequently carried to Rome. Large sums of 
money were annually exported out of the kingdom, for the 
confirmation of benefices, the conducting of appeals, and many 
other purposes ; in exchange for which were received leaden 
bulls, woollen palls, wooden images, old bones, and similar arti- 
cles of precious consecrated mummery 4 

Of the doctrine of Christianity almost nothing remained but 
the name. Instead of being directed to offer up their adora- 
tions to one God, the people were taught to divide them among 
an innumerable company of inferior divinities. A plurality of 
mediators shared the honour of procuring the divine favour 

* Wilkins, Concilia, torn. iv. 72. Lord Hailes's Provincial Councils 
of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36. 

f Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the advantage 
which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510, and used to say, that he 
would not exchange that journey for 1000 florins; so much did it con- 
tribute to open his eyes to the corruptions of the Romish Court, and to 
weaken his prejudices. Melchior. Adami, Vitse Germ. Theol. p. 104. 
Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, although weaker. John Rough, 
one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a similar way after visiting Rome. 
Fox, p. 1841. 

t Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons from going 
.0 Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was greatly on the increase 
•ibout the tir *. of the Reformation. 

It is schort time sen ony benefice 

Was sped«in Rome, except great bishoprics; 

But now, for ane unworthy vickarage, 

A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage. 

Ane cavill quhilk was never at thescule 

Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule: 

And syne come home with mony a colorit crack, 

With ane burdin of beneficis on his back. 

Chalmers's Lyndsay, ii. 60 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 29 

with the "one Mediator between God and man;" and nore 
petitions were presented to the Virgin Mary, and other saints, 
than to " Him whom the Father heareth always." The sacri- 
fice of the mass was represented as procuring forgiveness of 
sins to the living and the dead, to the infinite disparagement 
of the sacrifice by which Jesus Christ expiated sin and procured 
everlasting redemption ; and the consciences of men were with- 
drawn from faith in the merits of their Saviour to a delusiv( 
reliance upon priestly absolutions, papal pardons, and voluntary 
penances. Instead of being instructed to demonstrate the sin- 
cerity of their faith and repentance by forsaking their sins, and 
to testify their love to God and man by practising the duties of 
morality, and observing the ordinances of worship authorized 
by Scripture, they were taught that, if they regularly said their 
aves and credos, confessed themselves to a priest, punctually 
paid their tithes and church-offerings, purchased a mass, went 
in pilgrimage to the shrine of some celebrated saint, refrained 
from flesh on Fridays, or performed some other prescribed act 
of bodily mortification, their salvation was infallibly secured in 
due time : while those who were so rich and so pious as to 
build a chapel or an altar, and to endow it for the support of a 
priest, to perform masses, obits, and dirges, procured a relaxa- 
tion of the pains of purgatory for themselves or their relations, 
in proportion to the extent of their liberality. It is difficult for 
us to conceive how empty, ridiculous, and wretched those ha- 
rangues were which the mtonks delivered for sermons. Legen- 
dary tales concerning the founder of some religious order, his 
wonderful sanctity, the miracles which he performed, his com- 
bats with the devil, his watchings, fastings, flagellations ; the 
virtues of holy water, chrism, crossing, and exorcism ; the 
horrors of purgatory, and the numbers released from it by the 
intercession of some powerful saint ; these, with low jests, 
table-talk, and fireside scandal, formed the favourite topics of 
the preachers, and were served up to the people instead of the 
pure, salutary, and sublime doctrines of the Bible.* 

The beds of the dying were besieged, and their last moments 
disturbed, by avaricious priests, who laboured to extort be- 
quests to themselves or to the Church. Not satisfied with 
exacting tithes from the living, a demand was made upon the 
dead : no sooner had the poor husbandman breathed his last, 
than the rapacious vicar came and carried off his corpse-present, 
which he repeated as often as death visited the family.! Ec- 

* Knox, 14—16. Spotswood, 64, 69. Keith, append. 205. Dalyell's 
Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems of the Sixteenth Century, i. 
16—18. Chalmers's Lyndsay, i. 211. 

t See Note G. 
3* 



30 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

clesiastical censures were fulminated against those who were 
reluctant in making these payments, or who showed themselves 
disobedient to the clergy ; and, for a little money, they were 
prostituted on the most trifling occasions.* Divine service was 
neglected; and, except on festival days, the churches, in many 
parts of the country, were no longer employed for sacred pur- 
poses, but served as sanctuaries for malefactors, places of traffic, 
or resorts for pastime.t 

Persecution, and the suppression of free inquiry, were the 
only weapons by which its interested supporters were able to 
defend this system of corruption and imposture. Every avenue 
by which, truth might enter, was carefully guarded. Learning 
was branded as the parent of heresy. The most frightful pic- 
tures were drawn of those who had separated from the Romish 
Church, and held up before the eyes of the people, to deter 
them from imitating their example. If any person, who had 
attained a degree of illumination amidst the general darkness, 
began to hint dissatisfaction with the conduct of churchmen, 
and to propose the correction of abuses, he was immediately 
stigmatized as a heretic, and, if he did not secure his safety by 
flight, was immured in a dungeon, or committed to the flames. 
And when, at last, in spite of all their precautions, the light 
which was shining around did break in and spread through the 
nation, the clergy prepared to adopt the most desperate and 
bloody measures for its extinction. 

From this imperfect sketch of the state of religion in this 
country, we may see how false the representation is which 
some persons would impose on us ; as if popery were a system, 
erroneous, indeed, but purely speculative, superstitious but 
harmless, provided it had not been accidentally accompanied 
with intolerance and cruelty. The very reverse is the truth. 
It may be safely said, that there is not one of its erroneous 
tenets, or of its superstitious practices, which was not either 
originally contrived, or afterwards accommodated, to advance 
and support some practical abuse ; to aggrandize the ecclesias- 
tical order, secure to them immunity from civil jurisdiction, 
sanctify their encroachments upon secular authorities, vindi- 
cate their usurpations upon the consciences of men, cherish im- 
plicit obedience to the decisions of the Church, and extinguish 
free inquiry and liberal science. 

It was a system not more repugnant to the religion of the 
Bible, than incompatible with the legitimate rights of princes, 
and the independence, liberty, and prosperity of kingdoms , 
not more destructive to the souls of men, than to domestic and 

* Knox. Historie, p. 14. 

f Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, &c. i. 26. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 31 

social happiness, and the principles of sound morality Con- 
siderations from every quarter combined in calling alou for a 
radical and complete reform. The exertions of every ■ descrip- 
tion of persons, of the man of letters, the patriot, the prince, as 
well as the Christian, each acting in his own sphere for his own 
Interests, with the joint concurrence of all as in a common 
cause, were urgently required for extirpating abuses, of which 
all had reason to complain, and for effectuating a revolution, in 
the advantages of which all would participate. There was, 
however, no reasonable prospect of accomplishing this, without 
exposing, in the first place, the falsehood of those notions which 
have been called speculative. It was principally by means of 
these that superstition had established its empire over the minds 
of men ; behind them the Romish ecclesiastics had intrenched 
themselves and defended their usurped prerogatives and pos- 
sessions ; and had any prince or legislature endeavoured to de- 
prive them of these, while the great body of the people remained 
unenlightened, it would soon have been found that the attempt 
was premature in itself, and replete with danger to those by 
whom it was made. To the revival of the primitive doctrines 
and institutions of Christianity, by the preaching and writings 
of the reformers, and to those controversies by which the popish 
errors were confuted from Scripture, (for which many modern 
philosophers seem to have a thorough contempt), we are chiefly 
indebted for the overthrow of superstition, ignorance, and des- 
potism ; and in fact, all the blessings, political and religious, 
which we enjoy, may be traced to the Reformation from 
popery. 

How grateful should we be to Divine Providence for this 
happy revolution ! For those persons do but sport with their 
)wn imaginations, who natter themselves that it must have 
taken place in the ordinary course of human affairs, and over- 
look the many convincing proofs of the superintending direc- 
tion of superior wisdom in the whole combination of circum- 
stances which contributed to bring about the Reformation in 
this country, as well as throughout Europe. How much are we 
indebted to those men, who, under God, were the instruments 
in effecting it ; men who cheerfully hazarded their lives to 
achieve a design which involved the felicity of millions unborn ; 
who boldly attacked the system of error and corruption, though 
fortified by popular credulity, by custom, and by laws, fenced 
with the most dreadful penalties ; and who, having forced 
the stronghold of superstition, and penetrated the recesses of 
its temple, tore aside the veil that concealed the monstrous idol 
which the world had so long ignorantly worshipped, dissolved 
the spell by which the human mind was bound, and restored 
it to liberty ! How criminal must those be, who, sitting at ease 



32 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

under the vines and fig-trees, planted by the labours, and 
watered with the blood of these patriots, discover their dis 
esteem of the invaluable privileges which they inherit, or their 
ignorance of the expense at which they were purchased, by the 
most unworthy treatment of those to whom they owe them — 
misrepresent their actions, calumniate their motives, and load 
their memories with every species of abuse !* 

The reformed doctrine had made considerable progress in 
Scotland before it was embraced by Knox. Patrick Hamilton, 
a youth of royal lineage,! obtained the honour, not conferred 
upon many of his rank, of first announcing its glad tidings to 
his countrymen, and of sealing them with his blood. He was 
born in the year 1504; and being designed for the Church by 
his relations, the abbacy of Feme was conferred upon him in 
his childhood, according to a ridiculous custom which prevailed 
at that period. But, as early as the year 1526, and previous to 
the breach of Henry VIIJ. with the Romish see, a gleam of 
light was, by some unknown means,! imparted to his mind, 
amidst the darkness which brooded around him. His recom 
mendations of ancient literature, at the expense of the philoso 
phy which was then taught in the schools, and the free Ian 

* Patriots have toiled, and in their country's cause 
Bled nobly ; and their deeds, as they deserve, 

Receive proud recompense. 

But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid, 
To those who, posted at the shrine of truth, 

Have fallen in her defence. 

Yet few remember them. 

With their names 

No bard embalms and sanctifies his song : 
And history, so warm on meaner themes, 
Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed, 
The tyranny that doomed them to the fire, 
But gives the glorious sufferers little praise. 

Cowper, Task, Book V. 

In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the injustice which 
he so feelingly upbraids. While it is painful to think that other historians, 
since Hume, have exposed themselves to the same censure, it is peasant to 
reflect, that Cowper is not the only poet who has " sanctified," and, I trust, 
" embalmed his song," with the praises of these patriots. The reader will 
easily perceive that I refer to the author of The Sabbath. 

f His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was son of Lord Hamilton, 
who married a sister of King James III. His mother was a daughter of 
John Duke of Albany, brother to the same monarch. Pinkerton's Hist of 
Scotland, ii. 45, 46,289. 

t There was an act of Parliament, as early as 17th July 1525, prohibiting 
ships from bringing any books of Luther or his disciples into Scotland, which 
had always "bene clene of all sic filth and vice." Act. Pari. Scot. vol. ii. 
p. 295. This renders it highly probable that such books had already been 
introduced into this country. 



•LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 33 

guage which he used in speaking of the corruptions ci the 
Church, had already drawn upon him the suspicions ot the 
clergy, when he resolved to leave Scotland, and to improvt his 
mind hy travelling on the Continent. He set out with three 
attendants, and, attracted by the fame of Luther, repaired to 
Wittemberg. iAither and Melancthon were highly pleased 
with his zeal ; and, after retaining him a short time with them, 
they recommended him to the university of Marburg. This 
university was newly erected by that enlightened prince, Philip, 
Landgrave of Hesse, who had placed at its head the learned 
and pious Francis Lambert of Avignon. Lambert, who had 
left his native country, and sacrificed a lucrative situation, from 
love to the reformed religion, conceived a strong attachment to 
the young Scotsman, who imbibed his instructions with extra- 
ordinary avidity. While he was daily advancing in acquaint- 
ance with the Scriptures, Hamilton was seized with an uncon- 
querable desire of imparting to his countrymen the know- 
ledge which he had acquired. In vain did Lambert represent 
to him the dangers to which he would be exposed ; his deter 
mination was fixed ; and taking along with him a single atten 
dant, he left Marburg, and returned to Scotland.* 

The clergy did not allow him long time to disseminate his 
opinions. Pretending to wish a free conference with him, they 
decoyed him to St. Andrews, where he was thrown into prison 
by Archbishop Bcatoun, and committed to the flames on the 
last day of February 1528, and in the twenty-fourth year of 
his age. On his trial he defended his opinions with firmness, 
yet with great modesty; and the mildness, patience, and forti- 
tude, which he displayed at the stake, -equalled those of the 
first martyrs of Christianity. He expired with these words in 
his mouth : " How long, Lord, shall darkness cover this 
realm ! How long wilt thou suffer this tyranny of men ! Lord 
Jesus, receive my spirit !"t " The murder of Hamilton," says 
a modern historian,! " was afterwards avenged in the blood of 
the nephew and successor of his persecutor;" and the flames 
in which he expired were, " in the course of one generation, 
to enlighten all Scotland, and to consume, with avenging fury, 
the Catholic superstition, the papal power, and the prelacy 
itself." 

The good effects which resulted from the martyrdom of 

* F. Lamberti Avenionensis Comment, in Apocalypsin, prasfat. anno 152R. 

f Lambert, ut supra. Bezse Icones Ff j. Fox, 888. Knox, 4—6. Lind- 
say of Pitcottie's History of Scotland, pp. 133—5; Edin. 1728. This last 
author gives a very interesting account of Hamilton's trial, but he is wrong 
as to the year of his martyrdom. 

I Pinkerton. 

E 



34 LIFE OF JO U N KNOX. • 

Hamilton soon began to appear. Many of the learned, as we 1 . 
as of the common people, in St. Andrews, beheld with deep 
interest the cruel death of a person of rank, and could not 
refrain from admiring the heroism with which he endured it. 
This excited inquiry into the opinions for which he suffered, 
and the result of inquiry, in many cases, was a conviction of 
their truth. Gawin Logie, principal of St. Leonard's College, 
was so successful in instilling them into the minds of the stu- 
dents under his care, that it became proverbial to say of any 
one who was suspected of Lutheranism, that he "had drunk 
of St. Leonard's well."* Under the connivance of John Win- 
ram, the snbprior, they also secretly spread among the novici- 
ates of the abbey.t 

These sentiments were not long confined to St. Andrews, 
and everywhere persons were to be found who held that Pat- 
rick Hamilton had died a martyr. Alarmed at the progress 
of the new opinions, the clergy adopted the most rigorous 
measures for tljeir extirpation. Strict inquisition was made 
after heretics ; the flames of persecution were kindled in all 
quarters of the country; and, from 1530 to 1540, many inno- 
cent and excellent men suffered the most inhuman death.} 
Henry Forrest, David Straiton, Norman Gourlay, Jerom Rus- 
sel, Kennedy, Kyllor, Beveridge, Duncan Sympson, Robert 
Forrester, and Thomas Forrest, were the names of those early 
martyrs, whose sufferings deserve a more conspicuous place 
than can be given to them in these pages. A few, whose 
constancy was overcome by the horrors of the stake, purchased 
their lives by abjuring their opinions. Numbers made their 
escape to England and the Continent ; among whom were the 
following learned men, Gawin Logie, Alexander Seatoun, 
Alexander Aless, John Macbee, John Fife, John Macdowal, 
John Macbray, George Buchanan, James Harrison, and 
Robert Richardson. § Few of these exiles afterwards returned 
to their native country. England, Denmark, Germany, France, 
and even Portugal, offered an asylum to them ; and foreign 
universities and schools enjoyed the benefit of those talents 
which their bigoted countrymen were incapable of appreciating. 
To maintain their authority, and to preserve those corruptions 
from which they derived their wealth, the clergy would wil- 
lingly have driven into banishment all the learned men in the 
kingdom, and quenched forever the light of science in Scotland. 

* Cald. MS. i. 69. 

f In 1546, Winram having' spoken to the bishops in favour of George 
VVishart, Cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying, " Well, sir, and you, we 
.know what a man you are, seven years ago." Pitscottie, 189. 

t See Note H. $ See Note I. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 35 

Various causes contributed to prevent these measures from 
arresting the progress of the truth. Among these, the first 
place is unquestionably due to the circulation of the Scriptures 
in the vulgar language. Against this the patrons of ignorance 
had endeavoured to guard with the utmost jealousy. But 
when the desire of knowledge has once been excited among a 
people, they easily contrive methods of eluding the vigilance 
of those who would prevent them from gratifying it. By means 
of merchants who traded from England and the Continent to 
the ports of Leith, Dundee, and Montrose, Tindall's translations 
of the Scriptures, with many Protestant books, were imported. 
These were consigned to persons of tried principles and pru- 
dence, who circulated them in private with great industry 
One copy of the Bible, or of the New Testament, supplied sev- 
eral families. At the dead hour of night, when others were 
asleep, they assembled in a private house ; the sacred volume 
was brought from its concealment, and while one read, the rest 
listened with mute attention. In this way the knowledge 
of the Scriptures Avas diffused, at a period when it does not 
appear that, there was a single public teacher of the truth in 
Scotland.* 

Nor must we overlook another means which operated very 
extensively in alienating the public mind from the established 
religion. Those who have investigated the causes which led 
to the Reformation on the Continent, have ascribed a consider- 
able share of influence to the writings of the poets and satirists 
of the age. Poetry has charms for persons of every descrip- 
tion ; and in return for the pleasure which it affords them, 
mankind have in all ages been disposed to allow a greater lib- 
erty to poets than to any other class of writers. Strange as it 
may appear, the poets who flourished before the Reformation 
used very great freedom with the Church, and there were not 
wanting many persons of exalted rank who encouraged them 
in this species of composition. The same individuals who were 
reaiy, at the call of the pope and clergy, to undertake a crusade 
for extirpating heresy, entertained poets who inveighed against 
the abuses of the court of Rome, and lampooned the religious 
orders. One day they assisted at an auto-da-fe, in which her- 
etics were committed to the flames for the preservation of the 
Catholic Church ; next day they were present at the acting of 
a pantomime or a play, in which the ministers of that Church 
were held up to ridicule. Intoxicated with power, and lulled 
asleep by indolence, the clergy had either overlooked these 
attacks, or treated them with contempt ; it was only from ex- 

* Wodrow's MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2. Caldervvood's MS. 
Hist, of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 35. Knox, Historic, p. 22 



36 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

perience that they learned their injurious tendency , and before 
they made the discovery, the practice had become so common 
that it could no longer be restrained. This weapon was wield- 
ed with much success by the friends of the reformed doctrine in 
Scotland. Some of their number had acquired great celebrity 
among their countrymen as poets ; and others, who could not 
lay claim to high poetical merit, possessed a talent for wit and 
humour. They employed themselves in writing satires, in 
which the ignorance, the negligence, and the immorality, of the 
clergy were stigmatized, and the absurdities and superstitions 
of the popish religion exposed to ridicule. These poetical 
effusions were easily committed to memory, and were circu- 
lated without the intervention of the press, which was at that 
time entirely under the control of the bishops. An attack still 
more bold was made upon the Church. Dramatic composi- 
tions, partly written in the same strain, were repeatedly acted 
in the presence of the royal family, the nobility, and vast 
assemblies of people, to the great mortification, and the still 
greater disadvantage, of the clergy. The bishops repeatedly 
procured the enactment of laws against the circulation of sedi- 
tious rhymes and blasphemous ballads : but metrical epistles, 
moralities, and psalms, in the Scottish language, continued to 
be read with avidity, notwithstanding prohibitory statutes and 
legal prosecutions." 

In the year 1540, the reformed doctrine could number among 
its converts, besides a multitude of the common people, man)' 
persons of rank and external respectability : among whom were 
William, Earl of Glencairn ; his son Alexander, Lord Ki-J- 
maurs ; William, Earl of Errol ; William, Lord Ruthven ; his 
daughter Lilias, wife of the Master of Drummond ; John 
Stewart, son of Lord Methven ; Sir James Sandilands, Sir 
David Lindsay, Campbell of Cesnock, Erskine of Dun, Melville 
of Raith, Balnaves of Halhill, Straiton of Laurieston, with Wil- 
liam Johnston, and Robert Alexander, advocates.t The early 
period at which they were enrolled as friends to the Reforma- 
tion, renders these names more worthy of consideration. It 
has often been alleged that the desire of sharing in the rich 
spoils of the Popish Church, together with the intrigues of the 
Court of England, engaged the Scottish nobles en the side of 
the Reformed religion. At a later period, there is reason to 
think that this allegation was not altogether groundless. But 
at the time of which we now speak, the prospect of overturning 
the Established Church was too distant and uncertain to induce 
persons, who had no higher motive than to gratify avarice, to 

* See Note K. 

1 Cald. MS. i. 103. 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 37 

take a step by which they exposed their lives and fortunes to 
the m jst imminent hazard ; nor had the English monarch yet 
extended his influence in Scotland by those arts of political 
intrigue which he afterwards employed. 

During the two last years of the reign of James V. the num- 
bers of the reformed rapidly increased. Twice did the clergy 
attempt to cut them off by a desperate blow. They presented 
to the king a list, containing the names of some hundreds, pos- 
sessed of property and wealth, whom they denounced as here- 
tics ; and endeavoured to procure his consent to their condemn- 
ation, by flattering him with the immense riches which would 
accrue to him from the forfeiture of their estates. When this 
proposal was first made to him, James rejected it with strong 
marks of displeasure ; but so violent was the antipathy which 
he at last conceived against his nobility, and so much did he 
fall under the influence of the clergy, that it is highly probable 
he would have yielded to the solicitations of the latter, if the 
disgraceful issue of an expedition, which they had instigated 
him to undertake against the English, had not impaired his 
reason, and put an end to his unhappy life on the 1 3th of 
December, 1542.* 

* Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscoltie, 164. Keith, 22. Sir James 
Melvil's Memoirs, 2 — 4, Lond. 1683. Knox says, that the roll contained 
" mo than ane hundreth landit men, besides utheris of meener degre, 
amongis quhome was the Lord Hamiltoun, then second persoun in the realme." 
Sadler says, " eighteen score noblemen and gentlemen, all well minded to 
God's word, which then they durst not avow ;" among whom was the Earl 
of Arran, the Earl of Cassils, and the Earl Marishal. Pitscottie says, 
" seventeen score ;" but he includes in hie account not only " earls, lords, 
barons, gentlemen," but also " honest burgesses and craftsmen." 
4 



38 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD II. 

FROM THE YEAR 1542, WHEN HE EMBRACED THE REFORMED RELI 
GION, TO THE YEAR 1549, WHEN HE WAS RELEASED FROM THE 
FRENCH GALLEYS. 

While this fermentation of opinion was spreading through the 
nation, Knox, from the state of his mind, could not remain 
long unaffected. The reformed doctrines had been imbibed by 
several persons of his acquaintance, and they were the topic of 
common conversation and dispute among the learned and 
inquisitive at the university.* His change of views first dis- 
covered itself in his philosophical lectures, in which he began 
to forsake the scholastic path, and to recommend to his pupils 
a more rational and. useful method of study. Even this inno- 
vation excited against him violent suspicions of heresy, which 
were confirmed when he proceeded to reprehend, the corruptions 
that prevailed in the Church. He was then teaching at St. 
Andrews ; but it was impossible for him to remain long in a 

* The progress of opinion in Scotland, and the jealous measures adopted 
for checking it, may be traced in the variations introduced into the Act of 
Parliament, 17th of July, 1525, " For eschewing of Heresy," as these are 
marked in the original record. The act, as originally drawn, in prohibiting 
the rehearsing of, or disputing about, the heresies of Luther, or his disci- 
ples, has this exception; "gif (i. e. unless) it be to the confusion thairof;" 
but this being thought too loose, the following clause is added on the mar- 
gin, "and that be clerkis in the sculis alenarlie." According to the tenor 
of the act, when passed in 1525, " na maner of persoun, strangear, that 
happenis to arrive with thare schip within ony part of this realme, bring 
with thame any bukis or workis of the said Luther, his discipulis, or eer- 
vandis, disputis or rehersis his heresies, &c. under the pane of escheting 
of thare schipis and guidis, and putting of thaire personis in presoun." 
But in 1527, the chancellor and lords of council added this clause : " ;uid 
all uther the kingis liegis assistaris to sic opunyeons be punist in sensible 
wise, and the effect of the said act to straik upon thaim." From this it 
appears that, in 1525, Protestant books and opinions were circulated by 
strangers only, who came into Scotland for the purpose of trade ; but that, 
in 1527, it was found necessary to extend the penalties of the act to na- 
tives of the kingdom. Both these additions were embodied in the act, as 
renewed 12th June, 1535. Acta Parliamentorum Scotiap, vol. ii. p. 295, 
341, 342, published by the authority of his Majesty's Commissioners on 
the Public Records of the Kingdom. This highly valuable and accurate 
work will afterwards be referred to under the title of Act. Pari. Scot. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 39 

town which was wholly under the power of Carcinal Leatoun, 
the chief supporter of the Romish Church, and a determined 
enemy to all reform. Accordingly, he left that place, and re- 
tired to the south of Scotland, where he avowed his belief of 
the Protestant doctrine. Provoked by his defection, and 
alarmed lest he should draw others after him, the clergy were 
anxious to rid themselves of such an adversary. Having 
passed sentence against him as a heretic, and degraded him 
from the priesthood, the cardinal employed assassins to waylay 
him, by whose hands he must have fallen, had not Providence 
placed him under the protection of Douglas of Langniddrie.* 

The change produced in the political state of the kingdom 
by the death of James V. had great influence upon the Refor- 
mation. After a bold but unsuccessful attempt by Cardinal 
Beatoun to secure to himself the government during the minority 
of the infant queen, the Earl of Arran was peaceably estab- 
lished in the regency. Arran had formerly shewn himself 
attached to the reformed doctrines, and he was now surrounded 
with counsellors who were of the same principles. • Henry 
VIII. laid hold of this opportunity for accomplishing his 
favourite measure of uniting the two crowns, and eagerly 
pressed a marriage between his son Edward, and Mary, the 
young Queen of Scots. Notwithstanding the determined oppo- 
sition of the whole body of the clergy, the Scottish Parliament 
agreed to the match ; commissioners were sent into England 
to settle the terms ; and the contract of marriage was drawn 
out, subscribed, and ratified, by all the parties. But, through 
the intrigues of the cardinal and queen-mother, the fickleness 
and timidity of the regent, and the violence of the English 
monarch, the treaty, after proceeding thus far, was broken off; 
and Arran not only renounced connection with England, but 
abjured the reformed religion publicly in the church of Stirling. 
The Scottish queen was soon after betrothed to the dauphin 
of France, and sent into that kingdom ; a measure which, at a 
subsequent period, nearly accomplished the ruin of the inde- 
pendence of Scotland, and the extirpation of the Protestant 
religion. 

The Reformation had, however, made very considerable pro- 
gress during the short time that it was patronized by the regent. 
In 1542, the Parliament passed an act, declaring it lawful for 
all the subjects to read the Scriptures in the vulgar language. 
This act, which was proclaimed in spite of the protestations of 
the bishops, was a signal triumph of truth over error.t For- 

* Bezse Icones, Ee. iij. 

\ Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 415, 425. Sadler's Letters, i. 33. Crawfiird's Offi- 
cers of State, 77, 4t8. Keith, 36, 37. 



40 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

nierly, it was reckoned a crime to look on the sacred books ; 
now, to read them was safe, and even the way to honour. The 
Bible was to be seen on every gentleman's table ; the New 
Testament was almost in every one's hands.* Hitherto, the 
Reformation had been advanced by books imported from Eng- 
land ; but now the errors of popery were attacked in publica- 
tions which issued from the Scottish press. The reformed 
preachers, whom the regent had chosen as chaplains, dissemi- 
nated their doctrines throughout the kingdom, and, under the 
sanction of his authority, made many converts from the Roman 
Catholic faith.t 

One of these preachers deserves particular notice here, as it 
was by means of his sermons that Knox first perceived the 
beauty of evangelical truth, and had deep impressions of reli- 
gion made upon his heart.J Thomas Guillaume, or Williams, 
was born at Athelstoneford, a village in East Lothian, and had 
entered into the order of Black Friars, or Dominican monks, 
among whom he rose to great eminence. § But having em- 
braced the sentiments of the reformers, he threw off the monk- 
ish habit. His learning and elocution recommended him to 
Arran and his Protestant counsellors ; and he was much 
esteemed by the people as a clear expositor of Scripture. When 
the regent began to waver in his attachment to the Reforma- 
tion, Guillaume was dismissed from the court, and retired into 
England, after which I do not find him noticed in history. 

But the person to whom our Reformer was most indebted, 
was George Wishart, a brother of the laird of Pittarrow in 
Mearns. Being driven into banishment by the Bishop of 
Brechin, for teaching the Greek Testament in Montrose, he 
had resided for some years at the university of Cambridge. In 
the year 1544, he returned to his native country, in the com- 
pany of the commissioners who had been sont to negotiate a 
treaty with Henry VIII. of England. Seldom do we meet, in 
ecclesiastical history, with a character so amiable and interest- 
ing as that of George Wishart. Excelling all his countrymen 
at that period in learning, of the most persuasive eloquence, 
irreproachable in life, courteous and affable in manners, his 
fervent piety, zeal, and courage in the cause of truth, were 
tempered with uncommon meekness, modesty, patience, jiru- 



* Knox, 34. t Ibid. 33, 34. 

| Life of Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformation, anno 1644. 

'q Cald. MS. i. 118. Calderwood says, that he was provincial of theordei 
of Dominicans, or black Friars, in Scotland. But a late author informs as, 
that the chartulary of the Black Friars' monastery at Perth mentions John 
Grierson as having been provincial from the year 1525 to the time of the 
Reformation. Scott's History of the Reformers, p. 96. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 41 

dence, and charity.* In his tour of preaching through Scot- 
land, he was usually accompanied by some of the principal 
gentry ; and the people, who flocked to hear him, were rav- 
ished with his discourses. To this teacher Knox attached him- 
self, and profited greatly by his sermons and private instruc- 
tions. During the last visit which Wishart paid to Lothian, 
Knox waited constantly on his person, and bore the sword, 
which was carried before him, from the time that an attempt 
was made to assassinate him in Dundee. Wishart was highly 
pleased with the zeal of his faithful attendant, and seems to 
have presaged his future usefulness, at the same time that he 
'aboured under a strong presentiment of his own approaching 
martyrdom. On the night on which he was apprehended by 
Bothwell at the instigation of the cardinal, he directed the 
sword to be taken from Knox ; and, on the latter insisting for 
liberty to accompany him to Ormiston, the martyr dismissed 
him with this reply, " Nay, return to your bairnes," (meaning 
his pupils,) " and God bless you : ane is sufficient for a 
sacrifice." 

Having relinquished all thoughts of officiating in that Church 
which had invested him with clerical orders, Knox had entered 
as tutor into the family of Hugh Douglas of Langniddrie, a 
gentleman in East Lothian, who had embraced the reformed 
doctrines. John Cockburn of Ormiston, a neighbouring gentle- 
man of the same persuasion, also put his son under his tuition. 
These young men were instructed by him in the principles of 
religion, as well as in the learned languages. He managed 
their religious instruction in such a way as to allow the rest of 
the family, and the people of the neighbourhood, to reap ad- 
vantage from it. He catechized them publicly in a chapel at 
Langniddrie, in which he also read, at stated times, a chapter 
of the Bible, accompanied with explanatory remarks. The 
memory of this fact has been preserved by tradition, and the 
chapel, the ruins of which are still apparent, is popularly called 
John Knox's Kirk.t 

It was not to be expected that he would be suffered long to 
continue this employment, under a government which was now 
entirely at the devotion of Cardinal Beatoun, who had gained a 
complete ascendant over the mind of the timid and irresolute 
regent. But, in the midst of his cruelties, and while he was 
planning still more desperate deeds,J the cardinal was himself 

* See Note L. 

f Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 526. comp. Knox, Historie, 67. 

\ In his progress through the kingdom with the governor, he instigated nun 
•' to hang (at Perth) four honest men, for eating of a goose on Friday ; and 
irowned a young woman, because she refused to pray to our lady in her 
4* F 






42 L I F E O F J O II N KNOX. 

suddenly cut off. A conspiracy was formed against his life, 
and a small but determined band (some of whom seem to have 
been instigated by resentment for private injuries, and the influ- 
ence of the English court, others animated by a desire to 
revenge his cruelties, and deliver their country from bis oppres- 
sion) seized upon the castle of St. Andrews, in which he resided, 
and put him to death, on the 29th of May, 1.5 16. 

The death of Beatoun did not, however, free Knox from per- 
secution. John Hamilton, an illegitimate brother of the regent, 
who was nominated to the vacant bishopric, sought his life with 
as great eagerness as his predecessor. He was obliged to con- 
ceal himself, and to remove from place to place, to provide for 
his safety. Wearied with this mode of living, and apprehen- 
sive that he would some day fall into the hands of his enemies. 
he came to the resolution of leaving Scotland. 

England presented the readiest and most natural sanctuary 
to those who were persecuted by the Scottish prelates. But, 
though they usually fled to that kingdom in the first instance, 
they did not find their situation comfortable, and the greater 
part, after a short residence there, proceeded to the Continent. 
Henry VIII., from motives which, to say the least, were highly 
suspicious, had renounced subjection to the Roman see, and 
compelled his subjects to follow his example. He invested 
himself with the ecclesiastical supremacy, within his own 
dominions, which he had wrested from the Bishop of Rome ; 
and in the arrogant and violent exercise of that power, the 
English pope was scarcely exceeded by any of the pretended 
successors of St. Peter. Having signalized himself at a former 
period as a literary champion against Luther, he was anxious 
to demonstrate that his breach with the court of Rome, had not 
alienated him from the Catholic faith ; and he would suffer 
none to proceed a step beyond the narrow and capricious line 
of reform which he was pleased to prescribe. Hence, the 
motley system of religion which he established, and the contra- 
dictory measures by which it was supported. Statutes against 
the authority of the pope, and against the tenets of Luther, 
were enacted in the same parliament ; and Papists and Protes- 
tants were alternately brought to the same stake. The Protes- 
tants in Scotland were universally dissatisfied with this bastard 
reformation, a circumstance which had contributed not a little 
to cool their zeal for the lately proposed alliance with England. 
Sir Ralph Sadler, his ambassador, found hims If in a very 

birth." Pitscottie, 188. Knox says, that the woman, " having 1 an souckin^ 
jabe upon hir briest, was drounit." Historic, 40. Petrie's History of tii> 
Church of Scotland, part ii. p. 18;?. He had planned the destruction of the 
principal gentlemen of Fife, as appeared from documents found after his 
death. Knox, 63, 04. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 43 

awkward predicament on this account ; for the Pa ists were 
offended because he had gone so far from Rome, the Protes- 
tants because he had gone no further. The latter disrelished, 
in particular, the restrictions which he had imposed upon the 
reading and interpretation of the Scriptures, and which he urged 
the regent to imitate in Scotland. And they had no desire for 
the king's book, of which Sadler was furnished with copies to 
distribute, and which lay as a drug upon his hands.* 

On these accounts Knox had no desire to go to England, 
where, although " the pope's name was suppressed, his laws 
and corruptions remained in full vigour."! His determination 
was to visit Germany, and to prosecute his studies in some of 
the Protestant universities, until he should see a favourable 
change in the state of his native country. But the lairds of 
Langniddrie and Ormiston, who were extremely reluctant to 
part with him, prevailed on him to relinquish his design, and 
to repair, along with their sons, to the castle of St. Andrews.^: 

The conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun kept possession 
of the castle after his death. The regent had assembled an 
army and laid siege to it, from a desire not so much to avenge 
the murder of the cardinal, at whose fall he secretly rejoiced, 
as to comply with the importunity of the clergy, and to release 
his eldest son, who had been retained by Beatoun as a pledge 
of his father's fidelity, and had now fallen into the hands of the 
conspirators. But the besieged, having obtained assistance 
from England, baffled all his skill ; and a treaty was at last 
concluded, by which they engaged to deliver up the castle to 
the regent, upon his procuring to them from Rome a pardon 
for the cardinal's murder. The pardon was obtained ; but the 
conspirators, alarmed, or affecting to be alarmed, at the contra- 
dictory terms in which it was expressed, refused to perform 
their stipulation, and the regent felt himself unable, without 
foreign aid, to enforce a compliance. In this interval, a number 
of persons who were harassed for their attachment to the re- 



* Sadler's State Papers, i. 264, 265, comp. p. 128. Sir John Borthwick 
(who fled to England in the year 1540) ridicules the Scottish clergy for 
making it an article of accusation against him, that he had approved of " all 
those heresies, commonly called the heresies of England ;" " Because," 
says he, " what religion at. that time was used in England, the like the whole 
realm of Scotland did embrace ; in this point only the Englishmen differed 
from the Scottes, that they had cast off the yoke of Antichrist, the other not. 
Idols were worshipped of both nations ; the prophanating of the supper and 
baptisme was like unto them both. — Truly, it is most false that I had sub- 
scribed unto such kinde of heresies." Fox, 1149, 1150. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 67. 1 Ibid. 



44 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

formed sentiments, repaired to the castle where they enjoyed 
the free exercise of their religion.* 

Writers, unfriendly to Knox, have endeavoured to fix an 
accusation upon him respecting the assassination of Cardinal 
Beatoun. Some have ignorantly asserted, that he was one of 
the conspirators.! Others, better informed, have argued that 
he made himself accessory to their crime, by taking shelter 
among them.± With more plausibility, others have appealed 
to his writings, as a proof that he vindicated the deed of the 
conspirators as laudable, or at least innocent. I know that 
some of Knox's vindicators have denied this charge, and main- 
tain that he justified it only so far as it was the work of God, 
or a just retribution in Providence for the crimes of which the 
cardinal had been guilty, without approving the conduct of 
those who were the instruments of punishing him.§ The just 
judgment of Heaven is, I acknowledge, the chief thing to which 
he directs the attention of his readers ; at the same time, I think 
no one who carefully reads what he has written on this subject, 
can doubt that he justified the action of the conspirators.|| The 
truth is, he held the opinion, that persons who, according to the 
law of God, and the just laws of society, have forfeited their 
lives by the commission of flagrant crimes, such as notorious 
murderers and tyrants, may warrantably be put to death by 
private individuals, provided all redress, in the ordinary course 
of justice, is rendered impossible, in consequence of the offen- 
ders having usurped the executive authority, or being system- 
atically protected by oppressive rulers. This is an opinion of 

* Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 471, 477—9. Keith, ?0, 51. Kiiox, 66, 67. Bu- 
chanan, i. 290. 

f This is done in a hook entitled, " The image of both Churches, Hie- 
rusalem and Babell, Unitie and Confusion, Obedience and Sedition, by P. 
D. M." (supposed to be Sir Tobie Matthews) pp. 139, 140, Torney, 1623. 
In p. 136, the author says, " Yet there is one aduise of Knox which is 
to be recorded with admiration, « It wear good, that rewards wear pub- 
licklie appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for those 
that kill wolfs.' " In proof of this he refers to Knox's Historie, p. 372. 
The reader who chooses to give himself the trouble, will probably search 
in vain (as I have done) for such a sentiment, either in that or in any other 
part of the History. 

X " Quorum se societate, non multo post, implicaret Joannes Knoxus, 
Calvinistarum minister, qui se evangelicce perfectionis cumulum assecu- 
tum non arbitrabatur nisi in cardinalis ac sacerdotis sanguine ac caede 
triumphasset." Leslseus de rebus gestis Scotorum, lib. x. The bishop 
should have recollected, that the violence of his popish brethren drove 
" the Calvinistic minister" to this " pinnacle of evangelical perfection." 

5 Principal Baillie s Historical Vindication of the Government of the 
Church of Scotland, p. 42. A. 1646. Cald. MS. ad an. 1590. 

II IPstorie, 83. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 45 

the same kind with that of tyrannicide, held by so many of the 
ancients, and defended by Buchanan, in his dialogue, De jure 
regni apud Scotos. It is a principle, I confess, of very dange- 
rous application, and extremely liable to be abused by factious, 
fanatical, and desperate men, as a pretext for perpetrating the 
most nefarious deeds. It would be unjust, however, on this 
account, to confound it with the principle, which, by giving to 
individuals a liberty to revenge their own quarrels, legitimates 
assassination, a practice which was exceedingly common in 
that age. I may add, that there have been instances of persons, 
not invested with public authority, taking the execution of 
punishment into their own hands, whom we may scruple to 
load with an aggravated charge of murder, although we cannot 
approve of their conduct.* 

Knox entered the castle of St. Andrews at the time of Easter, 
1547, and conducted the education of his pupils after his accus- 
tomed manner. In the chapel within the castle, he read to 
them lectures upon the Scriptures, beginning at the place in the 
Gospel according to John, where he had left off at Langnid- 
drie ; and he catechized them publicly in the parish-church 
belonging to the city. Among the refugees in the castle who 
attended these exercises, and who had not been concerned in 
the conspiracy against Beatoun,t there were three persons who 
deserve to be particularly noticed. 

Sir David Lindsay of the Mount, Lyon King at Arms, had 
been a favourite at the court both of James IV., and of his son 
James V. He was esteemed one of the first poets of the age, 
and his writings had contributed greatly to the advancement of 
the Reformation. Notwithstanding the indelicacy which dis- 
figures several of his poetical productions,! the personal deport- 
ment of Lindsay was grave, his morals were correct, and his 
writings discover a strong desire to reform the manners of the 
age, as well as ample proofs of true poetical genius, extensive 
learning, and wit the most keen and penetrating. He had long 
lashed the vices of the clergy, and exposed the absurdities and 
superstitions of popery, in the most popular and poignant 
satires, being protected by James V., who retained a strong 
attachment to the companion of his early sports, and the poet 

* See Note M. 

f Spotswood says, that " seven-score persons entered into the castle the 
day after the slaughter" of the cardinal. History, p. 84. 

| The coarseness of the age, and the strong temptation which he was 
under to gratify a voluptuous prince, will not excuse the gross indelica- 
cies of Lindsay ; and still less will the desire of preserving the ancient 
dialect of Scotland, and of gratifying an antiquarian passion, apologize 
for giving to the modern public a complete edition of his works, accom- 
panied with a glossary and explanatory notes. 



46 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

who had often amused his leisure hours. After the death of 
that monarch, he entered zealously into the measures pursued 
by the Earl of Arran at the commencement of his government ; 
and when the regent dismissed his reforming counsellors, Sir 
David was left exposed to the vengeance of the clergy, who 
could never forgive the injuries which they had received from 
his pen.* 

Henry Balnaves of Halhill had raised himself, by his talents 
and probity, from an obscure situation to the highest honours 
of the state, and was justly regarded as one of the principal 
ornaments of the reformed cause in Scotland. Descended from 
poor parents in the town of Kirkaldy, he travelled, when only 
a boy, to the Continent, and hearing of a free school in Cologne, 
he gained admission to it, and received a liberal education, 
together with instruction in the principles of the Protestant 
religion. Returning to his native country, he applied himself 
to the study of law, and practised for some time before the 
consistorial court of St. Andrews.! - Notwithstanding the jeal- 
ousy of the clergy, his reputation daily increased, and he at 
length obtained a seat in parliament, and in the court of ses- 
sion.:]: James V. employed him in managing public affairs of 
great importance ; and at the beginning of Arran's regency, he 
was made secretary of state. The active part which he at that 
time took in the measures for promoting the Reformation, ren- 
dered him peculiarly obnoxious to the administration which suc- 
ceeded, and obliged him to seek shelter within the walls of the 
castle. § 

John Rough having conceived a disgust at being deprived 
of some property to which he thought himself entitled, had left 
his parents, and entered a monastery in Stirling, when he was 
only seventeen years of age.|| During the time that the light 
of divine truth was spreading through the nation, and pene- 
trating even the recesses of cloisters, he had felt its influence, 
and became a convert to the reformed sentiments. The repu- 
tation which he had gained as a preacher was such, that in 
the year 1543, the Earl of Arran procured a dispensation for 
his leaving the monastery, and appointed him one of his chap- 
lains. Upon the apostasy of Arran from the reformed religion, 



* Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi : Auctore Johin. Johnstono 
Abredonense Scoto, pp. 27, 28. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603, 4to. Chal- 
mers's Life of Lindsay, Works, vol. i. 

t Cald. MS. i. 119. 

\ Lord Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 2. Act. Pari. 
Scot. ii. 333. 

\ Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 409. Sadler's State Papers, i. 83. Knox, 35. 

|| Fox, p. 1810. He was born A. D. 1510. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 4? 

iie letired first into Kyle, and afterwards into the castle of St. 
Andrews, where he was chosen preacher to the garrison.* 

These persons were so much pleased with Knox's talents, 
and his manner of teaching his pupils, that they urged him 
strongly to preach in public, and to become colleague to Rough. 
But he resisted all their solicitations, assigning as his reason, 
that he did not consider himself as having a call to this employ- 
ment, and would not be guilty of intrusion. They did not, 
however, desist from their purpose ; but having consulted with 
their brethren, came to a resolution without his knowledge, 
that a call should be publicly given him, in the name of the 
whole, to become one of their ministers. 

Accordingly, on a day fixed for the purpose, Rough preached 
a sermon on the election of ministers, in which he declared the 
power which a congregation, however small, had over any one 
in whom they perceived gifts suited to the office, and how 
dangerous it was for such a person to reject the call of those 
who desired instruction. Sermon being concluded, the preacher 
turned to Knox, who was present, and addressed him in these 
words : " Brother, you shall not be offended, although I speak 
unto you that which I have in charge, even from all those that 
are here present, which is this : In the name of God and of his 
Son, Jesus Christ, and in the name of all that presently call you 
by my mouth, I charge you that you refuse not this holy voca- 
tion, but, as you tender the glory of God, the increase of Christ's 
kingdom, the edification of your brethren, and the comfort of 
me, whom you understand well enough to be oppressed by the 
multitude of labours, that you take the public office and charge 
of preaching, even as you look to avoid God's heavy displea- 
sure, and desire that he shall multiply his grace unto you." 
Then, addressing himself to the congregation, he said, " Was 
not this your charge unto me? and do ye not approve this 
vocation?" They all answered, "It was; and we approve 
it." Overwhelmed by this unexpected and solemn charge, 
Knox, after an ineffectual attempt to address the audience, 
burst into tears, rushed out of the assembly, and shut himself 
up in his chamber. " His countenance and behaviour, from 
that day till the day that he was compelled to present himself 
in the public place of preaching, did sufficiently declare the 
grief and trouble of his heart ; for no man saw any sign of 
mirth from him, neither had he pleasure to accompany any man 
for many days together. t 

This proof of the sensibility of his temper, and the reluctance 
which he felt at undertaking a public office, may surprise those 

* Fox, p. 1840. Knox, Historic, pp. 33, 36, 37. 
\ Knr\, llistorie, p. 68. 



48 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

who have carelessly adopted the common notions respecting 
our Reformer's character ; but we shall meet with many exam- 
ples of the same kind in the course of his life. The scene, to >. 
will be extremely interesting to such as are impressed with the 
weight of the ministerial function, and will naturally awaken a 
train of feelings in the breasts of those who have been intrusted 
with the Gospel. It revives the memory of those early days 
of the Church, when persons did not rush forward to the altar, 
nor beg to "be put into one of the priest's offices, to eat apiece 
of bread;" when men of piety and talents, deeply affected with 
the awful responsibility of the office, and with their own insuf- 
ficiency, were with great difficulty induced to take on them 
those orders which they had long desired, and for which they 
had laboured to qualify themselves. What a contrast did this 
exhibit to the conduct of the herd, which at that time filled the 
stalls of the Popish Church ! The behaviour of Knox serves 
also to reprove those who become preachers of their own ac- 
cord ; and who, from vague and enthusiastic desires of doing 
good, or a fond conceit of their own gifts, trample upon good 
order, and thrust themselves into employment without any 
regular call. 

We must not, however, imagine, that his distress of mind, 
and the reluctance which he discovered to comply with the call 
which he had received, proceeded from consciousness of its 
invalidity, through the defect of certain external formalities 
which had been usual in the church, or which, in ordinary 
cases, may be observed with propriety in the installation of 
persons into sacred offices. These, as far as warranted by 
Scripture, or conducive to the preservation of order, he did not 
contemn ; and his judgment respecting them may be learned 
from the early practice of the Scottish Reformed Church, in the 
organization of which he had so active a share. In common 
with all the original reformers, he rejected the order of episcopal 
ordination, as totally unauthorized by the laws of Christ ; nor 
did he even regard the imposition of the hands of presbyters as a 
rite essential to the validity of orders, or of necessary observance 
in all circumstances of the Church. The Papists, indeed, did 
not fail to declaim on this topic, representing Knox, and other 
reformed ministers, as destitute of all lawful vocation. In the 
same strain did many hierarchical writers of the English Church 
afterwards learn to talk, not scrupling, by their extravagant 
doctrine of the absolute necessity of ordination by the hands of a 
bishop, who derived his powers by uninterrupted succession from 
the apostles, to invalidate and nullify the orders of all the re- 
formed churches, except their own, — a doctrine which has been 
revived in the present enlightened age, and unblushingly avowed 
and defended, with the greater part of its absurd, illiberal, and 



LIFE OF JCHN KNOX. 41) 

horrid consequences. The fathers of the English Reformation, 
however, were very far from entertaining such contracted and 
unchristian sentiments. When Knox afterwards went to Eng- 
land, they accepted his services without the smallest hesitation. 
They maintained a constant correspondence with the reformed 
divines on the Continent, and cheerfully owned them as brethren 
and fellow-labourers in the ministry. And they were not so 
ignorant of their principles, nor so forgetful of their character, as 
to prefer ordination by popish prelates to that which was con- 
ferred by protestant presbyters.* I will not say that our 
Reformer utterly disregarded his early ordination in the Popish 
Church, although, if we may credit the testimony of his adver- 
saries, this was his sentiment ;t but I have little doubt that he 
looked upon the charge which he received at St. Andrews a; 
principally constituting his call to the ministry. 

His distress of mind, on the present occasion, proceeded from 
a higher source than the deficiency of some external formalities 
in his call. He had now very different thoughts as to the 
importance of the ministerial office, from what he had enter 
tained when ceremoniously invested with orders. The care of 

* Whittingham, Dean of Durham, was ordained in the English Church 
at Geneva, of which Knox was pastor ; and Travers, the opponent of 
Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery at Antwerp. Attempts were made 
oy some highflyers to invalidate their orders, and induce them to submit 
to re-ordination ; but they did not succeed. Strype's Annals,, vol. ii. 5^0 — 4. 

In the year 1X82, Archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed, declared the 
validity of the orders of Mr.. John Morrison, who had been ordained by 
the Synod of Lothian, "according to the laudable form and rite of the 
Reformed Church of Scotland," says the instrument, " per generalem 
synodum sive congregationem illius comitates, juxta laudabilem ecclesiae 
Scotiae Refbrmatse fbrmam et ritum, ad sacros ordines et sacrosanctum 
ministerium per manuum impositionem admissus et ordinatus. Nos igitur 
formam ordinationis et pra^fectionis tuce hujusmodi, modo prsemisso factam, 
quantum in nos est, et de jure possumus, approbantes et ratificantes," &c. 
Strype's Life of Grindal. Append. Book ii. Numb. xvii. p. 101. 

It has been objected that Archbishop Grindal was at this time under 
sequestration, and that the license was granted, not by him, but by Dr. 
Aubrey, as vicar-general. To this it is sufficient to reply, that Mr. Strype 
is of opinion, that the sequestration was taken off" from the time that the 
writs and instruments run in the name of Aubrey alone, without any 
mention of Clark, (Life of Grindal, p. 271 ;) that, even during the period 
of the sequestration, " all licenses to preach, &c. were granted by those 
two civilians, with a deference to the archbishop, and consultation with 
him in what they did," (Ibid. p. 240 ;) and that the license in question 
bears, that it was granted " with the consent and express command of 
the most reverend father in Christ, the Lord Edmund, by the Divine 
Providence, Archbishop of Canterbury, to us signified ;" — " de consensu 
et expresso mandate reverendiss. in Christo patris domini Ednmndi, &c. 
nobis significant." Ibid. p. 271. Append, p. 101. 

t Ninian Winzet, apud Keith's History, App. pp. 212, 213. Burne's Dis- 
putation, p. 128. Parise, 1581. 

5 G 



30 L I F E O F j U II X KNOX. 

immortal souls, of whom he must give an account to the Chief 
Bishop ; the charge of declaring « the whole counsel of God, 
keeping nothing back," however ungrateful it might be to his 
hearers ; the manner of life, afflictions, persecutions, imprison- 
ment, exile, and violent death, to which the preachers of the 
Protestant doctrine were exposed ; the hazard of his sinking 
under these hardships, and " making shipwreck of faith and a 
good conscience," — these, with similar considerations, rushed 
into his mind, and filled it with anxiety and fear. Satisfied, at 
length, that he had the call of God to engage in this work, he 
composed his mind to a reliance on Him who had engaged to 
make his " strength perfect in the weakness" of his servants, 
and resolved, with the apostle, "not to count his life dear, that 
he might finish with joy the ministry which he received of the 
Lord, to testify the gospel of the grace of God." Often did he 
afterwards reflect with lively emotion upon this very interesting 
step of his life, and never, in the midst of his greatest sufferings, 
did he see reason to repent of the choice which he had so delib- 
erately made. 

An occurrence which took place about this time contributed 
to fix his wavering resolution, and induced an earlier compliance 
with the call of the congregation than he might otherwise have 
been disposed to yield. Though sound in doctrine, Rough's 
literary acquirements were moderate. Of this circumstance the 
patrons of the established religion in the university and abbey 
took advantage ; and among others, Dean John Annand* had 
long proved vexatious to him, by stating objections to the 
doctrine which he preached, and entangling him with sophisms, 
or garbled quotations from the fathers. Knox had assisted 
the preacher with his pen, and by his superior skill in logic 
and the writings of the fathers had exposed Annand's falla- 
cies, and confuted the popish errors. This polemic being 
one day, at a private disputation in the parish church, driven 
from all his usual defences, fled, as his last refuge, to the 
infallible authority of the church, which, he alleged, had ren- 
dered all farther debate on these points unnecessary, in conse- 
quence of its having condemned the tenets of the Lutherans as 
heretical. To this Knox replied, that, before they could submit 
to such a summary determination of the matters in controversy, 
it was requisite to ascertain the true Church by the marks given 
in Scripture, lest they should blindly receive, as their spiritual 

* In the former editions, I had spoken of Annand as probably a friar, 
who, according to the custom of the times, had assumed the honorary 
title of dean. But I have since ascertained that he was a person of great 
note in the university. It appuars from the Records, that he was prin- 
cipal of St. Leonard's College in 1544, and continued to hold that office 
during severa yea s subsequent to that period. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 57 

mother " a harlot instead of the immaculate spouse of Jesus 
Christ.'-' " For," continued he, " as for your Roman Church. 
as it is now corrupted, wherein stands the hope of your victory, 
I no more doubt that it is the synagogue of Satan, and the head 
thereof, called the pope, to be that man of sin of whom the 
apostle speaks, than I doubt that Jesus Christ suffered by the 
procurement of the visible church of Jerusalem. Yea, I offer 
myself, by word or writing, to prove the Roman Church this 
day farther degenerate from the purity which was in the days 
of the apostles, than were the Church of the Jews from the 
ordinances given by Moses, when they consented to the inno- 
■cent death of Jesus Christ." This was a bold charge ; but the 
minds of the people were prepared to listen to the proof. They 
exclaimed, that, if this was true, they had been miserably de- 
ceived, and insisted that, as they could not all read his writings, 
he should ascend the pulpit, and give them an opportunity of 
hearing the probation of what he had so confidently affirmed. 
The request was reasonable, and the challenge was not to be 
retracted. The following Sabbath was accordingly fixed for 
making good his promise. 

On the day appointed, he appeared in the pulpit of the parish 
church, and gave out the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth verses 
of the seventh chapter of Daniel, as his text. After an introduc- 
tion, in which he explained the vision, and showed that the four 
animals hieroglyphically represented four empires, — the Baby- 
lonian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman, out of the ruins of the 
last ot which rose the empire described in his text, he proceeded 
to show that this was applicable to no power but the papal. He 
■compared the parallel passages in the New Testament, and 
showed that the king mentioned in his text was the same else- 
where called the Man of Sin, the Antichrist, the Babylonian 
harlot ; and that, in prophetical style, these expressions did not 
describe a single person, but a body or multitude of people under 
a wicked head, including a succession of persons occupying the 
same place. In support of, his assertion, that the papal power 
was antichristian, he described it under the three heads of life, 
doctrine, and laws. He depicted the scandalous lives of the 
popes from records published by Roman Catholic writers, and 
contrasted their doctrine and laws with those of the New Tes- 
tament, particularly on the heads of justification, holydays, and 
abstinence from meats and from marriage. He quoted from the 
canon law the blasphemous titles and prerogatives ascribed to . 
the pope, as an additional proof that he was described in his 
text.* In conclusion, he signified that, if any of his hearers 

* The doctrine which the preacher delivered at this time was after- 
wards put iito " ornate meeter," by one of his hearers, Sir David Lind- 



b2 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

thought that he had misquoted or misinterpreted he testimo- 
nies which he had produced from the Scriptures, ecclesiastical 
history, or the writings of the fathers, he was ready, upon their 
coming to him, in the presence of witnesses, to give them sat- 
isfaction. Among the audience were his former preceptor, 
Major, and the other members of the university, the sub-prior 
of the abbey, and a great number of canons and friars of dif- 
ferent orders. 

This sermon, delivered with a considerable portion of that 
popular eloquence for which Knox was afterwards so celebrat- 
ed, made a great noise, and excited much speculation among 
all classes.* The preachers who had preceded him, not even 
excepting Wishart, had contented themselves with refuting . 
some of the grosser errors of the established religion : Knox 
struck at the root of popery, by boldly pronouncing the pope to 
be antichrist, and the whole system erroneous and antiscriptural. 
The report of this sermon, and of the effects produced by it, 
having reached Hamilton, the bishop-elect of St. Andrews, he 
wrote to Winram, who was vicar-general during the vacancy 
of the see, expressing his surprise that such heretical and schis- 
matical tenets were allowed to be taught without opposition. 
Winram was at bottom friendly to the reformed doctrine ; but 
he durst not altogether disregard this admonition, and, there- 
fore, appointed a convention of the learned men of the abbey 
and university to be held in St. Leonard's Yards, to which he 
summoned Knox and Rough. 

The two preachers appeared before that assembly. Nine 
articles, drawn from their sermons, were exhibited, " the strange- 
ness of which," the sub-prior said, " had moved him to call for 
them to hear their answers." Knox conducted the defence, for 
himself and his colleague, with much acuteness and moderation. 
He expressed high satisfaction at appearing before an auditory so 
honourable, modest, and grave. As he was not a stranger to the 

say, who, in his " Monarchie," finished io 1553, has given a particular 
account of the rise and corruptions of popery, under the name of the 
"fifth spiritual and papal monarchie." Chalmers's Lindsay, iii. 8 J — 116. 

* " Sum said, utheris hued the branches of papistry, hot he straiketh 
at the rute, to destroye the whole. Utheris said, gif the doctors and 
magistri nostri defend not now the pope and his authoritie, which in their 
owin presence is so manifestlie impugnit, the devill have my part of him 
and his lawes bothe. Utheris said, Mr. George Wischeart spak never so 
planelie, and yet he was brunt ; even so will he be in the end. Utheris 
said, the tyrannie of the Cardinal maid not his cause the better, neither 
yet the suffering of Godis servand maid his cause the wors. — And thair- 
foir we wald counsail yow and thame to provyde better defences than fyre 
and sword; for it may be that allis ye shall be disappointed: men now 
have uther eyes than they had then. This answer gave the lair I of 
Nydrie." Knox, Historic, p. 70. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 53 

repot 1; concerning the private sentiments of Winrain, and nothing 
was more abhorrent to his own mind than dissimulation, he, be- 
fore commencing his defence, obtested him to deal uprightly in a 
matter of such magnitude. " The people," he said, " ought no/ 
to be deceived or left in the dark ; if his colleague and he had 
advanced any thing unscriptural, he wished the sub-prior by 
all means to expose it ; but, if, on the other hand, the doctrine 
taught by them was true, it was his duty to give it the sanction 
of his authority." Winram cautiously replied, that he did not 
-come there as a judge, and would neither approve nor con- 
demn ; he wished a conference, and, if Knox pleased, he would 
reason with him a little. Accordingly, he proceeded to state 
some objections to one of the propositions maintained by Knox, 
" That, in the worship of God, and especially in the adminis- 
tration of the sacraments, the rule prescribed in the Scriptures 
is to be observed, without addition or diminution ; and that the 
Church has no right to devise religious ceremonies, and impose 
significations upon them." After maintaining the argument 
for a short time, the sub-prior devolved it on a grey friar, named 
Arbukgili, who took it up with great confidence, but was soon 
forced to yield with disgrace. He rashly engaged to prove the 
divine institution of ceremonies ; and, being pushed by his an ■ 
tagonist from the Gospels and Acts to the Epistles, and from 
one epistle to another, he was driven at last to affirm, " that the; 
apostles had not received the Holy Ghost when they wrote the 
Epistles, but they afterwards received him, and ordained cere- 
monies." Knox smiled at the extravagant assertion. " Father!" 
exclaimed the sub-prior, " what say ye ? God forbid that ye 
say that ! for then farewell the ground of our faith." Alarmed 
and abashed, the friar attempted to correct his error, but in 
vain. He could not afterwards be brought to argument upon 
any of the articles, but resolved all into the authority of the 
Church. His opponent urging that the Church could have no 
authority to act in opposition to the express directions of Scrip- 
ture, which enjoined an exact conformity to the divine laws 
respecting worship : "If so," said Arbugkill, "you will leave 
us no Church." " Yes," rejoined Knox, sarcastically, " in David 
I read of the church of malignants, Odi ecclesiam malignan- 
tium; this church you may have without the word, and fight- 
ing against it. Of this church if you will be, I cannot hinder 
you ; but as for me I will be of no other church bat that which 
has Jesus Christ for pastor, hears his voice, and will not hear 
the voice of a stranger." For purgatory,* the friar had no bet- 

* Knox, Histor'e, p. 70 — 74. " Alexander Arbuckylle" was made Bach- 
elor of Arts, Nov 3. 1525. Ac* "Fac. Art. 
5* 



54 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

tcr authority than that of Virgil in the sixth ALxieid; and the 
pains of it, according to him, were — a bad wife. 

Solventur risu tabulae ; tu missus abibis. 

Instructed by the issue of this convention, the Papists avoided 
for the future all disputation, which tended only to injure their 
cause. Had the castle of St. Andrews been in their power, 
they would soon have silenced these troublesome preachers ; 
but as matters stood, more moderate and crafty measures were 
necessary. The plan adopted for counteracting the popular 
preaching of Knox and Rough was artfully laid. Orders were 
issued, that all the learned men of the abbey and university 
should preach by turns every Sunday in the parish church. 
By this means the reformed preachers were excluded on those 
days when the greatest audiences attended ; and it was expect- 
ed that the diligence of the established clergy would conciliate 
the affections of the people. To avoid offence or occasion of 
speculation, they were also instructed not to touch in their ser- 
mons upon any of the controverted points. Knox easily saw 
through this artifice ; but he contented himself with expressing 
a wish, in the sermons which he still delivered on week days, 
that the clergy would show themselves equally diligent in 
places where their labours were more necessary. He, at the 
same time, expressed his satisfaction that Christ was preached, 
and that nothing was spoken publicly against the truth ; if any 
tiling of this kind should be attempted, he requested the people 
to suspend their judgment, until they should have an opportu- 
nity of hearing him in reply.* 

His labours were so successful during the few months that 
lie preached at St. Andrews, that, besides the garrison in the 
castle, a great number of the inhabitants of the town renounced 
popery, and made profession of the Protestant faith, by parti- 
cipating of the Lord's Supper. This was the first time that 
the sacrament of the supper was dispensed after the reformed 
mode in Scotland, if we except the administration of it by 
Wishart in the same place, which was performed with groat 
privacy immediately before his martyrdom.t Those who pre- 
ceded Knox appear to have contented themselves with preach- 
ing ; and such as embraced their doctrine had most probably 
continued to receive the sacraments from the popish clergy, at 
least from such of them as were most friendly to the reforma- 
tion of the Church. The gratification which he felt in these 



* Knox, Historie, pp. 74, 75. 

t Buchanan, Hist. lib. xv. Oper. torn. i. 293, 294. Pitscottie, 199, folio 
edit. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 55 

first fruits of his ministry, was considerably abated b ; instances 
of vicious conduct in the persons under his charge, some of 
whom were guilty of those acts of licentiousness which are too 
common among soldiery when placed in similar circumstances. 
From the time that he was chosen to be their preacher, he had 
openly rebuked these disorders ; and when he perceived that 
his admonitions failed in putting a stop to them, he did not con- 
ceal his apprehensions of the unsuccessful issue of the enter- 
prise in which they were engaged.* 

In tht end of June, 1547, a French fleet, with a considerable 
body of land forces, under the command of Leo Strozzi, ap- 
peared before St. Andrews to assist the governor in the reduc- 
tion of the castle. It was invested both by sea and land ; and, 
being disappointed of the expected aid from England, the 
besieged, after a brave and vigorous resistance, were under the 
necessity of capitulating to the French commander on the last 
day of July. The terms which they obtained were honour- 
able ; the lives of all in the castle were to be spared ; the} 7 
were to be transported to France, and if they did not choose 
to enter into the service of the French king, were to be con- 
veyed to any country which they might prefer, except Scotland. 
John Rough had left them previous to the commencement of the 
siege, and retired to England, t Knox, although he did not 
expect that the garrison would be able to hold out, could not 
prevail upon himself to desert his charge, and resolved to share 
with his brethren in the hazard of the siege. He was con- 
veyed along with them on board the fleet, which, in a few 
days, set sail for France, arrived at Fecamp, and, going up the 
Seine, anchored before Rouen. The capitulation was violated, 
and they were all detained prisoners of war at the solicitation 
of the pope and Scottish clergy. The principal gentlemen were 
incarcerated in Rouen, Cherburg, Brest, and Mont St. Michel. 
Knox, with a few others, was confined on board the galleys ; 
and in addition to the rigours of ordinary captivity, was loaded 
with chains, and exposed to all the indignities with which Pa- 

* Buchan. Oper. i. 293. Pitscottie, 191. Knox, 76. 

f Rough continued to preach in England until the death of Edward VI. 
when he retired to Norden in Friesland. There he was obliged to support 
himself and his wife (whom he had married in England) by knitting caps, 
stockings, &c. Having come over to London in the course of his trade, he 
heard of a congregation of Protestants which met secretly in that city, to 
whom he joined himself, and was elected their pastor. A few weeks after 
this, the conventicle was discovered by the treachery of one of their own 
number, and Rough was carried before Bishop Bonner, by whose orders he 
was committed to the flames on the 22d of December, 1557. An account 
of his examination, and two of his letters breathing the true spirit of E. 
martyr, may be seen in Fox, pp. 1810 — 1842. 



56 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

pists were accustomed to treat those whom they regarded as 
heretics.* 

From Rouen they sailed to Nantes, and lay upon the Loire 
during the following winter. Solicitations, threaten ings, and 
violence were all employed to induce the prisoners to change 
their religion, or at least to countenance the popish worship. 
But so great was their abhorrence of that system, that not a 
single individual of the whole company, on land or water, 
could be induced to symbolize in the smallest degree with idol- 
aters. While the prison-ships lay on the Loire, mass was fre- 
quently said, and salve regina sung on board, or on the shore 
within their hearing. On these occasions, they were brought 
out and threatened with the torture, if they did not give the 
usual signs of reverence ; but instead of complying, they covered 
their heads as soon as the service began. Knox has preserved 
in his history a humorous incident which took place on one of 
these occasions ; and although he has not said so, it is highly 
probable that he himself was the person concerned in the affair. 
One day a fine painted image of the Virgin was brought into 
one of the galleys, and a Scotch prisoner was desired to give it 
the kiss of adoration. He refused, saying, that such idols were 
accursed, and he would not touch it. " But you shall," replied 
one of the officers roughly, at the same time forcing it towards 
his mouth. Upon this the prisoner seized the image, and 
throwing it into the river, said, " Lat our Ladie now save hir- 
self; sche is lycht enoughe, lat hir leirne to swyine." The 
officers with difficulty saved their goddess from the waves: 
and the prisoners were relieved for the future from such trou- 
blesome importunities.! 

In summer 1548, as nearly as I can collect, the galleys in 
which they were confined returned to Scotland, and continued 
for a considerable time on the east coast, watching for English 
vessels. Knox's health was now greatly impaired by the se- 
verity of his confinement, and he was seized with a fever, dur- 
ing which his life was despaired of by all in the ship4 Bu 
even in this state his fortitude of mind remained unsubdued,§ 
and he comforted his fellow-prisoners with hopes of release. 

* Balnaves's Confession, Epist. Dedic. Archibald Hamilton says, that he 
was condemned to work at the oar : — ' Impellendis longarum navium remis, 
cum reliquis adjudicatur.' Dialogus de Con r usione Calvinianse Soctae, p. 
64, b. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 8'). f MS. Letters, p. 53. 

§ One of his most bitter adversaries has borne an involuntary but hon- 
ourable testimony to his magnanimity at this time : — " Ubi longo maris 
taedb et laboris molestia extenuatum quidem, et subactum corpus fu it; sed 
animi elatio eum subinde rerum magnarum spa extimulans, nihilo magia 
*unc qutm prius quiescere potuit." — Hamiltonii Dialogus, p. M, b. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 57 

To their anxious despmding inquiries (natural to men in their 
situation), " if he thought they would ever obtain their liberty," 
his uniform answer was, " God will deliver us to his glory, even 
in this life." While they lay on the coast between Dundee and 
St. Andrews, Mr. (afterwards Sir) James Balfour, who was 
confined in the same ship with him, pointed to the spires of St. 
Andrews, and asked him if he knew the place. " Yes," replied 
the sickly and emaciated captive, " I know it well ; for I see 
the steeple of that place where God first opened my mouth in 
public to his glory ; and I am fully persuaded, how weak soever 
1 now appear, that I shall not depart this life, till that my 
tongue shall glorify his godly name in the same place." This 
striking reply Sir James repeated in the presence of a number 
of witnesses many years before Knox returned to Scotland, and 
when there was very little prospect of his words being verified.* 

We must not, however, think that he possessed this tranquil- 
lity and elevation of mind during the whole period of his im- 
prisonment. When first thrown into fetters, insulted by his 
enemies, and deprived of all prospect of release, he was not a 
stranger to the anguish of despondency, so pathetically de- 
scribed by the royal Psalmist of Israel.t He felt that conflict 
in his spirit, with which all good men are acquainted, and 
which becomes peculiarly sharp when aggravated by corporal 
affliction ; but having had recourse to prayer, the never-failing 
refuge of the oppressed, he was relieved from all his fears, and 
reposing upon the promise and the providence of the God 
whom he served, lie attained to " the confidence and rejoicing 
of hope." Those who wish for a more particular account of 
ihe state of his mind at this time, will find it in the notes, ex- 
tracted from a rare work which he composed on Prayer, and 
the chief materials of which were suggested by his own expe- 
rience.:}: 

When free from fever, he relieved the tedious hours of cap- 
tivity, by committing to writing a confession of his faith, con- 
taining the substance of what he had taught at St. Andrews, 
with a particular account of the disputation which he had 
maintained in St. Leonard's Yards. This he found means to 
convey to his religious acquaintances in Scotland, accompanied 
with an earnest exhortation to persevere in the faith which 
they had professed, whatever persecutions they might suffer for 
its sake.§ To this confession I find him referring in the defence 
which he afterwards made before the Bishop of Durham. " Let 
no man think, that because I am in the realm of England, 
therefore so boldly I speak. No : God hath taken that suspi- 

* Knox, Historic, p. 74. f Psalm xlii. J See Note N. 

j Knox, Historie, p. 74. This Treatise appears to have been lost. 
H 



58 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

cion from me. For the body lying in most painful bands, li- 
the midst of cruel tyrants, his mercy and goodness provided 
that the hand should write and bear witness to the confession 
of the heart, more abundantly than ever yet the tongue spake." * 

Notwithstanding the rigour of their confinement, the prison- 
ers who were separated found opportunities of occasionally 
corresponding with one another. Henry Balnaves of Halhill 
had composed, in his prison, a treatise on Justification, and the 
Works and Conversation of a Justified Man. This having 
been conveyed to Knox, probably after his return from the 
coast of Scotland, he was so much pleased with the work, that 
he divided it into chapters, and added some marginal notes, 
and a concise epitome of its contents ; to the whole he prefixed 
a recommendatory dedication, intending that it should be pub- 
lished for the use of his brethren in Scotland, as soon as an 
opportunity offered.t The reader will not, I am persuaded, be 
displeased to have some extracts from this dedication, which 
represent, more forcibly than any description of mine can do, 
the pious and heroic spirit which animated the Reformer, when 
" his feet lay in irons •" and I shall tpiote more freely, as the 
book is rare. 

It is thus inscribed : \ " John Knox, the bound servant of 
Jesus Christ, unto his best beloved brethren of the congregation 
of the castle of St. Andrews, and to all professors of Christ's 
true evangel, desireth grace, mercy, and peace, from God the 
Father, with perpetual consolation of the Holy Spirit." After 
mentioning a number of instances in which the name of God 
had been magnified, and the interests of religion advanced, by 
the exile of those who were driven from their native countries 

* MS. Letters, p. 40. 

f The manuscript, there is reason to think, was conveyed to Scotland 
about that time, but it fell aside, and was long considered as lost. After 
the death of Knox, it was discovered by his servant, Richard *Bannatyne, in 
the house of Ormiston, and was printed, anno If 8 4, by 'J homas Vaultrollier, 
in 12mo, with the title of " Confession of Faith, &c, by Henry Balnaves 
of Halhill, one of the Lords of Council and Session of Scotland." — David 
Buchanan, in his edition of Knox's History, anno 1644, among his other 
alterations and interpolations, makes Knox to say that this work was 
published at the time he wrote his History : which may be numbered 
among the anachronisms in that edition, which, for some time, discredited 
the authenticity of the History, and led many to deny that Knox was its 
author. But in the genuine editions, Knox expresses the very reverse. 
" In the presoim, he (Balnaves) wrait a maist profitabill treatise or* justifica- 
tioun, and of the warkis and conversatioun of a justifyed man : ' but how it 
was suppressit we knaw not.' " Historie, p. 83, Edin. anno 1732. See also 
p. 181 of the first edition, in 8vo, printed at London by Vaultrollier in the 
year 1588. 

1 I have not adhered to the orthography of the printed work, which is 
evidently different from what it must have been in the MS. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 59 

by t/ranny, as in the examples of Joseph, Most*, Daniel, and 
the primitive Christians, he goes on thus : " Which thing shall 
openly declare this godly work subsequent. The counsel of 
Satan in the persecution* of us, first, was to stop the whole- 
some wind of Christ's evangel to blow upon the parts where 
we converse and dwell ; and, secondly, so to oppress ourselves 
by corporal affliction and worldly calamities, that no place 
should we find to godly study. But by the great mercy and 
infinite goodness of God our Father, shall these his counsels 
be frustrate and vain. For, in despite of him and all his wicked 
members, shall yet that same word (0 Lord, this I speak, con- 
fiding in thy holy promise) openly be proclaimed in that same 
country. And how that our merciful Father, amongst these 
tempestuous storms, byt all men's expectation, hath provided 
some rest for us, this present work shall testify, which was sent 
to me in Roane, lying in irons, and sore troubled by corporal 
infirmity, in a galley named Nostre Dame, by an honourable 
brother, Mr. Henry Balnaves of Halhill, for the present holden 
as prisoner (though unjustly) in the old palace of Roane. J 
Which work after I had once and again read, to the great comfort 
and consolation of my spirit, by counsel and advice of the fore- 
said noble and faithful man, author of the said work, I thought 
expedient it should be digested in chapters, &c. Which thing 
I have done as imbecility of ingine § and incommodity of place 
would permit ; not so much to illustrate the work (which in 
the self is godly and perfect) as, together with the foresaid 
noble man and faithful brother, to give my confession of the 
article of justification therein contained. |( And I beseech you, 
beloved brethren, earnestly to consider, if we deny any thing 
presently (or yet conceal and hide) which any time before we 
professed in that article. And now we have not the castle of 
St. Andrews to be our defence, as some of our enemies falsely 
accused us, saying, If we wanted our walls, we would not 
speak so boldly. But blessed be that Lord whose infinite good- 
ness and wisdom hath taken from us the occasion of that slan- 
der, and hath shown unto us, that the serpent hath power only 
to sting the heel, that is, to molest and trouble the flesh, but 
not to move the spirit from constant adhering to Christ Jesus, 
nor public professing of his true word. blessed be thou, 
Eternal Father ! which, by thy only mercy, hast preserved U3 
to this day, and provided that the confession of our faith (which 
ever we desired all men to have known) should, by this trea- 
tise, come plainly to light. Continue, Lord ! and grai.t unto 

* It is ' perfection' in the printed copy, which is evidently a mistake. 
\ i. e beyond. \ Rouen, not Roane, is. the place meant. 

\ i. e. genius or knowledge. U See Note O. 



GO LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

us, that, as now with pen and ink, so shortly we may confess 
with voice and tongue the same before thy congregation ; upon 
whom, look, Lord God ! with the eyes of thy mercy, and 
suffer no more darkness to prevail. I pray you, pardon me, 
beloved brethren, that on this manner I digress : vehemency of 
spirit (the Lord knoweth I lie not) compelleth me thereto." 

The prisoners in Mont St. Michel consulted Knox as to the 
lawfulness of attempting to escape by breaking their prison, 
which was opposed by some of them, lest their escape should 
subject their brethren who remained in confinement to more 
severe treatment. He returned for answer, that such fears 
were not a sufficient reason for relinquishing the design, and 
that they might, with a safe conscience, effect their escape, pro- 
vided it could be done " without the blood of any shed or spilt ; 
but to shed any man's blood for their freedom, he would never 
consent."* The attempt was accordingly made by them, and 
successfully executed, " without harm done to the person of 
any, and without touching any thing that appertained to the 
king, the captain, or the house." t 

At length, after enduring a tedious and severe imprisonment 
of nineteen months, Knox obtained his liberty. This happened 
in the month of February 1549, according to the modern com- 
putation.!: By what means his liberation was procured I cannot 
certainly determine. One account says, that the galley in which 
he was confined was taken in the Channel by the English.§ 
According to another account, he was liberated by order of the 
King of France, because it appeared, on examination, that he 
was not concerned in the murder of Cardinal Beatoun, nor 
accessory to other crimes committed by those who held the 



* This is the man whom a high-church historian has represented as hold- 
ing the principles of the ancient Zealots or Sicarii, and teaching that any 
person who met a Papist might kill him ! Collier, Eccles. Hist. ii. 545. 

f Knox, Historie, pp. 84, 8~>. 

I In one of his letters, preserved by Calderwood, Knox says, that he was 
nineteen months at the French galleys. Cald. MS. vol. i. 256. In the 
printed Calderwood, the period of his confinement is limited to nine months, 
a mistake which has been copied by several writers. It is proper that the 
reader of that book should be aware, that it is an abridgment of a larger 
work, still in manuscript ; and though there is reason to believe that it was 
drawn up by Calderwood himself, yet, having been printed after his death, 
and in a foreign country, it is often incorrect. Knox, in a conference with 
Mary of Scotland, told the queen, that he was five years resident in Eng- 
land (Historie, p. 289). Now, as he came to England immediately after he 
obtained his liberty, and left it (as we shall afterwards see) in the end of 
January or beginning of February 1554, this accords exactly with the date 
of his liberation, which is given above from Calderwood's MS. 

§ This is menti/ ned in a MS. in my possession ; but little credit can be 
given to it, as it i written in a modern hand, and no authority is produced. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 61 

castle of St. Andrews.* In the opinion of others, his liber. y was 
purchased by his acquaintances, who fondly cherished the hope 
that he was destined to accomplish some great achievements, 
and were anxious, by their interposition in his behalf, to be in- 
strumental in promoting the designs of Providence.t It is 
more probable, however, that he owed his deliverance to the 
comparative indifference with which he and his brethren were 
now regarded by the French court, who, having procured the 
consent of the Parliament of Scotland to the marriage of Queen 
Mary to the dauphin, and obtained possession of her person, felt 
no longer any inclination to revenge the quarrels of the Scottish 
clergy. 

* Petrie's Church History, part ii. p. 184 
+ Hamiltonii Dialog, p. 64. 



62 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 



PERIOD III. 



FROM VHE YEAR 1549, WHEN HE WAS RELEASED FROM THE FRENCH 
GALLEYS, TO THE YEAR 1554, WHEN HE FLED FROM ENGLAND 

Upon regaining his liberty, Knox immediately repaired to 
England. The objections which he had formerly entertained 
against a residence in that kingdom were now in a great measure 
removed. Henry VIII. had died in the year 1547 ; and Arch- 
bishop Cranmer, released from the severe restraint under which 
he had been held by his tyrannical and capricious master, now 
exerted himself with much zeal in advancing the Reformation. 
In this he was cordially supported by those who governed the 
kingdom during the minority of Edward VI. But the under- 
taking was extensive and difficult ; and, in carrying it on, he 
found a great deficiency of ecclesiastical coadjutors. Although 
the most of the bishops had externally complied with the altera- 
tions introduced by authority, they remained attached to the old 
religion,and secretly thwarted, instead of seconding, the measures 
of the primate. The inferior clergy were, in general, as unable 
as they were unwilling to undertake the instruction of the people,* 
whose ignorance of religion was in many parts of the country 
extreme, and whose superstitious habits had become quite inve- 
terate. This evil, which prevailed universally throughout the 
Popish Church, instead of being corrected, was considerably 
aggravated by a ruinous measure adopted at the commencement 
of the English Reformation. When Henry suppressed the 
monasteries, and seized their revenues, he allowed pensions to 
the monks during life ; but, to relieve the royal treasury of this 
burden, small benefices in the gift of the crown were afterwards 
substituted in the place of pensions. The example of the mon- 
arch was imitated by the nobles who had procured monastic 
lands. By this means a great part of the inferior livings were 

* Peter Martyr, in a letter dated Oxford, 1st July 1650, laments the paucity 
of useful preachers in England. " Doleo plus quam dici possit, tanta ubique 
in Anglia verbi Dei penuria laborari ; et eos qui oves Christi doctrina pas- 
cere tenentur, cum usque eo remisse agant, ul officium facere prorsus recu- 
sant, nescio quo fletu, quibusve lachrymis deplorari possit. Verurn confido 
fore ut meliora simus visuri." Martyri Epist. apud Loc. Commun. p. 760 
Gen°v- 1 ?24. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 6^ 

held by ignorant and suparstitious monks, who were a dead 
weight upon the English Church, and a principal cause of the 
nation's sudden relapse, to Popery, at the subsequent accession 
of Queen Mary.* 

Cranmer had already adopted measures for remedying this 
alarming evil With the concurrence of the protector and privy 
council, he had invited a number of learned Protestants from 
Germany into England, and had placed Peter Martyr, Martin 
Bucer, Paul Fagius, and Emanuel Tremellius, as professors in 
the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. This was a wise 
measure, which secured a future supply of useful preachers, 
trained up by these able masters ; but the necessity was urgent, 
and demanded immediate provision. For this purpose, instead 
of fixing a number of orthodox and popular preachers in partic- 
ular charges, it was judged most expedient to employ them in 
itinerating through different parts of the kingdom, where the 
clergy were most illiterate or disaffected to the Reformation, and 
where the inhabitants were most addicted to superstition. 

In these circumstances, our zealous countryman did not re- 
main long unemployed. The reputation which he had gained 
by his preaching at St. Andrews,! and his late sufferings, re- 
commended him to the English council ; and soon after his 
arrival in England, he was sent down from London to preach 
in Berwick.! 

The council had every reason to be pleased with the choice 
which they had made of a northern preacher. He had long 
thirsted for the opportunity which he now enjoyed. His love 
tor the truth, and his zeal against Popery, had been inflamed 
during his captivity, and he spared neither time nor labour in the 
instruction of those to whom he was sent. Regarding the wor- 
ship of the Romish Church as idolatrous, and its doctrines as 
damnable, he attacked both with the utmost fervour, and exerted 
himself in drawing his hearers from the belief of the one, and 

* Burnet's Hist, of the Reformation, ii. 24. The suppression of the chan- 
tries, in the reign of Edward VI. was attended with similar effects. Strype's 
Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 446. 

f I omitted mentioning in the proper place, that the biographer of Sir 
David Lindsay has stated, from the minutes of" the English council, that 
Knox was in the pay of England as early as the year 1547. Chalmers's 
Lindsay, i. 32. I cannot suppose that the learned author would confound 
the salary which Knox received during his residence in England, with a 
pension allotted to him when he was in his native country. But, on the 
other hand, I think it very unlikely that he should have been known to the 
English Court before he entered the castle of St. Andrews, and am inclined 
to suppose that any pension which he received from them did not commence 
until that period at soonest. Mr. Chalmers's language conveys the idea, 
that he was pensioned by England before he went to the castle. 

t Stryp3's Memor. of the Reform, iii. 235. Knox. Hist. 85, 2S9. 



64 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

from the observance of the other, with as much eagerness as if 
he had been saving their lives from a devouring flame or flood. 
Nor were his efforts fruitless. During the two years that he con- 
tinued in Berwick, numbers were converted by his ministry from 
ignorance and the errors of Popery ; and a visible reformation 
of manners was produced upon the soldiers of the garrison, who 
had formerly been noted for licentiousness and turbulence.* 

The popularity and success of a Protestant preacher were very 
galling to the clergy in that quarter, who were, almost to a man, 
bigoted Papists, and enjoyed the patronage of the bishop of the 
diocese. Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, like his friend Sir Thomas 
More, was one of those men of whom it is extremely difficult to 
give a correct idea, qualities of an opposite kind being mixed and 
blended in his character. Surpassing all his brethren in polite 
learning, he was the patron of bigotry and superstition. Dis- 
playing, in private life, that moderation and suavity of maimers 
which liberal studies usually inspire/! - he was accessory to the 
public measures of a reign disgraced throughout by the most 
shocking barbarities. Claiming our praise for honesty by oppos- 
ing in parliament innovations which his judgment condemned, 
he forfeited it by the most tame acquiescence and ample confor- 
mity : thereby maintaining his station amidst all the revolutions 
of religion during three successive reigns. He had paid little 
attention to the science immediately connected with his profes- 
sion, and most probably was indifferent to the controversies then 
agitated; but, living in an age in which it was necessary for every 
man to choose his side, he adhered to those opinions which had 
been long established, and which were friendly to the power and 
splendour of the ecclesiastical order. As if anxious to atone for 
his fault, in having been instrumental in producing a breach 
between England and the Roman see, he opposed in parliament 
all the subsequent changes. Opposition awakened his zeal ; he 
became at last a strenuous advocate for the popish tenets ; and 
wrote a book in defence of transubstantiation, of which, says 
Bishop Burnet, " the Latin style is better than the divinity." 

The labours of one who exerted himself to overthrow what 
the bishop wished to support, could not fail to be very disagree- 
able to Tonstal. As Knox acted under the authority of the 
protector and council, he durst not inhibit him ; but he was 
disposed to listen to the informations which were lodged against 
him by the clergy. Although the town of Berwick was Knox's 
principal station during the years 1549 and 1550, it is probable 

* Knox, Historie, p. 289. 

f Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to Erasmus, gives the following 
character of Tonstal: — " Ut nemo est omnibus bonis literis instructior, nemo 
vita moribusque severior, ita nemo est usmmm in convictu jucundior." 



LIFE OF JUHN KNOX. 65 

mat he was appointed to preach occasionally in tbu adjacent 
country. Whether, in the course of his itinerancy, he had 
preached in Newcastle, or whether he was called up to it in 
consequence of complaints against the sermons which he had 
delivered at Berwick, it is difficult to ascertain. It is, however, 
certain, that a charge was exhibited against him before the 
bishop, for teaching that the sacrifice of the mass was idola- 
trous, and that a day was appointed for him publicly to assign 
his reasons for this opinion. 

Accordingly, on the 4th of April, 1550, a large assembly 
being convened in Newcastle, among whom were the members 
of the council,* the Bishop of Durham, and the learned men 
of his cathedra], Knox delivered in their presence an ample 
defence of his doctrine. After an appropriate exordium, m 
which he stated to the audience the occasion and design of his 
appearance, and cautioned them against the powerful preju- 
dices of education and custom in favour of erroneous opinions 
and corrupt practices in religion, he proceeded to establish the 
doctrine which he had taught. The manner in which he treated 
the subject was well adapted to his auditory, which was com- 
posed both of the learned and the illiterate. He proposed his 
arguments in the syllogistic form, according to the practice of 
the schools, but illustrated them with a plainness level to the 
meanest capacity among his hearers. The propositions on 
which he rested his defence are very descriptive of his charac- 
teristic boldness of thinking and acting. A more cautious and 
timid disputant would have satisfied himself with attacking the 
grosser notions which were generally entertained by the people 
on this subject, and exposing the glaring abuses of which the 
priests were guilty in the lucrative sale of masses. Knox 
scorned to occupy himself in demolishing these feeble and fall- 
ing outworks, and proceeded directly to establish a principle 
which overthrew the whole fabric of superstition. He engaged 
to prove that the mass, " even in her most high degree," and 
when stripped of the meretricious dress in which she now ap- 
peared, was an idol struck from the inventive brain of super- 
stition, which had supplanted the sacrament of the supper, and 
engrossed the honour due to the person and sacrifice of Jesus 
Christ. " Spare no arrows," was Knox's motto ; the authority 
of Scripture, and the force of reasoning, grave reproof, and 

* Besides the great council which managed the affairs of the kingdom 
under the protector, a number of the privy counsellors who belonged to that 
part of the country, composed a subordinate board, called " the council of 
the north." The members here referred to probably belonged to this coun- 
cil, and not to the town counci 1 . of Newcastle. If I am right in this con- 
jecture, Knox might owe to them, and not to the bishop, the liberty of thid 
nublic defence. 

6* I 



66 LIFJ3 OF JOHN KNOX. 

pointed irony, were weapons which he alternately employed. 
In the course of this defence, he did not restrain those sallies of 
raillery, which the fooleries of the popish superstition irresisti- 
bly provoke, even from such as are deeply impressed with its 
pernicious tendency. Before concluding his discourse, he ad- 
verted to certain doctrines which he had heard in that place on 
the preceding Sabbath, the falsehood of which he engaged to 
demonstrate ; but, in the first place, he said, he would submit 
the notes of the sermon, which he had taken down, to the 
preacher, that he might correct them as he saw proper ; for his 
object was not to misrepresent, or captiously entrap a speaker, 
by catching at words unadvisedly uttered, but to defend the 
truth, and warn his hearers against errors destructive to their 
souls. The defence, as drawn up by Knox himself, is now 
before me in manuscript, and the reader who wishes a more 
particular account of its contents, will find it in the notes.* 

This defence had the effect of extending Knox's fame through 
the north of England, while it completely silenced the bishop 
and his learned assistants.! He continued to preach at Berwick 
during the remaining part of this year, and in the following 
was removed to Newcastle, and placed in a sphere of greater 
usefulness. In December, 1551, the privy council conferred 
on him a mark of their approbation, by appointing him one of 
King Edward's chaplains in ordinary. " It was appointed," 
says his majesty, in a journal of important transactions which 
he wrote with his own hand, " that I should have six chaplains 
ordinary, of which two ever to be present, and four absent in 
preaching ; one year, two in Wales, two in Lancashire and 
Derby ; next year, two in the marches of Scotland, and two in 
Yorkshire ; the third year, two in Norfolk and Essex, and two 
in Kent and Sussex. These six to be Bill, Harle,J Perne, Grin- 



* See Note P. 

| The compiler of the account of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his 
History printed in 1732, says, that the MS. containing the defence bears, 
that it " quite silenced" the bishop and his doctors. But that writer does 
not appear to have ever seen the MS., which contains nothing of the kind. 
The fact, however, is attested by the Bishop of Ossory, who had good oppor- 
tunities of knowing the truth, and who is accurate in his account of other 
circumstances relative to it. His words are, " Et 4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni 
[15" 0] aperiens in concione opinionem, ejus idolatrias et horrendas blasphe- 
mias, tam solidis argumentis, abominationem esse probabat, ut, cum omnibus 
S'uolis, Saturnius ille somniator [Dunelmensis] refragare non possit." Baleus, 
De Script. Scot, et Hibern. Art. Knoxus. 

t John Harle or Harley, was afterwards made Bishop of Hereford, May 
26, 1553. Strype's Cranmer, p. 201. A late writer lias confounded this 
Englishman with William Harlowe, who was minister of St. Cuthbert's 
church, near Edinburgh. St stt's History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 
24^. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 67 

dal, Bradford and ."* The name of the sixth has been 

dashed out of the journal, but the industrious Strype has shown 
that it was Knox.t " These, it seems, were the most zealous 
and readiest preachers, who were sent about as itinerants, to 
supply the defects of the greatest part of the clergy, who were 
generally very faulty." J An annual salary of forty pounds 
was allotted to each of the chaplains. § 

In the course of this year, Knox was consulted about the 
Book of Common Prayer, which was undergoing a revisal. 
On that occasion, it is probable that he was called up for a 
short time to London. Although the persons who had the 
chief direction of ecclesiastical affairs were not disposed, or did 
not deem it as yet expedient, to introduce that thorough reform 
which he judged necessary, in order to reduce the worship ok 
the English Church to the Scripture model, his representations 
on this head were not altogether disregarded. He had influ- 
ence to procure an important change in the communion office, 
completely excluding the notion of the corporal presence of 
Christ in the sacrament, and guarding against the adoration of 
the Elements, which was too much countenanced by the prac- 
tice, still continued, of kneeling at their reception. || In his 
Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England, Knox 
speaks of these amendments with great satisfaction. " Also 
God gave boldness and knowledge to the court of parliament 
to take away the round clipped god, wherein standeth all the 
holiness of the Papists, and to command common bread to be 
used at the Lord's table, and also to take away the most part 
of superstitions (kneeling at the Lord's table excepted) which 
before profaned Christ's true religion." These alterations gave 
great offence to the Papists. In a disputation with Latimer, 
after the accession of Queen Mary, the prolocutor, Dr. Weston, 
complained of our countryman's influence in procuring them 

* King Edward's Journal, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 42. 

f Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. Memor. of Cranmer, p. 292. 
Burnet, iii. 212. Records, 420, 422. 

X Burnet, ii. 171. 

§ Strype's Memor. of Reform, ut supra. Life of Grindal, p. 7. Mr. 
Strype says, that the number of chaplains was afterwards reduced to four, 
Bradford and Knox being dropped from the list. But both of these preached 
in their turn before the court, in the year 1553. And in the council book a 
warrant is granted, October 27, 1552, to four gentlemen, to pay to Knox, 
" his majesty's preacher in the north, forty pounds, as his majesty's reward." 
Strype's Cranmer, 292. This salary he retained until the death of Edward : 
for, in a letter written by him at the time he left England, he says, " Ather 
the queen's majestie, or sum thesaurer, will be 40 pounds rycher by me, sae 
meikle lack I of the dutie of my patentis ; but that littil trublis me." MS, 
Letters, p. 286. 

|| See Note Q, 



68 LIFE OF JOHN ivNOX. 

" A runnagate Scot did take away the adoration or worship- 
ping of Christ in the sacrament, by whose procurement that 
heresy was put into the last communion book ; so much pre- 
vailed that one man's authority at that time."* In the follow- 
ing year, he was employed in revising the Articles of Religion, 
previous to their ratification by parliament.! 

During his residence at Berwick, he had formed an acquaint- 
ance with Marjory Bowes, a young lady, who afterwards be- 
came his wife. Her father, Richard Bowes, was the youngest 
son of Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlem; her mother was Eliza- 
beth, the daughter and one of the co-heirs of Sir Roger Aske 
of Aske.J Before he left Berwick, Knox had paid his addresses 
to this young lady, and met with a favourable reception. Her 
mother also was friendly to the match ; but, owing to some 
reason, most probably the presumed aversion of he: - father, it 
was deemed prudent to delay solemnizing the union. But 
having come under a formal promise to her, he considered him- 
self, from that time, as sacredly bound, and in his letters to Mrs. 
Bowes always addressed that lady by the name of mother. § 

Without derogating from the praise justly due to those worthy 
men who were at this time employed in disseminating religious 
truth through England, I may say, that our countryman was not 
behind the first of them, in the unwearied assiduity with which 
he laboured in the stations assigned to him. From an early 
period his mind seems to have presaged, that the golden oppor- 
tunity now enjoyed would not be of long duration. He was 
eager to "redeem the time," and indefatigable both in his studies 

* Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth of Weston's statement, and 
says that Knox " was hardly come into England (at least any further than 
Newcastle) at this time." Annals, iii. 117. But we have already seen that 
he arrived in England as early as the beginning of 1549. 

f " October 2, (1552), a letter was directed to Messrs. Harley, Bill, Horn, 
Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider certain articles exhibited to the king's 
majesty, to be subscribed by all such as shall be admitted to be preachers or 
ministers in any part of the realm ; and to make report of their opinions 
touching the same." Council book, apud Strype's Cranmer, p. 273. Then- 
report was returned before the 20th of November, ibid. p. 301. Burnet 
says, the order was given Oct. '20. History, iii. 212. The articles agreed 
to at this tune were forty-two. In 1562, they were reduced to thirty-nine, 
their present number. 

I See the pedigree of the family of Bowes among the original papers at 
the end of the work. 

§ From this appellation in the MS. letters, I concluded that Knox was 
married to Miss Bowes before he left Berwick, until I met with one of his 
printed works, to which a letter from him to Mrs. Bowes is added. On the 
margin of this, opposite to a place in which he had called her mother, is 
this note : " I had maid faithful promise, before witness, to Mariorie Bowes, 
her daughter, so as she took me for sone, I hartly embrased her as my mo- 
ther." Knox's Answer to Tyrie, the Jesuit. F. ij. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 69 

and in t .aching. In addition to his ordinary services on Sabbath 
lie preached regularly on week-days, frequently on every day of 
the week.* Besides the portion of time which he allotted to 
study, he was often employed in conversing with persons who 
applied to him for advice on religious subjects.! The council 
were not insensible to the value of his services, and conferred on 
him several marks of their approbation. They wrote different 
letters to the governors and principal inhabitants of the places 
where he preached, recommending him to their notice and pro- 
tection.;]: They secured him in the regular payment of his salary 
until he should be provided with a benefice. § And out of respect 
to him, they, in September 1552, granted a patent to his brother, 
William Knox, a merchant, giving him liberty, for a limited time, 
to trade to any port of England, in a vessel of a hundred tons 
burden. || 

But the things which recommended Knox to the council, 
drew upon him the hatred of a numerous and powerful party in 
the northern counties, who remained addicted to Popery. Irri- 
tated by his boldness and success in attacking their superstition, 
and sensible that it would be vain, and even dangerous, to prefer 
an accusation against him on that ground, they watched for an 
opportunity of catching at something in his discourses or beha- 
viour, which they might improve to his disadvantage. He had 
long observed, with great anxiety, the impatience with which the 
Papists submitted to the present government, and their eager 



* MS. Letters, pp. 265, 276. f Ibid, passim. 

| They wrote a letter in commendation of him, Dec. 9, 1552, to Lord 
Wharton, deputy warden of the Borders. During the following year, when 
he was employed in Buckinghamshire, in order to secure greater acceptance 
and respect to him in that comity, the council wrote in his favour to Lords 
Russel and Windsor, to the justices of the peace, and to several other gen- 
tlemen. Strype's Cranmer, p. 29'?. 

§ Strype's Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 533. 

|| Bishop Burnet, and Mr. Strype (Memor. of Reform, ii. 299), who have 
recorded this fact, conjectured that the patentee was a relation of our Re- 
former. That he was his brother, is evident from Knox's letters, which 
mention his being in England about this time. In a letter written in 1553, 
he says : " My brother, Williame Knox, is presentlie with me. What ye 
wald haif frome Scotland, let me knaw this Monunday at nycht ; for hie 
must depart on Tyisday." MS. Letters, p. 271. Perhaps the same person 
is referred to in the following extract from another letter : " My brother 
hath communicat his haill hart with me, and I persave the mychtie opera- 
tion of God. And sa let us be establissit in his infinit gudnes and maist 
sure promissis." lb. p. 266. 

William Knox afterwards became a preacher, and was minister of Cock- 
pen, in Mid- Lothian, after the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland. 
No fewer than fourteen ministers of the Church of Scotland are numbered 
among his descendants. Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, apud Scott's 
History of the Reformeo : n Scotland, p. 152. 



70 LIFE OF JOHN K]\OX. 

desires for any change which might lead to the overthrow of tue 
Protestant religion, — desires which were expressed by them in 
the north, without that reserve which prudence dictated in places 
adjacent to the seat of authority. He had witnessed the joy 
with which they received the news of the protector's fall, and 
was no stranger to the satisfaction with which they circulated 
prognostications as to the speedy demise of the king. In a sermon 
preached by him about Christmas 1552, he gave vent to his 
feelings on this subject ; and, lamenting the obstinacy of the 
Papists, asserted, that such as were enemies to the gospel then 
preached in England, were secret traitors to the crown and 
commonwealth, thirsted for nothing more than his majesty's 
death, and cared not who should reign over them, provided they 
got their idolatry again erected. The freedom of this speech 
was immediately laid hold of by his enemies, and transmitted, 
with many aggravations, to some great men about court, secretly 
in their interest, who, thereupon, accused him of high misde- 
meanours before the privy council.* 

In taking this step, they were not a little encouraged by their 
knowledge of the sentiments of the Duke of Northumberland, 
who had lately come down to his charge as warden-general of the 
northern marches.! This ambitious and unprincipled nobleman 
had affected much zeal for the reformed religion, that he might 
the more easily attain the highest preferment in the State, which 
he had recently secured by the ruin of the Duke of Somerset, 
the protector of the kingdom. Knox had offended him by 
publicly lamenting the fall of Somerset as dangerous to the Re 
formation, of which this nobleman had always shown himself a 
zealous friend, however blamable his conduct might have been 
in other respects.! Nor could the freedom which the preacher 
used in reproving from the pulpit the vices of great as well as 
small, fail to be displeasing to a man of Northumberland's 
character. On these accounts, the duke was desirous to have 
Knox removed from that quarter, and had actually applied for 
this, by a letter to the council, previous to the occurrence just 
mentioned, alleging, as a pretext for this, that great numbers of 

* MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox's Admonition to the Professors of the Truth 
in England, p. 61, apud History, Edin. Ki44, 4to. 

f The Earl of Warwick, now created Duke of Northumberland, was ap- 
pointed warden-general of the northern marches in October 1551. But 
being occupied in securing his interest at court, he got himself excused 
from going north until June 1552. Strype's Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 
H82, 339. 

I MS. Letters, pp. 112, 173. Admonition, p. 51, apud History, Edin- 
burgh, 1614. Knox considered that the Papists had a secret hand in foment- 
ing those dissensions which led to the condemnation and deatli of the pro- 
tector. Nor were his suspicions ill-founded. See Strype's Memor. of the 
Reform, ii. 30" — 7. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNlX. 71 

Scotsmen resorted to him ; as if any real danger was to be 
apprehended from this intercourse with a man, of whose fidelity 
tjie existing government had so many strong pledges, and who 
uniformly employed all his influence to remove the prejudices 
of his countrymen against England.* 

In consequence of the charge exhibited against him to the 
council, he was summoned to repair immediately to London, and 
answer for his conduct. The following extract of a letter, 
written by him to Miss Bowes,t will show the state of his mind 
on receiving this citation. " Urgent necessity will not suffer 
that I testify my mind unto you. My Lord of Westmoreland:): 
has written unto me this Wednesday, at six of the clock at 
night, immediately thereafter to repair unto him, as I will 
answer at my peril. I could not obtain licence to remain the 
time of the sermon upon the morrow. Blessed be God who does 
ratify and confirm the truth of his word from time to time, as 
our weakness shall require ! Your adversary, sister, doth labour, 
that you should doubt whether this be the word of God or not. 
If there had never been testimonial of the undoubted truth 
thereof before these our ages, may not such things as we see 
daily come to pass prove the verity thereof ? Doth it not affirm, 
that it shall be preached, and yet contemned and lightly regarded 
by many ; that the true professors thereof shall be hated by 
father, mother, and others of the contrary religion ; that the 
most faithful shall be persecuted ? And cometh not all these 
things to pass in ourselves ? Rejoice, sister, for the same word 
that forespeaketh trouble doth certify us of the glory consequent. 
As for myself, albeit the extremity should now apprehend me, it 
is not come unlooked for. But, alas ! I fear that yet I be not 
ripe, nor able to glorify Christ by my death ; but what lacketh 
now, God shall perform in his own time. Be sure I will not 

* The duke's letter was dated Nov. 23, 1552. Hayne's State Papers, 
p. 136. Brand's History of Newcastle, p. 304. Redpath's Border History, 
p. 577. 

j A great number of his letters in the MS. are superscribed " to his sis- 
ter." It appears from internal evidence, that this was a daughter of Mrs. 
Bowes ; and, although I cannot be positive, I am inclined to think that she 
was the young lady whom he married. One letter has this superscription, 
" To Mariorie Bowes, who was his first wife." In it he addresses her by 
the name of Sister, and at the close says, " I think this be the first letter 
that I ever wrait to you." MS. Letters, p. 335. But there is no date by 
which to compare it with other letters. 

I Henry Nevyl, Earl of Westmoreland, was, by the interest of the Duke 
of Northumberland, admitted a member of the privy council in 1552. He 
was also a member of the council for the north, and lord lieutenant of the 
bishopric of Durham. His private character was indifferent. Strype's 
Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 401, 457 — 9. 



72 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

forget )ou and your company, so long as mortal man may re- 
member any earthly creature."* 

Upon reaching London, lie found that his enemies had been 
uncommonly industrious in their endeavours to excite prejudices 
against him. But the council, after hearing his defence, were 
convinced of the malice of his accusers, and gave him an 
honourable acquittal. He was employed to preach before the 
court, and his sermons gave great satisfaction to his majesty, 
who contracted a favour for him, and was anxious to have him 
promoted in the Church. t The council resolved that he should 
preach in London and the southern counties during the following 
year ; but they allowed him to return for a short time to New- 
castle, either that he might settle his affairs in the north, or that 
a public testimony might be borne to his innocence in the place 
where it had been attacked. In a letter to his sister, dated 
Newcastle, 23d March 1553, we find him writing as follows: 
" Look farther of this matter in the other letter,! "written unto 
you at such time as many thought I should never write after to 
man. Heinous were the delations laid against me, and many 
are the lies that are made to the council. But God one day 
shall destroy all lying tongues, and shall deliver his servants 
from calamity. I look but one day or other to fall in their 
hands ; for more and more rageth the members of the devil 
against me. This assault of Satan has been to his confusion, 
and to the glory of God. And therefore, sister, cease not to 
praise God, and to call for my comfort ; for great is the multi- 
tude of enemies, whom every one the Lord shall confound. I 
intend not to depart from Newcastle before Easter." 

His confinement in the French Galleys, together with his 
labours in England, had considerably impaired the vigour of his 
constitution, and brought on the gravel. In the course of the 
year 1553, he endured several violent attacks of this acute 
disorder, accompanied with severe pain in his head and stomach. 
" My daily labours must now increase," says he, in the letter 
last quoted, '• and therefore spare me as much as you may. My 
old malady troubles me sore, and nothing is more contrarious to 
my health than writing. Think not that I weary to visit you ; 
but unless my pain shall cease, I will altogether become unpro- 
fitable. Work, Lord, even as pleaseth thy infinite goodness, 
and relax the troubles, at thy own pleasure, of such as seeketh 
thy glory to shine. Amen!"§ In another letter to the same 
correspondent, he writes : " The pain of my head and stomach 

* MS. Letters, p. 267—9. 

f MS Letters, p. 112. Melchior Adam, Vita? Theolog. Ext. p. 137. 

\ The letter last quoted. MS. Letters, p. 273 — 4, compared with p. 268 

} MS. L-tters, p. 270. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 73 

troubles me greatly. Daily I find my body decay ; but the pro- 
vidence of my God shall not be frustrate. I am charged to be 
at Widdrington upon Sunday, where, I think, 1 shall also 
remain Monday. The Spirit of the Lord Jesus rest with you. 
Desire such faithful with whom ye communicate your mind, to 
pray that, at the pleasure of our good God, my dolour both of 
body and spirit may be relieved somewhat; for presently it is 
very bitter. Never found I the spirit, I praise my God, so 
abundant, where God's glory ought to be declared ; and, there- 
fore, I am sure there abides something that yet we see not."* 
" Your messenger," says he, in another letter, " found me in 
bed, after a sore trouble and most dolorous night ; and so dolour 
may complain to dolour when we two meet. But the infinite 
goodness of God, who never despiseth the petitions of a sore 
troubled heart, shall, at his good pleasure, put end to these pains 
that we presently suffer, and, in place thereof, shall crown us 
with glory and immortality for ever. But, dear sister, I am 
•even of mind with faithful Job, yet more sore tormented, that 
my pain shall have no end in this life. The power of God may, 
against the purpose of my heart, alter such things as appear not 
to be altered, as he did unto Job ; but dolour and pain, with 
sore anguish, cries the contrary. And this is more plain than 
ever I spake, to let you know ye have a fellow and companion 
in trouble. And thus rest in Christ ; for the head of the 
serpent is already broken down, and he is stinging us upon the 
heel."t 

About the beginning of April, 155S, he returned to London. 
In the month of February preceding, Archbishop Cranmer had 
been directed by the council to present him to the vacant living 
of All-Hallows, in the city.J This proposal, which originated 
in the personal favour of the young king, was very disagreeable 
to Northumberland, who exerted himself privately to hinder 
the appointment. But the interference of this nobleman was 
unnecessary ; for Knox declined the living when it was offered 
to him, and, being questioned as to his reasons, readily acknow- 
ledged that he had not freedom in his mind to accept of a fixed 
charge in the present state of the English Church. His refusal, 
with the reasons which he had assigned for it, gave offence, 
and, on the 14th of April, he was called before the privy coun- 
cil. There were present the Archbishop of Canterbury, Good- 
rick Bishop of Ely and Lord Chancellor, the Earls of Bedford, 
Northampton, and Shrewsbury, the Lords Treasurer and Cham- 
berlain, and the two Secretaries of State. They asked him, 
why lie had refused the benefice provided for him in London 

* Ibid. p. 260—1. t MS. Letters, p. 262. 

| Strype's Cratmrr,p. 292. 

7 K 



74 LIFE OF JOHN K N O X . 

He answered, that he was fully satisfie I that he could be moit 
useful to the Church in another situation. Being interrogated, 
if it was his opinion, that no person could lawfully serve in 
ecclesiastical ministrations according to the present laws of that 
realm, he frankly replied, that there were many things in the 
English Church which needed reformation, and that unless they 
were reformed, ministers could not, in his opinion, discharge 
their office conscientiously in the sight of God: for no minister 
had authority, according to the existing laws, to prevent the 
unworthy from participating of the sacraments, which was ' ; a 
chief point of his office." Being asked, if kneeling at the Lord's 
table was not a matter of indifference, he replied, that Christ's 
action at the communion was most perfect, and in it no such 
posture was used ; that it was most safe to follow his example ; 
and that kneeling was an addition and invention of men. On 
this article, there was a smart dispute between him and some 
of the members of the council. After long reasoning, he was 
told that they had not sent for him with any bad design, but 
were sorry to understand that he was of a judgment contrary 
to the common order. He said he was sorry that the common 
order was contrary to Christ's institution. The council dis- 
missed him with soft words, advising him to use all means for 
removing the dislike which he had conceived to some of the 
forms of their Church, and to reconcile his mind, if possible, tc 
the idea of communicating according to the established rites.* 

Scruples which had resisted the force of authority and argu- 
ment, have often been found to yield to the more powerfu 1 
influence of lucrative and honourable situations. But whether, 
with some, we shall consider Knox's conduct on this occasion 
as indicating the poverty of his spirit,t or shall regard it as a 
proof of true independence of mind, the prospect of elevation 
to the episcopal bench could not overcome the repugnance 
which he felt to a closer connection with the Church of Eng- 
land. Edward VI., with the concurrence of his privy council, 
offered him a bishopric. But he rejected it ; and in the reasons 
which he gave for his refusal, declared the episcopal office to 



* The account of his examination before the council is taken from a letter 
of Knox, the substance of which has been inserted by Caldorwood, in his 
MS. History, and by Strype, in his Memorials of th< : R formation, vol. ii. 
p. 400. 

t Luther having- rejected with disdain the great offers by which Alexan- 
der, the papal legate, attempted to gain him over to the court of Rome. 
"He is a ferocious brute," exclaimed the legate, equally confounded and 
disappointed, "whom nothing can soften, and who regards riches and hon- 
ours as mere dirt; otherwise the pope would long ago have loaded him with 
favours."-— Beausobre's History of the Reformation, i. :}9"> — 6. Macaulay's 
Translation. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 75 

be destitute of divine authority in itself, and its exeuise in the 
English Church to be inconsistent with the ecclesiastical canons. 
This is attested by Beza, a contemporary author.* Knox him- 
self, in one of his treatises, speaks of the " high promotions" 
offered him by Edward ;t and we shall find him, at a later 
period of his life, expressly asserting that he had refused a bish- 
opric. Tonstal having been sequestered upon a charge of mis- 
prision of treason, the Council came to a resolution, about this 
time, to divide his extensive diocese into two bishoprics, the 
seat of one of which was to be at Durham, and of the other at 
Newcastle. Ridley, Bishop of London, was to be translated 
to the former, and it is highly probable that Knox was intended 
for the latter. " He was offered a bishopric," says Brand, " pro- 
bably the new founded one at Newcastle, which he refused — 
revera noluit episcopari." J 

It may be proper, in this place, to give a more particular 
account of Knox's sentiments respecting the English Church. 
The reformation of religion, it is well known, was conducted 
on very different principles in England and in Scotland, both 
as to worship and ecclesiastical polity. In England, the papal 
supremacy was transferred to the prince ; the hierarchy, being 
subjected to the civil power, was suffered to remain, and, the 
grosser superstitions having been removed, the principal forms 
of the ancient worship were retained ; whereas, in Scotland, all 
of these were discarded, as destitute of divine authority, unpro- 
fitable, burdensome, or savouring of Popery, and the worship 
and government of the Church were reduced to the primitive 
standard of scriptural simplicity. The influence of Knox in 
recommending this establishment to his countrymen, is univer- 
sally allowed ; but, as he officiated for a considerable time in 
the Church of England, and on this account was supposed to 
have been pleased with its constitution, it has been usually said, 
that he afterwards contracted a dislike to it during his exile on 
the Continent, and having imbibed the sentiments of Calvin, 
brought them along with him to his native country, and organ- 
ized the Scottish Church after the Genevan model. This state- 
ment is inaccurate. His objections to the English liturgy were 
increased and strengthened during his residence on the Conti- 
nent ; but they existed before that time. His judgment respect- 
ing ecclesiastical government and discipline was matured during 
that period, but his radical sentiments on these heads were 
formed long before he saw Calvin, or had any intercourse with 

* Bezse Icones, Ee iij. See also Verheideni Effigies, pp. 92, 93. Melch . 
Adam, p. 137. 

f MS. Letters, p. 73. The passage will afterwards be quoted. 
J History o? Newcastle, p. 304. Surtee's Durham, vol. i. p. 70, 



7C LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

the foreign reformers. At Geneva he saw a Church, which, 
upci the whole, corresponded with his idea of the divinely au- 
thorized pattern ; but he did not indiscriminately approve, nor 
servilely imitate, either that or any other existing establish- 
ment.* 

As early as the year 1547, he taught, in his first sermons at 
St. Andrews, that no mortal man could be head of the Church; 
there were no true bishops, but such as preached personally 
without a substitute ; that in religion men were bound to regu- 
late themselves by divine laws ; and that the sacraments ought 
to be administered exactly according to the institution and ex- 
ample of Christ. We have seen that, in a solemn disputation 
in the same place, he maintained that the Church has no au- 
thority, on pretext of decorating divine service, to devise reli- 
gious ceremonies, and impose upon them arbitrary significa- 
tions.! This position he also defended in the year 1550, at 
Newcastle, and on his subsequent appearance before the privy 
council at London. It was impossible that the English Church, 
in any of the shapes which it assumed, could stand the test of 
these principles. The ecclesiastical supremacy, the various 
orders and dependencies of the hierarchy, crossing in baptism, 
and kneeling in the eucharist, with other ceremonies — the theat- 
rical dress, the mimical gestures, the vain repetitions used in 
religious service, were all condemned and repudiated by the 
cardinal principle to which he steadily adhered, that, in the 
Church of Christ, and especially in the acts of worship, every 
tiling ought to be arranged and conducted, not by the pleasure 
and appointment of men, but according to the dictates of in- 
spired wisdom and authority. 

He rejoiced that liberty and encouragement were given to 
preach the pure word of God throughout the extensive realm 
of England ; that idolatry and gross superstition were sup- 
pressed ; and that the rulers were disposed to support the Refor- 
mation, and even to carry it farther than had yet been done. 
Considering the character of the greater part of the clergy, the 
extreme paucity of useful preachers, and other hinderances to 
the introduction of the primitive order and discipline of the 
Church, he acquiesced in the authority exercised by a part of 
the bishops, under the direction of the privy council, and en- 

* The churches of Geneva and Scotland did not agree in all points. 
Though holydays were abolished in Geneva at the commencement of the 
Reformation, the observance of a number of them was very soon restored, 
and has always continued in that Church ; but this practice was wholly re- 
■ jected by the Church of Scotland, from the very first establishment of the 
Reformation, and its introduction has always been vigorously resisted by her 
Other things in which they differed might easily be mentioned, 
t Knox, T'storie, pp. 72 — 74, and this Life, pp. 52, 53 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 77 

deuvoured to strengthen their hands in the advancemer t of the 
common cause, by painful preaching in the stations which were 
assigned to him. But he could not be induced to contradict or 
to conceal his fixed sentiments, and he cautiously avoided com- 
ing under engagements by which he must have assented to 
what, in his decided judgment, was either in its own nature 
unlawful, or injurious in its tendency to the interests of religion. 
Upon these principles, he never submitted to the unlimited use 
of the liturgy, during the time that he was in England,* and 
refused to become a bishop, or to accept a parochial charge. 
When he perceived that the progress of the Reformation was 
arrested by the influence of a popish faction, and the dictates 
of a temporizing policy ; that abuses, which had formerly been 
acknowledged, began to be openly vindicated and stithy main- 
tained ; above all, when he saw, after the accession of Eliza- 
beth, that a retrograde course was taken, and a yoke of cere- 
monies, more grievous than that which the most sincere Pro- 
testants had formerly complained of, was imposed and enforced 
by arbitrary statutes, he judged it necessary to speak in a tone 
of more decided and severe reprehension. 

Among other things which he censured in the English eccle- 
siastical establishment, were the continuing to employ a great 
number of ignorant and insufficient priests, who had been ac- 
customed to nothing but saying mass and singing the litany ; 
the general substitution of the reading of homilies, the mum- 
bling of prayers, or the chanting of matins and even-song, in 
the place of preaching ; the formal celebration of the sacra- 
ments, unaccompanied with instruction to the people ; the scan- 
dalous prevalence of pluralities ; and the total want of ecclesi- 
astical discipline. He was of opinion, that the clergy ought not 
to be entangled, and diverted from the duties of their office, by 
holding civil places : that the bishops should lay aside their 
secular titles and dignities; that the bishoprics should be divided, 
so that in every city or large town there might be placed a 
godly and learned man, with others joined with him, for the 
management of ecclesiastical matters ; and that schools for the 

* Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of Edward, and even the first years 
of that of his sister Elizabeth, absolute conformity to the liturgy was not 
pressed upon ministers. Strype's Annals, i. 419, 432. Burnet, iii. £05, 311. 
Hutchinson's Antiq. of Durham, i. 453. Archbishop Parker, in the begin- 
ning of Elizabeth's reign, administered the elements to the communicants 
standing, in the cathedral church at Canterbury. Her majesty's commis- 
sioners appointed the communion to be received in the same posture in Co- 
ventry; and the practice was continued in that town as late, at least, as the 
year 1608. Certain demands propounded unto Richard, Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, p. 45, anno 1605. Removal of Imputations laid upon the ministers 
of Devon and Cornwall, p. 51, anno 1603. Dispute upon the question of 
Kneeling, p. 131, anno 1608. 
7* 



78 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

education of youth should be universally erected through the 
nation.* 

Nor did the principal persons who were active in effecting the 
English Reformation differ widely from Knox in these senti- 
ments, although they might not have the same conviction of 
their importance, and of the expediency of reducing them to 
practice. We should mistake exceedingly, if we supposed that 
they were men of the same principles and temper with many 
who succeeded to their places, or that they were satisfied with 
the pitch to which they had carried the reformation of the 
English Church, and regarded it as a paragon and perfect 
pattern to other churches. They were strangers to those extra- 
vagant and illiberal notions which were afterwards adopted by 
the fond admirers of the hierarchy and liturgy. They would 
have laughed at the man who seriously asserted, that the eccle- 
siastical ceremonies constituted any part of " the beauty of 
holiness," or that the imposition of the hands of a bishop was 
essential to the validity of ordination ; and they would not have 
owned that person as a Protestant who would have ventured to 
insinuate, that where these were wanting, there was no Christian 
ministry, no ordinances, no church, and perhaps — no salvation. 
Many things which their successors have applauded, they barely 
tolerated ; and they would have been happy if the circumstances 
of their time would have permitted them to introduce alterations, 
which have since been cried down as puritanical innovations. 
Strange as it may appear to some, I am not afraid of exceeding 
the truth when I say, that if the English reformers, including 
the Protestant bishops, had been left to their own choice, — if 
they had not been held back and retarded by a large mass of 
popishly affected clergy in the reign of Edward, and restrained 
by the supreme civil authority on the accession of Elizabeth, 
they would have brought the government and worship of the 
Church of England nearly to the pattern of other reformed 
churches. If the reader doubts this, he may consult the evidence 
produced in the notes.t 

Such, in particular, was the earnest wish of his majesty, 
Edward VI., a prince who, besides his other rare qualities, had 
an unfeigned reverence for the word of God, and a disposition to 
comply with its precepts in preference to custom and established 
usages ; and who showed himself uniformly inclined to give 
relief to his conscientious subjects, and sincerely bent on pro- 

* This statement of his sentiments is drawn from his Brief Exhortation 
to England for the speedy embracing of Christ's Gospel, printed at Geneva, 
anno 16. 9, and at the end of his History, Edinburgh, 1044, 4to ; and from 
his letters to Mrs. Lr "ke, dated 6th April, and 15th October, 1559 in Cald 
MS. i. pp. ;.80, 491. 

1 Soe Note R. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 79 



meting the union of all the friends of the reformed religion 



at 



home and abroad. Of his intention on this head, there remain 
the most unquestionable and satisfactory documents.* Had his 
life been spared, there is every reason to think that he would 
have accomplished the correction or removal of those evils in the 
English Church, which the most steady and enlightened Protes- 
tants have lamented. Had his sister Elizabeth been of the same 
spirit with him, and prosecuted the plan which he laid down, the 
consequences would have been most happy both for herself and 
for her people, for the government and for the Church. She 
would have united all the friends of the Reformation, who were 
the great support of her authority. She would have weakened 
the interest of the Roman Catholics, whom all her accommoda- 
ting measures could not gain, nor prevent from repeatedly con- 
spiring against her life and crown. She would have put an end 
to those dissensions among her Protestant subjects, which con- 
tinued during the whole of her reign, which she bequeathed as a 
legacy to her successors, and which, being fomented and exaspe- 
rated by the severities employed for their suppression, burst forth 
at length, to the temporary overthrow of the monarchy, as well 
as of the hierarchy, whose exorbitances it had patronized, and 
whose corruptions it had sanctioned and maintained — dissen- 
sions which subsist to this day ; which, though softened by 
die partial lenitive of a toleration, have gradually alienated 
from the communion of that Church, a large proportion of 
die people, and which, if a timely and suitable remedy be not 
applied, may ultimately undermine the foundations of the Eng- 
lish establishment 

During the time that Knox was in London, he had fall 
opportunity for observing the state of the court ; and the 
observations which he made filled his mind with the most 
anxious forebodings. Of the piety and sincerity of the young 
king he entertained not the smallest doubt. Personal acquaint- 
ance heightened the idea which he had conceived of his char- 
acter from report, and enabled him to add his testimony to the 
tribute of praise which all who knew that prince had so cheerfully 
paid to his uncommon virtues and endowments.! But the prin- 
cipal courtiers, by whom he was at that time surrounded, were 
persons of a very different description, and gave proofs, too 
unequivocal to be mistaken, of indifference to all religion, and 

* See Note S. 

f " We had," says he in his Letter to the Faithful in London, Newcastle, 
and Berwick, " ane king of sa godlie disposition towardis vertew, and the 
treuth of God, that nane frome the beginning passit him, and (to my knaw- 
ledge) none of his yeiris did ever mache him in that behalf; gif hie myght 
hail bene lord of his awn will." MS. Letters, p. 119. He has passed a 
fuller encomium on this prince in his Historie, p. 89. 



80 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

of a readiness to acquiesce, and even to assist, in the re-estab- 
lishment of the ancient superstition, whenever a change 01 
rulers should render this measure practicable and expedient. 
The health of Edward, which had long been declining, grow- 
ing gradually worse, so that no hopes of his recovery remain- 
ed, they were eager only about the aggrandizing of their 
families, and providing for the security of their places and 
fortunes. 

The royal chaplains were men of a very different character 
from those who have usually occupied that place in the courts of 
princes. They were no time-serving, supple, smooth-tongued 
parasites ; they were not afraid of forfeiting their pensions, or of 
alarming the consciences, and wounding the delicate ears, of 
their royal and noble auditors, by denouncing the vices which 
they committed, and the judgments of Heaven to which they 
exposed themselves. The freedom used by the venerable Lati- 
mer is well known from his printed sermons, which, for their 
homely honesty, artless simplicity, native humour, and genuine 
pictures of the manners of the age, continue still to be read 
with interest. Grindal, Lever, and Bradford, who were superior 
to Latimer in learning, evinced the same fidelity and courage. 
They censured the ambition, avarice, luxury, oppression, and 
irreligion which reigned in the court. As long as their sove- 
reign was able to give personal attendance on the sermons, the 
preachers were treated with exterior decency and respect ; but 
after he was confined to his chamber by a consumptive cough, 
the resentment of the courtiers vented itself openly in the most 
contumelious speeches and insolent behaviour.* 

From what the reader has already seen of Knox's character, 
he may readily conceive that the sermons delivered by him at 
court, were not less free and bold than those of his colleagues. 
We may form a judgment of them from the account which he 
has given of the last sermon preached by him before his majesty ; 
in which he directed several piercing glances of reproof at tiie 
haughty premier and his crafty relation, the Marquis of Win- 
chester, lord high treasurer, both of whom were among his 
hearers. His text was John xiii. 18, "He that eateth bread 
with me, hath lifted up his heel against me." It had been often 
seen, he said, that the most excellent and godly princes were 
surrounded with false and ungodly officers and counsellors. 
Having inquired into the reasons of this, and illustrated the fact 
from the Scripture examples of Ahithophel under King David, 
Shebna under Hezekiah, and Judas under Jesus Christ, he 
added : " What wonder is it, then, that a young and innocent 
king be deceived by crafty, covetous, wicked, and ungodly coun- 

* See Note T. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. SJ 

sellois ? I am greatly afraid that Ahithophel be counsellor, that 
Judas bear the purse, and that Shebna be scribe, comptroller, 
and treasurer.""* 

On the 6th of July 1553, Edward VI. departed this life, to 
the unspeakable grief of all the lovers of learning, virtue, and 
the Protestant religion; and a black cloud spread over England, 
which, after hovering awhile, burst into a dreadful storm, that 
raged during five years with the most destructive fury. Knox 
was at this time in London.! He received the afflicting tidings 
of his majesty's decease with becoming fortitude and resignation 
to the sovereign will of Heaven. The event did not meet him 
unprepared : he had long anticipated it, with its probable con- 
sequences : the prospect had produced the keenest anguish in his 
breast, and drawn tears from his eyes ; and he had frequently 
introduced the subject into his public discourses and confidential 
conversations with his friends. Writing to Mrs. Bowes, some 
time after this, he says, " How oft haveyou and I talked of these 
present days, till neither of us both could refrain tears, when no 
such appearance then was seen of man ? How oft have I said 
unto you, that I looked daily for trouble, and that I wondered at 
it, that so long I should escape it ! What moved me to refuse 
(and that with displeasure of all men, even of those that best 
loved me) those high promotions that were offered by him whom 
God hath taken from us for our offences ? Assuredly the fore- 
sight of trouble to come.} How oft have I said unto you that 
the time would not be long that England would give me bread J 
Advise with the last letter that I wrote unto your brother-in-law 
and consider what is therein contained."§ 

He remained in London until the 19th of July, when Mary 
was proclaimed queen, only nine days after the same ceremony 
had been performed in that city for the amiable and unfortu- 
nate Lady Jane Grey. The thoughtless demonstrations of joy 
given by the inhabitants, at an event which threatened such 
danger to the religious faith which they still avowed, affected 
him so deeply that he could not refrain, in his sermons, from 
publicly testifying his displeasure at their conduct, and from 
warning them of the calamities which they had reason to dread. || 

* MS. Letters, pp. 173 — 177, and Admonition, pp. 52, 54, apud History, 
Edinburgh, 1644, 4to. 

f One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes is dated, London, 22d June 1553. 
MS. Letters, p. 240. And from other letters it appears, that he was there 
in the following month. 

t We have already seen (pp. 75, 76) that this was not his sole reason for 
refusing preferment in the En jdish Church. 

§ MS. Letters, pp. 73, 74, also p. 250. 

|| In his " Letter to the Faithful in London," &c, he puts them in mind 
of the premonitions which he had given on different occasions, and among 



82 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Immediately after this, he appears to have withdrawn from 
London, and retired to the north of England, being justly ap- 
prehensive of the measures which might be pursued by the new 
government.* 

To induce the Protestants to submit peaceably to her autho- 
rity, Mary amused them for some time with proclamations, in 
which she promised not to do violence to their consciences. 
Though aware of the bigotry of the queen, and the spirit of the 
religion to which she was devoted, the Protestant ministers 
reckoned it their duty to improve this respite. In the month 
of August, Knox returned to the south, and resumed his labours. 
It seems to have been at this time that he composed the Con- 
fession and Prayer, commonly used by him in the congrega- 
tions to which he preached, in which he prayed for Queen Mary 
by name, and for the suppression of such as meditated rebel- 
lion.t While he itinerated through Buckinghamshire, he was 
attended by large audiences, which his popularity and the 
alarming crisis drew together ; especially at Amersham, a bo- 
rough formerly noted for the general reception of the doctrines 
of WicklifTe, the precursor of the Reformation in England, and 
from which the seed sown by his followers had never been 
altogether eradicated.^ Wherever he went, he earnestly ex- 
horted the people to repentance, under the tokens of divine dis- 
pleasure, and to a steady adherence to the faith which they had 
embraced. He continued to preach in Buckinghamshire and 
Kent during the harvest months, although the measures of 
government daily rendered his safety more precarious ; and in 
the beginning of November, returned to London, where he 
resided chiefly with Mr. Locke and Mr. Hickman, two respec- 
table merchants of his acquaintance^ 

Wliile the measures of the new government threatened dan- 
ger to all the Protestants in the kingdom, and our countryman 
was under daily apprehensions of imprisonment, he met with a 
severe trial of a private nature. I have already mentioned his 
engagements to Miss Bowes. At this time, it was judged pro- 
per by both parties to avow the connection, and to proceed to 
solemnize their union. This step was opposed by the young 
lady's father ; and his opposition was accompanied with cir- 

others, of " what was spoken in Londone in ma places nor ane, when fyreia 
of joy and ryatous banketting wer at the proclamation of Marie your quene." 
MS. Letters, 112, 113. 

* One of his letters is dated Carlisle, 26th July, 1553. MS. Letters, 
p. 270. 

t See Note U 

\ Fox, 718, 746 — 9, 751 — 766. Knox,' Admonition, p. 67. Appendix to 
hlistory, Edin. 1644, 4to. 

J MS. Letters, op. 289, 291. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 83 

cun '.stances which gave much distress to Mrs. Bowes and her 
daughter, as well as to Knox. His refusal seems to have pro- 
ceeded from family pride ; but there i*s reason to think it was 
also influenced by religious considerations ; as, from different 
hints dropped in the correspondence about this affair, he ap- 
pears to have been, if not inclined to Popery in his judgment, 
at least resolved to comply with the religion now favoured by 
the court. On this subject I find Knox writing from London 
to Mrs. Bowes, in a letter, dated 20th September, 1553. "My 
great labours, wherein I desire your daily prayers, will not 
suffer me to satisfy my mind touching all the process between 
your husband and you touching my matter with his daughter. 
I praise God heartily both for your boldness and constancy. 
But I beseech you, mother, trouble not yourself too much there- 
with. It becomes me now to jeopard my life for the comfort 
and deliverance of my own flesh,* as that I will do by God's 
grace, both fear and friendship of all earthly creature laid aside. 
I have written to your husband, the contents whereof I trust 
our brother Harry will declare to you and my wife. If I escape 
sickness and imprisonment, [you may] be sure to see me soon." t 

His wife and mother-in-law were anxious that he should 
settle in Berwick, or its neighbourhood, where he might per- 
haps be allowed to reside peaceably, although in a more private 
way than formerly. To this proposal he does not seem to have 
been averse, provided he could have seen any prospect of his 
being able to support himself. Since the accession of Queen 
Mary, the payment of the salary allotted him by government 
had been stopped. Indeed, he had not received any part of it 
for the last twelve months.J His father-in-law was abundantly 
able to give him a sufficient establishment ; but Knox's spirit 
could not brook the thought of being dependent on one who 
had treated him with coldness and disdain. Induced by the 
importunity of Mrs. Bowres, he applied to her brother-in-law, 
Sir Robert Bowes, and attempted, by a candid explanation of 
all circumstances, to remove any umbrage wmich had been con- 
ceived against him by the family, and to procure an amicable 
settlement of the whole affair. The unfavourable issue of this 
interview was communicated by him in a letter to Mrs. Bowes, 
of which the following is an extract : — 

" Dear mother, — So may and will I call you, not only for the 
tender affection I bear unto you in Christ, but also for the 
motherly kindness ye have shewn unto me at all times since 
our first acquaintance ; albeit such things as I have desired (if 
it had pleased God), and ye and others have long desired, are 
never like to come to pass, yet shall ye be sure that my love 

* Mis wife. f MS. Letters, pp. 290, 291. t Ibid. p. 196. 



84 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

and care toward you shall never abate, so long as I can care 
for any earthly creature. Ye shall understand that this 6th of 
November, I spake with Sir Robert Bowes on the matter ye 
know, according to your request, whose disdainful, yea, despite- 
ful words, have so pierced my heart, that my life is bitter unto 
me. I bear a good countenance with a sore troubled heart ; 
while he that ought to consider matters with a deep judgment 
is become not only a despiser, but also a taunter of God's mes- 
sengers. God be merciful unto him. Among other his most 
unpleasing words, while that I was about to have declared my 
part in the whole matter, he said, < Away with your rhetorical 
reasons, for I will not be persuaded with them.' God knows I 
did use no rhetoric or coloured speech, but would have spoken 
the truth, and that in most simple manner. I am not a good 
orator in my own cause. But what he would not be content 
to hear of me, God shall declare to him one day to his displea- 
sure, unless he repent. It is supposed that all the matter comes 
by you and me. I pray God that your conscience were quiet 
and at peace, and I regard not what country consume this my 
wicked carcass. And were it not that no man's unthankful- 
ness shall move me (God supporting my infirmity) to cease to 
do profit unto Christ's congregation; those days should be few 
that England would give me bread. And I fear that, when all 
is done, I shall be driven to that end ; for I cannot abide the 
disdainful hatred of those, of whom not only I thought I mighr. 
have craved kindness, but also to whom God hath been by me 
more liberal than they be thankful. But so must men declare 
themselves. Affection does trouble me at this present ; yet I 
doubt not to overcome by Him, who will not leave comfortless 
his afflicted to the end, whose omnipotent Spirit rest with you. 
Amen." * 

He refers to the same disagreeable affair in another letter 
written about the end of this year. After mentioning the bad 
state of his health, which had been greatly increased by distress 
of mind, he adds, " It will be after the 12th day before I can 
be at Berwick ; and almost I am determined not to come at all. 
Ye know the cause. God be more merciful unto some, than 
they are equitable unto me in judgment. The testimony of my 
conscience absolves me, before His face who looks not upon the 
presence of man."t These extracts show us the heart of the 
writer ; they discover the sensibility of his temper, the keen 
ness of his feelings, and his pride and independence of spiru 
struggling with a sense of duty, and affection to his relations. 

About the end of November, or the beginning of December, 
he retired from the south to Newcastle. The parliament had 

* MS. Letters, pp. 293, 20 1. + Ibid. p. 265. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 85 

by this time repealed all the laws made in favour of the Refor 
mation, and restored the Roman Catholic religion ; but such as 
pleased, were permitted to observe the Protestant worship until 
the 20th of December. After that period they were thrown 
out of the protection of the law, and exposed to the pains de- 
creed against heretics. Many of the bishops and ministers were 
already committed to prison : others had escaped beyond sea. 
Knox could not, however, prevail on himself either to flee the 
kingdom, or to desist from preaching. Three days after the 
period limited by the statute had elapsed, he says in one of his 
letters, " I may not answer your places of Scripture, nor yet 
write the exposition of the sixth Psalm, for every day of this 
week must I preach, if this wicked carcass will permit." * 

His enemies, who had been defeated in their attempts to ruin 
him under the former government, had now access to rulers 
sufficiently disposed to listen to their information. They were 
not dilatory in improving the opportunity. In the end of De- 
cember, 1553, or beginning of January, 1554, his servant was 
seized as he carried letters from him to his wife and mother-in- 
law, and the letters were taken from him, in the hopes of find- 
ing in them some matter of accusation against the writer. As 
they contained merely religious advices, and exhortations to 
constancy in the Protestant faith, which he was prepared to 
avow before any court to which he might be called, he was not 
alarmed at their interception. But being aware of the uneasi- 
ness which the report would give to his friends at Berwick, he 
:et out immediately with the design of visiting them. Notwith- 
standing the secrecy with which he conducted this journey, the 
rumour of it quickly spread ; and some of his wife's relations 
who had joined him, perceiving that he was in imminent dan- 
ger, prevailed on him, greatly against his own inclination, to 
relinquish the design of proceeding to Berwick, and retire to a 
place of safety on the coast, from which he might escape by 
sea, provided the search for him was continued. From this 
retreat he wrote to his wife and her mother, acquainting them 
with the reasons of his absconding, and the small prospect 
which he had of being able at that time to see them. " His 
brethren," he said, " had, partly by admonition, partly by tears, 
compelled him to obey," somewhat contrary to his own mind ; 
for " never could he die in a more honest quarrel," than by suf- 
fering as a witness for that truth of which God had made him 
a messenger. Notwithstanding this state of his mind, he pro- 
mised, if Providence prepared the way, to " obey the voices of 
his brethren, and give place to the fury and rage of Satan fo 
a time." t 

* MS. Letters p. 265. f Ibid. p. 284 

8 



86 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Having ascertained that his friends were not mistaken in the 
apprehensions which they felt for his safety, and that he could 
not hope to elude the pursuit of his enemies if he remained in 
England, he procured a vessel, which landed him safely at 
Dieppe, a port of Normandy in France, on the 20th of January* 
1554.* 

* MS. Letters, p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has trumped up a ridiculous 
story, respecting Knox's flight from England. He says that, by teaching 
the unlawfulness of female government, he had excited a dangerous rebel- 
lion against Queen Mary ; but the queen, having marched against the rebels, 
defeated them with great slaughter ; upon which Knox, stained with their 
blood, fled to Geneva, carrying along with him a rich noblewoman. Dialog, 
de Confus. Calv. Sect- p. 65. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 87 



PERIOD IV. 



FROM THE YEAR 1554, WHEN HE LEFT ENGLAND, TO THE YEAR 1556 
WHEN HE RETURNED TO GENEVA, AFTER VISITING SCOTLAND. 

Providence, having more important services in reserve foj 
Knox, made use of the urgent importunities of his friends to 
hurry him away from those dangers, to which, had he been left 
to the determination of his own mind, his zeal and fearlessness 
would have prompted him to expose himself. No sooner did he 
reach a foreign shore, than he began to regret the course which 
he had been induced to take. When he thought upon his fellow- 
preachers, whom he had left behind him immured in dungeons, 
and the people lately under his charge, now scattered abroad as 
sheep without a shepherd, he felt an indescribable pang, and an 
almost irresistible desire to return and share in the hazardous 
b ut honourable conflict, Although he had only complied with the 
divine direction, " when they persecute you in one city, flee ye 
unto another," and although in his own breast he stood acquitted 
of cowardice, yet he found it difficult to divest his conduct of the 
appearance of that weakness,and was afraid that it might operate 
as a discouragement to his brethren in England, and induce them 
to make sinful compliances with a view of saving their lives. 

On this subject we find him unbosoming himself to Mrs. Bowes 
in his letters from Dieppe. " The desire that I have to hear of 
your continuance with Christ Jesus, in the day of this his battle 
(which shortly shall end to the confusion of his proud enemies), 
neither by tongue nor by pen can I express, beloved mother. 
Assuredly, it is such, that it vanquisheth and overcometh all 
remembrance and solicitude which the flesh useth to take for 
feeding and defence of herself. For, in every realm and nation. 
God will stir up some one or other to minister those things that 
appertain to this wretched life, and, if men will cease to do their 
office, yet will he send his ravens ; so that in every place, per- 
chance, I may find some fathers to my body. But, alas ! where 
I shall find children to be begotten unto God by the word of 
life, that can I not presently consider ; and therefore the spiritual 
life of such as sometime boldly professed Christ (Godknoweth), 
is to my heart more dear than all the glory, riches, and honour, 



88 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

in earth ; and the falling back of such men, as I hear daily to 
turn back to that idol again, is to me more dolorous than, 1 
trust, the corporal death shall be, whenever it shall come at 
God's appointment. Some will ask, Then why did I flee ? 
Assuredly I cannot tell ; but of one thing I am sure, the fear of 
death was not the chief cause of my fleeing. I trust that one 
cause hath been, to let me see with my corporal eyes, that all 
had not a true heart to Christ Jesus, that, in the day of rest and 
peace, bare a fair face. But my fleeing is no matter ; by God's 
grace I may come to battle before that all the conflict be ended. 
And haste the time, Lord, at thy good pleasure, that once 
again my tongue may yet praise thy holy name before the con- 
gregation, if it were but in the very hour of death !" — " I would 
not bow my knee before that most abominable idol for all the 
torments that earthly tyrants can devise, God so assisting me, as 
his Holy Spirit presently moveth me to write unfeignedly. And 
albeit that I have, in the beginning of this battle, appeared to 
play the faint-hearted and feeble soldier (the cause I remit to 
God), yet my prayer is, that I may be restored to the battle 
again. And blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, I am not left so bare without comfort, but my hope is to 
obtain such mercy, that, if a short end be not made of all my 
miseries by final death (which to me were no small advantage), 
that yet, by Him who never despised the sobs of the sore afflicted, 
I shall be so encouraged to fight, that England and Scotland 
shall both know, that I am ready to suffer more than either 
poverty or exile, for the profession of that doctrine, and that 
heavenly religion, whereof it has pleased his merciful providence 
to make me, among others, a simple soldier and witness-bearer 
unto men. And therefore, mother, let no fear enter into your 
heart, as that I, escaping the furious rage of these ravening 
wolves that, for our unthankfulness, are lately loosed from their 
bands, do repent any thing of my former fervency. No, mother , 
for a few sermons by me to be made within England, my heart 
at this hour could be content to suffer more than nature were 
able to sustain ; as, by the grace of the most mighty and most 
merciful God, who only is God of comfort and consolation 
through Christ Jesus, one day shall be known."" 

In his present sequestered situation, Knox had full leisure to 
meditate upon the surprising vicissitudes in his lot during the 
last seven years — his singular call to the ministry, and employ- 
ment at St. Andrews — his subsequent imprisonment and release 
— the sphere of usefulness in which he had been placed in 
England, with the afflicting manner in which he was excluded 
from it, and driven to seek refuge as an exile in that country to 

* MS. Letters, pp. 70, 71, 107, 108. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. SO 

which he had formerly been carried as a prisouc-i. This lasc 
event seemed in a special manner to summon him to a solemn 
review of the manner in which he had discharged the sacred 
trust committed to him, as "a steward of the mysteries of God." 
It will throw light on his character, and may not be without use 
to such as occupy a public station in the Church, to exhibit the 
result of his reflection on this subject. 

He could not deny, without ingratitude to Him who had called 
him to be his servant, that his qualifications for the ministry had 
been in no small degree improved since he came to England ; 
and he had the testimony of his own conscience, in addition to 
that of his numerous auditors, that he had not altogether neglect- 
ed the gifts bestowed on him, but had exercised them with some 
measure of fidelity and painfulness. At the same time he found 
reason for self-accusation on different grounds. Having men- 
tioned in one of his letters the reiterated charge of Christ to 
Peter, " Feed my sheep, feed my lambs," he exclaims, " Oh, 
alas ! how small is the number of pastors that obeys this com- 
mandment. But this matter will I not deplore, except that I, 
not speaking of others, will accuse myself that do not, I confess, 
the uttermost of my power in feeding the lambs and sheep of 
Christ. I satisfy, peradventure, many men in the small labours 
I take, but I satisfy not myself. I have done somewhat, but 
not according to my duty."* In the discharge of private duties, 
he acknowledges that shame, and the fear of incurring the 
scandal of the world, had sometimes hindered him from visiting 
the female part of his charge, and administering to them the 
instruction and comfort which they craved. In public ministra- 
tions, he had been deficient in fervency and fidelity, in impar- 
tiality, and in diligence. He could not charge himself with 
flattery, and his " rude plainness" had given offence to some ; 
but his conscience now accused him of not havingbeen sufficiently 
plain in admonishing offenders. His custom had been to describe 
the vices of which his hearers were guilty in such colours that 
they might read their own image ; but, being " unwilling to 
provoke all men" against him, he had restrained himself from 
particular application. Though his " eye had not been much 
set on worldly promotion," he had sometimes been allured 
by affection for friends and familiar acquaintances, to reside 
too long in some places, to the neglect of others which had 
an equal, or perhaps stronger, claim on his labours. For- 
merly, he thought he had not sinned, if he had not been idle ; 
now he was convinced that it was his duty to have considered 
how long he should remain in one place, and how many hungry 
souls were starving elsewhere. Sometimes, at the solicitation of 

* Ibid. pp. 308, 309. 
8* M 



90 



LIFE OF JOHPs KNOX. 



friends, he had spared himself, and devoted to worldly business, 
or to bodily recreation and exercise, the time which ought to 
have been employed in the discharge of his official duties 
" Besides these," says he, " I was assaulted, yea infected, with 
more gross sins, that is, my wicked nature desired the favours, 
the estimation, and praise of men ; against which, albeit that 
sometimes the Spirit of God did move me to fight, and earnestly 
did stir me (God knoweth I lie not) to sob and lament for these 
imperfections, yet never ceased they to trouble me when any 
occasion was offered ; and so privily and craftily did they enter 
into my breast, that I could not perceive myself to be wounded 
till vainglory had almost got the upper hand. Lord ! be 
merciful to my great offence ; and deal not with me according 
to my great iniquity, but according to the multitude of thy 
mercies."* 

Such was the strict scrutiny which Knox made into his minis- 
terial conduct. To many the offences of which he accused 
himself will appear slight and venial, while others will perceive 
in them nothing worthy of blame ; but they struck his mind in 
a very different light, in the hour of adversity and solitary 
meditation. If he, whose labours were so abundant as to appeal 
to us excessive, had such reason for self-condemnation, how few 
are there in the same station who may not say, " I do remembei 
my faults this day !" 

He did not, however, abandon himself to melancholy, and 
unavailing complaints. One of his first cares, after arriving at 
Dieppe, was to employ his pen in writing suitable advices to 
those whom he could no longer instruct by preaching and con- 
versation. With this view, he transmitted to England two 
short treatises. The one was an exposition of the sixth Psalm, 
which, at the request of Mrs. Bowes, he had begun to write in 
England, but had not found leisure to finish. It is an excellent 
practical discourse upon that portion of Scripture, and will be 
read with peculiar satisfaction by those who have been trained to 
religion in the school of adversity. The other treatise was a 
large letter, addressed to those in London and other parts of 
England, among whom he had been employed as a preacher. 
The drift of it was to warn them against abandoning the religion 
which they had embraced, or giving countenance to the idolatrous 
worship now erected among them. The reader of this letter 
cannot fail to be struck with its animated strain, wher he ivilects 
that it proceeded from a forlorn exile, in a strange country* 
without a single acquaintance, and ignorant where he would 
find a place of abode, or the means of subsistence. As a speci- 
men of elevated piety, and the most fervid eloquence, I cannot 

* MS. Letters, pp. 165 — 167. Admonition, pp. 46 — 48. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 91 

refrain from quoting the conclusion of the letter ; in which he 
addresses their consciences, their hopes, their fears, and adjures 
them, by all that is sacred, and all that is dear to them, as men, 
as parents, and as Christians, not to start back from their good 
profession, and plunge themselves and their posterity into the 
gulf of ignorance and idolatry. 

" Allace ! sail we, efter so many graces that God has offerit 
in our dayis, for pleasure, or for vane threatnying of thame 
whome our hart knaweth and our mouthes have confessit to be 
odious idolateris, altogidder without resistance turne back to 
our vomit and damnabill ydolatrie, to the perdition of us and 
mr posteritie ? horribill to be hard ! Sail Godis halie pre- 
ceptis wirk no greater obedience in us? Sail nature no other- 
wayis molifie our hartis ? Sail not fatherlie pitie overcum this 
cruelnes ? I speik to you, natural father! s ! Behold your 
children with the eie of mercie, and considder the end of thair 
creatioun. Crueltie it were to saif your selves, and damn thame. 
But, ! more than crueltie, and madnes that can not be ex- 
pressit, gif,* for the pleasure of a moment, ye depry ve yourselves 
and your posteritie of that eternall joy that is ordanit for thame 
that continewis in confessioun of Christis name to the end. Gif 
natural lufe, fatherly affectioun, reverence of God, feir of tor- 
ment, or yit hoip of lyfe, move you, than will ye ganestand 
that abominabill ydol ; whilk, gif ye do not, then, allace ! the 
sonet is gone doun, and the lyht is quyte lost, the trompet is 
ceissit, and ydolatrie is placeit in quietnes and rest. But gif 
God sail strenthin you (as unfainedlie I pray that his Majestie 
may), then is their but ane dark elude overspred the sone for 
ane moment, whilk schortlie shall vanische, sa that the beames 
efter salbe seven fauld mare bryht and amiable nor they were 
befoir. Your patience and constancie salbe a louder trompit to 
your posteritie than were the voces of the prophetis that in- 
structit you ; and so is not the trompit ceissit sa lang as any 
baldlie resistith ydolatrie. And, thairfoir, for the tender mer- 
cies of God, arme yourselves to stand with Christ in this his 
schorte battell. 

" Let it be -knawn to your posteritie that ye wer Christianis, 
and no ydolateris ; that ye learnit Chryst in tyme of rest, and 
baldlie professit him in tyme of trubill. The preceptis, think 
ye, are scharpe and hard to be observit; and yet agane I 
affirme, that comparit with the plagis that sail assuredlie fall 
upon obstinat ydolateris, they salbe fund easie and lycht. For 
avoyding of ydolatrie ye may perchance be compellit to leave 
your native contrie and realme, but obeyris of ydolatrie without ■ 
end salbe compellit to burne in hell ; for avoyding y lolatrie 

* If. t Sun. 



92 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



your substance salbe spoillit, but for obeying ydolatrie heavenly 
ryches sal be lost ; for avoyding ydolatrie ye may fall into the 
handis of earthlie tirantis, but obeyeris, manteaneris, and con- 
sentaris to ydolatrie sail not eschaip the handis of the liveing 
God ; for avoyding of ydolatrie your children salbe depryvit of 
father, friendis, ryches, and of rest, but by obeying ydolatrie 
they sail be left without God, without the knawledge of his 
word, and without hoip of his kingdome. Considder, deir breth- 
rene, that how mekill mair * dolorous and fearfull it is to be 
tormentit in hell than to suffer trubill in erth, to be depryvit of 
heavenlie joy than to be rubbitt of transitorie ryches, to fall in 
the hands of the liveing God than to obey manis vane and 
uncertain displeasure, to leif oure children destitute of God than 
to leif them unprovydit before the world, — sa mekill mair feir- 
ful it is to obey ydolatrie, or by dissembling to consent to the 
same, than by avoiding and flying from the abominatioun, to 
suffer what inconvenient may follow thairupon. 

" Ye feir corporall deth. Gif nature admitit any man to live 
ever, than had your feir sum aperance of reasone. But gif 
corporall deth be commoun to all, w T hy will ye jeoparde to lois 
eternall lyfe, to eschaip that which neither ryche nor pure, 
nether wyse nor ignorant, proud of stomoke nor febill of corage, 
and finally, no earthlie creature, by no craft nor ingynej of 
man, did ever avoid. Gif any eschapit the uglie face and hor- 
ribill feir of deth, it was thay that baldlie confessit Chryst be- 
foir men. — Why audit the way of lyfe to be so fearful by 
reasone of any pane, considering that a great number of oure 
brethrene hes past befoir ws, by lyke dangeris as we .feir. A 
stout and prudent marinell, in tyme of tempest, seeing but one 
or two schippis, or like weschells to his, pass throughout any 
danger, and to win a sure harberie, will have gud esperance, § 
by the like wind, to do the same. Allace ! sail ye be mair feir- 
full to win lyfe eternall, than the natural man is to save the cor- 
porall lyfe ? Hes not the maist part of the Sanctis of God from 
the begynning enterit into thair rest, by torment and trubillis ? 
And yit what complayntis find we in thair mouthis, except it 
be the lamenting of thair persecuteris ? Did God comfort thame ? 
and sail his Majestie despyse us, gif, in fichting againis iniquitie, 
we will follow thair futstepis ? Hie will not." j| 

On the last day of February, 1 554,11 he set out from Dieppe, 



* Much more. f Robbed. \ Wit. j I lope. 

|| Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. in MS. Letters, pp. 149—151, 
J 56. 

IT His Exposition of the sixtli Psalm concludes with these words : " I 'pon 
the very point of my journey, the last of February, 1553." MS. Letters, 
p. 109. The reader will recollect, that in our Reformer's time, they did no* 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 93 

•ike the Hebrew patriarch of old, " not knowing whither he 
event ;"* and " committing his way to God," travelled through 
France to Switzerland. A correspondence had been kept up 
between some of the English reformers and the most noted 
divines of the Helvetic Church. The latter had already heard 
with the sincerest grief, of the overthrow of the Reformation, 
and the dispersion of its friends, in England. On making him- 
se^ known, Knox was cordially received by them, and treated 
with the most affectionate hospitality. He spent some time in 
Switzerland, visiting the particular churches, and conferring 
with the learned men of that country ; and embraced the op- 
portunity of submitting to them certain difficult questions, which 
were suggested by the present conjuncture of affairs in Eng- 
land, and about which his mind had been greatly occupied. 
Their views with respect to these coinciding with his own, he 
was confirmed in the judgment which he had already formed 
for himself.t 

In the beginning of May he returned to Dieppe, to receive 
information from England ; a journey which he repeated at 
intervals as long as he remained on the Continent. The kind 
reception which he had met with, and the agreeable company 
which he enjoyed during his short residence in Switzerland, 
had helped to dissipate the cloud which hung upon his spirits 
when he landed in France, and to open his mind to more pleas- 
ing prospects as to the issue of the present afflicting events. 
This appears from a letter written by him at this time, and 
addressed " To his afflicted brethren." After discoursing of the 
situation of the disciples of Christ during the time that he lay 
in the grave, and of the sudden transition which they experi- 
enced, upon the reappearance of their Master, from the depth 
of sorrow to the summit of joy, he adds : " The remembrance 
thereof is unto my heart great matter of consolation. For yet 
my good hope is, that one day or other, Christ Jesus, that now 
is crucified in England, shall rise again, in despite of his ene- 
mies, and shall appear to his weak and sore troubled disciples ; 

begin the year until the 25th of March ; so that " February, 1533," accord- 
ing to the old reckoning, is, " February, 1554," according to the modern. 

* His Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. concludes thus : — " From ane 
sore trubillit hart, upon my departure from Diep, 1553, ichither God knaw- 
6th. In God is my trust through Jesus Chryst his sone ; and, thairfor, I 
feir not the tyrannie of man, nether yet what the devill can invent against 
me. Rejoice, ye faithfull ; for in joy shall we meit, wher deth may not 
dissever us." MS. Letters, pp. 157, 158. 

f In a Letter, dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, he says, " My awin estait ia 
this : since the 28 of Januar," counting from the time he came to France, 
" I have travellit throughout all the congregations of Helvetia, and has rea- 
sonit with all the pastoris and many other excellence learnitmen, upon sic 
matters as now I cannot comit to wrytting." MS. Letters, p. 31^ 



94 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

(for yet some he hath in that wretched and miserable realm) ; 
to whom he shall say, ' Peace be unto you ; it is I, be not 
afraid.' "* 

His spirit was also refreshed at this time, by the information 
that he received of the constancy with which his mother-in-law 
adhered to the Protestant faith. Her husband, it appears, took 
it for granted that she and the rest of the family had consciences 
equally accommodating with his own. It was not until she had 
evinced, in the most determined manner, her resolution to for- 
sake friends and native country, rather than sacrifice her reli- 
gion, that she was released from his importunities to comply 
with the Roman Catholic religion.! Before he went to Switzer- 
land, Knox had signified his intention, if his life was spared, 
of visiting his friends at Berwick.:}: When he returned to Di- 
eppe, he had not relinquished the thoughts of this enterprise.§ 
It is likely that his friends had, in their letters, dissuaded him 
from it ; and, after cool consideration, he resolved to postpone 
an attempt, by which he must have risked his life, without the 
prospect of doing any good.|| 

Wherefore, setting out again from Dieppe, he repaired to 
Geneva. The celebrated Calvin was then in the zenith of his 
reputation and usefulness in that city, and having completed its 
ecclesiastical establishment, and surmounted the opposition 
raised by those who envied his authority, or disliked his system 
of doctrine and discipline, was securely seated in the affections 
of the citizens. His writings were already translated into most 
of the languages of Europe ; and Geneva was thronged with 
strangers from England, France, Germany, Poland, Hungary, 
and even from Spain and Italy, who came to consult him about 
the advancement of the Reformation, or to find shelter from the 
persecutions to which they were exposed in their native coun- 
tries. The name of Calvin was respected by none more than 
the Protestants of England ; and, at the desire of Archbishop 
Cranmer, he had imparted to the Protector Somerset and to 
Edward VI. his advice as to the best method of advancing the 
Reformation in that kingdom.lf Knox was affectionately re- 
ceived by him as a refugee from England, and an intimate 
friendship was soon formed between them, which subsisted 
until the death of Calvin in 1564. They were nearly of the 
same age ; and there was a striking similarity in their senti- 
ments, and in the more prominent features of their character. 

* MS. Letters, pp. 313—315. 

f MS. Letters, p. 311. | Ibid. p. 103. 

$ Ibid. p. 319. || Ibid. p. 310. 

IT Strype's Cranmer, p. 413. Calvini Epist. et Respons. pp. 179, '24">, '249, 
•ianov. 1 97. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 95 

The Genevan reformer was highly pleased with the piety and 
talents of Knox, who, in his turn, entertained a greater esteem 
and deference for Calvin than for any other of the reformers. 
As Geneva was an eligible situation for prosecuting study, and 
as he approved much of the religious order established in that 
city, he resolved to make it the ordinary place of his residence 
during the continuance of his exile. 

But no prospect of personal safety or accommodation could 
banish from his mind the thoughts of his persecuted countrymen. 
In the month of July he undertook another journey to Dieppe, 
to inform himself accurately of their situation, and to learn if he 
could do any thing for their comfort.* The tidings he received 
on this occasion tore open those wounds which had begun to 
close. In Scotland, every thing was dark and discouraging 
The severities used against the Protestants of England daily 
increased ; and, what was still more afflicting to him, many of 
those who had embraced the truth under his ministry had been 
induced to return to the communion of the Popish Church. In 
the agony of his spirit, he wrote to them, setting before them 
the destruction to which they exposed their immortal souls by 
such cowardly desertion, and earnestly calling them to repent- 
ance.t Under his present impressions, he repeated his former 
admonitions to his mother-in-law, and to his wife ; over whose 
religious constancy he was tenderly jealous. " By pen will I 
write (because the bodies are put asunder to meet again at God's 
pleasure) that which, by mouth, and face to face, ye have heard, 
that if man or angel labour to bring you back from the confession 
that once you have given, let them in that behalf be accursed. 
If any trouble you above measure, whether they be magistrates 
or carnal friends, they shall bear their just condemnation, unless 
they speedily repent. But now, mother, comfort you my heart 
(God grant ye may) in this my great affliction and dolorous 
pilgrimage ; continue stoutly to the end, and bow you never 
before that idol, and so will the rest of worldly troubles be unto 

* One of his letters to Mrs. Bowes is dated, " At Diep the 20 of July 
1544, after I had visited Geneva and uther partis, and returned to Diep to 
learn the estait of Ingland and Scotland." MS. Letters, pp. 255, 256. This 
is the letter which was published by Knox, along with his answer to Tyrie, 
in 1572, after the death of Mrs. Bowes. 

f In the letter mentioned in last note, he refers his mother-in-law to a 
general letter written," says he, " be me in greit anguiss of hart, to the 
congregationis of whome I heir say a greit part, under pretence that thai 
may keip faith secreitt in the hart, and yet do as idolaters do, beginnis now 
to fall before that idoll. But O, alas ! blindit and desavit ar thai ; as they 
sail knaw in the Lordis visitatioun, whilk, sa assuredlie as our God liveth, 
sail shortlie apprehend thai-backstarteris amangis the middis of idolateris." 
MS. Letters, p. 252. On the margin of the printed copy is his note : " Fre- 
quent lett 'rs written by Johne Knox to decline from idolatrie." 



96 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

me more tolerable. With my own heart I often commune, yea 
and, as it were comforting myself, I appear to triumph, tha* 
God shall never sutler you to fall in that rebuke. Sure I an: 
that both ye would fear and eschame to commit that abomination 
in my presence, who am but a wretched man, subject to sin and 
misery like to yourself. But, mother ! though no earthly 
creature should "be offended with you, yet fear ye the presence 
and offence of Him, who, present in all places, searcheth the 
very heart and reins — whose indignation, once kindled against 
theinobedient (and no sin more inflameth his wrath than 
idolatry doth), no creature in heaven nor in earth is able to 
appease."* 

He was in this state of mind when he composed the Admoni- 
tion to England, which was published about the end of this year. 
Those who have censured him, as indulging in an excessive 
vehemence of spirit and bitterness of language, usually refer to 
this tract in support of their charge.t It is true that he there 
paints the persecuting Papists in the blackest colours, and holds 
them up as objects of human execration and divine vengeance. 
I do not now stop to inquire, whether he was chargeable with 
transgressing the bounds of moderation prescribed by reason 
and religion, in the expression of his indignation and zeal ; or 
whether the censures pronounced by his accusers, and the prin 
ciples upon which they proceed, do not involve a condemnation 
of the temper and language of the most righteous men mentioned 
in Scripture, and even of our Saviour himself. But, I may ask, 
is there no apology for his severity to be found in the character 
of the persons against whom he wrote, and in the state of his 
own feelings, lacerated, not by personal sufferings, but by 
sympathy with his suffering brethren, who were driven into 
prisons by their unnatural countrymen, " as sheep for the 
slaughter," to be brought forth and barbarously immolated to 
appease the Roman Moloch ? Who could suppress indignation 
in speaking of the conduct of men, who, having raised themselves 
to honour and affluence by the warmest professions of friendship 
to the reformed religion under the preceding reign, now abetted 
the most violent measures against their former brethren and 
benefactors ? What terms were too strong for stigmatizing the 
execrable system of persecution coolly projected by the dissem- 
bling, vindictive Gardiner, the brutal barbarity of the bloody 
Bonner, or the unrelenting, insatiable cruelty of Mary, who, 
having extinguished the feelings of humanity, and divested her- 
self of the tenderness which characterizes her sex. continued to 
urge to fresh severities the willing instruments of her cruelty 
after they were sated with blood, and to issue orders for tlie 

* MS. Letters, pp. 251—253. f Collier, Eccles. History, H. 11!. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 97 

murder of her subjects, until her own husband, bigoted and un 
feeling as he was, turned with disgust from the spectacle ? 

On such a theme 'tis impious to be calm ; 
Passion l is reason, transport temper here. 

Oppression makes a wise man mad ; but (to use the words of 
a modern orator, with a more just application) " the distemper 
is still the madness of the wise, which is better than the sobriety 
of fools. Their cry is the voice of sacred misery, exalted, not 
into wild raving, but into the sanctified frenzy of prophecy and 
inspiration." 

Knox returned to Geneva, and applied himself to study with 
all the ardour of youth, although his age now bordered upon 
fifty. It seems to have been at this time that he made himseli 
master of the Hebrew language, which he had no opportunity 
of acquiring in early life.* It is natural to inquire by what 
funds he was supported during his exile. However much in- 
clined his mother-in-law was to relieve his necessities, the dis- 
position of her husband appears to have put it greatly out of 
her power. Any small sums which his friends had advanced 
to him, before his sudden departure from England, were ex- 
hausted; and he was at this time very much straitened for 
money. Being unwilling to burden strangers, he looked for 
assistance to the voluntary contributions of those among whom 
he had laboured. In a letter to Mrs. Bowes, he says, " My 
own estate I cannot well declare ; but God shall guide the 
footsteps of him that is wilsome, and will feed him in trouble 
that never greatly solicited for the world. If any collection 
might be made among the faithful, it were no shame for me to 
receive that which Paul refused not in the time of his trouble. 
But all I remit to his Providence that ever careth for his own."t 
I find that remittances were made to him by particular friends, 
both in England and Scotland, during his residence on the 
Continent.^ 

Meanwhile, the persecution growing hot in England, great 
numbers of Protestants had made their escape from that king- 
dom. Before the close of the year 1554, there were on the 
Continent several hundred Englishmen of good education, 
besides others of different ranks, who had preferred religion to 
country, and voluntarily encountered all the hardships of exile, 
that they might hold fast the profession of the Protestant faith. 
The foreign reformed churches exhibited, on this occasion, an 
amiable proof of the spirit of their religion, and amply recom- 

* MS. Letters, p. 322. Davidson's Breif Commendatioun of Uprichtnes ; 
reprinted in the Supplement. 

+ MS. Letters, p. 256. J Ibid. pp. 344, 373. 

9 N 



98 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

penscd the kindness which England had shewn to strangers 
during the reign of Edward. They emulated one another in 
exertions to accommodate the unfortunate refugees who were 
dispersed an.ong them, and endeavoured, with the most affec- 
tionate solicitude, to supply their wants and alleviate their 
sufferings. * The principal places in which the English exiles 
obtained settlements, were Zurich, Basle, Geneva, Arrow, 
Embden, Wesel, Strasburg, Duysburg, and Frankfort. 

Frankfort on the Maine was a rich imperial city of Germany, 
which, at an early period, had embraced the Reformation, and 
befriended Protestant refugees from all countries, so far as this 
could be done without coming to an open breach with the em- 
peror, by whom their conduct was watched with a jealous eye. 
There was already a church of French Protestants in that city. 
On the 14th of July 1554, the English who had come to Frank- 
fort obtained from the magistrates the joint use of the place of 
worship allotted to the French, with liberty to perform religious 
service in their own language.! This was granted upon the 
condition of their conforming, as nearly as possible, to the mode 
of worship used by the French Church ; a prudent precaution, 
dictated by the political situation in which the city was placed. 
The offer was gratefully accepted by the English, who came to 
a unanimous agreement, that they would omit the use of the 
surplice, the litany, the audible responses, and some other cere- 
monies prescribed by the English liturgy, which, " in those re- 
formed churches, would seem more than strange," or which 
were "superstitious and superfluous." Having settled this 
point in the most harmonious manner, elected deacons and a 
temporary pastor, and agreed upon certain rules of discipline, 
they wrote a circular letter to their brethren who were scattered 
through different places, informing them of the agreeable settle- 
ment which they had obtained, and inviting them to participate 
in their accommodations at Frankfort, and unite with them in 
prayers for the afflicted Church of England. The exiles at 
Strasburg, in their reply to this letter, recommended to them 

* It is painful to observe, that many of the Lutherans, at this time, dis- 
graced themselves by their illiberal inhospitality, refusing, in different in- 
stances, to admit those who fled from England into their harbours and towns, 
because they differed from them in their sentiments on the sacramental con- 
troversy. Melch. Adami Vitae Exter. Theolog. p. 20. Strype's Cranmer, 
p. 353, 361. Gerdesii Hist. Reform, torn. iii. 235 — 237. 

f The English exiles were greatly indebted for this favour to the friendly 
services of the French pastors. One of these, Valerandus Polanus, was a 
native of Flanders, and had been minister of a congregation in Strasburg. 
During the confusions produced in Germany by the Interim, he had retired 
along with his congregation to England, and obtained a settlement at Glas- 
lontmry. Upon the death of Edward VI. he went to Frankfort Strype's 
Memor. of the Reform, ii. 242 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 9<) 

certain persons as well qualified for filling the offices of super- 
intendent and pastor; a recommendatien not asked by the 
congregation at Frankfort, who did not think a superintendent 
necessary" in their situation, and who intended to put themselves 
under the inspection of two or three pastors invested with equal 
authority". They accordingly proceeded to make choice of 
three persons to this office. One of these was Knox, who re- 
ceived information of his election by a letter written in the 
name of the congregation, and subscribed by its principal 
members.* 

The deputation which waited on him with this invitation 
found him engaged in the prosecution of his studies at Geneva. 
From aversion to sacrifice the advantages which he enjoyed, or 
from the apprehension of difficulties that he might meet with 
at Frankfort, he would gladly have excused himself from ac- 
cepting the invitation. But the deputies having employed the 
powerful intercession of Calvin,t he was induced to comply, 
and repairing to Frankfort in the month of November, com- 
menced his ministry with the universal consent and approba- 
tion of the Church. Previous to his arrival, however, the 
harmony which at first subsisted among that people had been 
disturbed. In reply to the letter addressed to them, the exiles 
at Zurich had signified that they would not come to Frankfort, 
unless they obtained security that the Church there would 
" use the same order of service concerning religion, which 
was, in England, last set forth by King Edward;" for they 
were fully determined " to admit and use no other." They 
alleged, that, by varying from that service, they would give 
occasion to their adversaries to charge their religion with im- 
perfection and mutability, and would condemn their brethren 
who were sealing it with their blood in England. To these 
representations the brethren at Frankfort replied, that they had 
obtained the liberty of a place of worship, upon condition of 
their accommodating themselves as much as possible to the 
forms used by the French Church ; that there were a number 
of things in the English service-book which would be offensive 
to the Protestants among whom they resided, and which had 
been occasion of scruple to conscientious persons at home ; 
that, by the variations which they had introduced, they were 
very far from meaning to throw any reflection upon the regu- 
lations of their late sovereign and his council, who had them- 
selves altered many things, and had resolved on still greater 
alterations, without thinking that they gave any handle to their 
popish adversaries ; and still less did they mean to detract from 
the credit of the martyrs, who, they were persuaded, shed their 

* See Note V. f Knox, Historie, p. 85. 



100 LIFE OF JOHN KNOv 

blood in confirmation of more important things than mutable 
ceiemonies of human appointment. This reply had the effect 
of lowering the tone of the exiles at Zurich, but it did not 
satisfy them ; and instead of desisting from the controversy, 
and contenting themselves with remaining where they were, 
they instigated their brethren at Strasburg to urge the same re- 
quest, and, by letters and messengers, fomented dissension in 
the congregation at Frankfort.* 

When Knox arrived, he found that the seeds of animosity 
had already sprung up among them. From what we already 
know of his sentiments respecting the English service-book, we 
may be sure that the eagerness manifested by those who wished 
to impose it was very displeasing to him. But so sensible was 
he of the pernicious and discreditable effects of division among 
brethren exiled for the same faith, that he resolved to act as a 
moderator between the two parties, and to avoid, as far as pos- 
sible, every thing which might have a tendency to widen or 
continue the breach. Accordingly, when the congregation had 
agreed to adopt the order of the Genevan Church,! and re- 
quested him to proceed to administer the communion according 
to it, although he approved of that form, he declined carrying 
it into practice, until their learned brethren in other places were 
consulted. At the same time, he signified that he had not free- 
dom to dispense the sacraments agreeably to the English liturgy. 
If he could not be allowed to perform this service in a manner 
more consonant to Scripture, he requested that some other per- 
son might be employed in this part of duty, in which case he 
would willingly confine himself to preaching ; and if neither of 
these could be granted, he besought them to release him alto- 
gether from his charge. To this last request they would by no 
means consent. 

Fearing that, if these differences were not speedily accom- 
modated, they would burst into a flame, Knox, and some othei 
members of the congregation, drew up a summary of the Book 
of Common Prayer, and, having translated it into Latin, sent it 
to Calvin for his opinion and advice. In a reply, dated January 

* Brieff Discours oft* the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Germany, 
Anno Domini 1554, abowte the booke off Common Prayer, pp. xviii — xxiv. 
Printed in 1575. This work contains a full account of tbe transactions of 
the English Church at Frankfort, confirmed by original papers, 'the author 
was a non-conformist, but his narrative was allowed to be accurate by the 
opposite party. To save repetition, I may mention once for all, that, when 
no authority is referred to, my statement of these transactions is taken from 
this book. It was reprinted in 1(542, and is also to be found in the second 
volume of the Phenix, or a Revival of Scarce and Valuable Pieces. Lond. 
1707 — 8. But I have made use of the first edition. 

t This was the order of worship used by the Church at Geneva, of which 
Calvin was the minister. It had been lately translated into English. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 101 

20. 1555, Calvin stated, that he was grieved to hear of the un- 
seemly contentions which prevailed among them; that, although 
he had always recommended moderation respecting external 
ceremonies, yet he could not but condemn the obstinacy of 
those who would consent to no change of old customs ; that, 
in the liturgy of England, he had found many tolerable foole- 
ries (tolerabiles ineptias), — practices which might be tolerated 
at the beginning of a reformation, but ought to be removed as 
soon as possible ; that, in his opinion, the present condition of 
the English exiles warranted them to attempt this, and to agree 
upon an order more conducive to edification ; and that, for his 
part, he could not understand what those persons meant who 
discovered such fondness for popish dregs.* 

This letter, when read to the congregation, had a great effect 
in repressing the keenness of such as had urged the unlimited 
use of the liturgy ; and a committee was appointed to draw up 
a form which might put an end to all differences.'!" When this 
committee met, Knox told them that he was convinced it was 
necessary for one of the parties to relent before they could 
come to an amicable settlement; and that he would therefore 
state what he judged most proper to be done, and having ex- 
onerated himself, would .allow them, without opposition, to 
determine as they should answer to God and the Church. 
They accordingly agreed upon a form of worship, in which 
the English liturgy was followed, so far as their circumstances 
and the general ends of edification, permitted. This was to 
continue in force until the end of April next ; and if any dis- 
pute arose in the interval, it was to be referred to five of the 
most celebrated foreign divines. The agreement was subscribed 
by all the members of the congregation ; thanks were publicly 
returned to God for the restoration of harmony ; and the com- 
munion was received as a pledge of union, and of the burial 
of all past offences. 

But this agreement was soon after violated, and the peace of 
that unhappy congregation, again broken, in the most wanton 
and inexcusable manner. On the 13th of March, 1555, Dr. 
Cox, who had been preceptor to Edward VI, came from Eng- 
land to Frankfort, with some others in his company. The first 

* Calvini Epist. p. 28; Oper. torn. ix. Amstaelodami, anno 1637. 

•j Previous to the appointment of this committee, Knox, Whittingham, 
Fox, Gilby, and T. Cole, had composed (what was afterwards called) The 
Order of Geneva, but it did not meet the views of all concerned. This was 
different from the order of the Genevan Church, already referred to ; and 
obtained its name from the circumstance of its having been first used by the 
English Church at Geneva. It was afterwards used in the Church of Scot- 
land under the name of the Book of Common Order, and is sometimes called 
Knox's Liturgy. 

9* 



102 LIFE OF jOHN KNOX. 

day on which they attended public worship after their arrival 
they broke through the established order, by answering aloud 
after the minister in the time of divine service. Being admo 
nished by some of the elders to refrain from that practice, they 
insolently replied, " that they would do as they had done in 
England; and they would have the face of an English 
Church." — "The Lord grant it to have the face of Christ's 
Church," says Knox, in an account which he drew up of these 
transactions ; " and therefore I would have had it agreeable, 
in outward rites and ceremonies, with Christian Churches re- 
formed."* 

On the following Sabbath, one of their number having in- 
truded himself into the pulpit without the consent of the 
pastors or the congregation, read the litany, while Cox and his 
accomplices echoed the responses. This offensive behaviour 
was aggravated by the consideration, that some of them had, 
before leaving England, been guilty of compliances with 
Popery, for which they had not yet given satisfaction to their 
brethren. 

Such an infraction of public order, as well as insult upon the 
whole body, could not be passed over in silence. It was 
Knox's turn to preach on the afternoon of the Sabbath when 
this occurred. In his ordinary course of lecturing through the 
book of Genesis, he had occasion to discourse of the manner in 
which offences committed by professors of religion ought to be 
treated. Having mentioned that there were infirmities in their 
conduct over which a veil should be thrown, he proceeded to 
remark, that offences which openly dishonoured God and dis- 
turbed the peace of the Church, ought to be disclosed and 
publicly rebuked. He then reminded them of the contention 
which had existed in the congregation, and of the happy man- 
ner in which, after long and painful labour, it had been ended, 
to the joy of all, by the solemn agreement which had that day 
been so flagrantly violated. This, he said, it became not the 
proudest of them to have attempted. Nothing which was 
destitute of a divine warrant ought to be obtruded upon any 
Christian Church. In that book for which some entertained 
such an overweening fondness, he would undertake to prove 
publicly, that there were things imperfect, impure, and super- 
stitious; and if any should go about to burden a free congre- 
gation with such things, he would not fail, as often as he 
occupied that place, provided his text afforded occasion, to 
oppose their design. As he had been forced to enter upon that 
subject, he would say farther, that, in his judgment, slackness 
in reforming religion, when time and opportunity were granted 

* Cald. MS. i. 249. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 103 

for this purpose, was one cause of the divine displeasure 
against England. He adverted also to the trouble which 
Bishop Hooper had suffered for refusing to comply with some 
of the ceremonies, to the want of discipline, and to the well- 
known fact, that three, four, or five benefices had been held 
by one man, to the depriving of the flock of Christ of their 
necessary food. 

This free reprimand was highly resented by those against 
whom it was levelled, especially by such as had held pluralities 
in England, who insisted that the preacher should be called to 
account for slandering their mother church. A special meeting 
being held for the consideration of this affair, the friends of the 
liturgy, instead of prosecuting their complaints against Knox, 
began with requiring that Cox and his friends should be ad- 
mitted to a vote in the discussion. This was resisted by the 
great majority, on the ground that these persons had not yet 
subscribed the discipline of the Church, nor given satisfaction 
for their late disorderly conduct, and their sinful compliances 
in England. The behaviour of our Reformer, on this occasion, 
was more remarkable for magnanimity than prudence. Al- 
though aware of the hostility of Cox's adherents to himself, 
and that they sought admission chiefly to overpower him by 
numbers, he was so confident of the justice of his cause, and 
so anxious to remove prejudices, that he entreated and pre- 
vailed with the meeting to yield to their unreasonable request, 
and to admit them immediately to a vote. " I know," said he, 
" that your earnest desire to be received at this instant within 
the number of the congregation, is, that, by the multitude of 
your voices, ye may overthrow my cause. Howbeit, the 
matter is so evident, that ye shall not be able to do it. I fear 
not your judgment ; and therefore do require that ye may be 
admitted."* This disinterestedness was thrown away on the 
opposite party ; for no sooner were they admitted, and had 
obtained a majority of voices, than Cox, usurping an authority 
with which he had never been invested, discharged Knox 
from preaching, and from all interference in the congregational 
affairs, t 

The great body of the congregation were indignant at these 
proceedings ; and there was reason to fear that the mutual ani- 
mosity would break out into a disgraceful tumult. To prevent 
this, some of the members made a representation of the case to 

* Cald. MS. i. 252. 

| Collier (ii. 395) says that Knox manifested in this instance "a surpri- 
sing compliance." But it appears, even from the account given by that 
historian, that, in the whole of the Frankfort affair, our Reformer displayed 
the greatest moderation and forbearance, while the conduct of his opponents 
was marked throughout with violence and want of charity. 



L04 LIFE OF JOHN K N O X . 

the, senate of Frankfort, who, after recommending in vain a 
private accommodation, issued an order that the congregation 
should conform exactly to the mode of service used by the 
French Church, as nothing but confusion had ensued since they 
departed from it ; and threatened, if this was not complied 
with, to shut up their place of worship. To this peremptory 
injunction the Coxian faction pretended a cheerful submission, 
while they clandestinely concerted measures for obtaining its 
revocation, and enforcing their favourite liturgy upon a re- 
claiming congregation. 

Perceiving the influence which our countryman had in the 
Church, and despairing to carry their plan into execution so 
long as he was among them, they determined, in the first place, 
to rid themselves of his presence. To accomplish this object, 
they had recourse to one of the basest and most unchristian 
acts ever employed to ruin an adversary. Two of them, in 
concurrence with others, went privately to the magistrates, and 
accused Knox of high treason against the Emperor of Ger- 
many, his son Philip, and Queen Mary of England; putting 
into their hands at the same time a copy of a book which he 
had lately published, and in which the passages containing the 
grounds of charge were marked. "0 Lord God !" says Knox, 
when relating this step, " open their hearts to see their wicked- 
ness, and forgive them for thy manifold mercies. And I for- 
give them, Lord, from the bottom of mine heart. But that 
thy message sent by my mouth may not be slandered, I am 
compelled to declare the cause of my departing, and to utter 
their follies, to their amendment, I trust, and the example of 
others, who, in the same banishment, can have so cruel hearts 
as to persecute their brethren."* The book which the inform- 
ers left with the magistrates was his Admonition to England ; 
and the passage upon which they principally fixed, as sub- 
stantiating the charge of treason against the emperor, was the 
following, originally spoken to the inhabitants of Amersham in 
Buckinghamshire,! on occasion of the rumour of marriage of 
Queen Mary with Philip, the son and heir of Charles V., a 
match which was at that time dreaded by many of the English 

* Cald. MS. i. 254. Upon his return to Geneva, Knox committed to 
writing a narrative of the causes of his retiring from Frankfort. This he 
intended to publish in his own defence; but, on mature deliberation, he re- 
solved to suppress it, and to leave his own character to suffer, rather than 
expose his brethren and the common cause in which they were engaged. 
His narrative was preserved by Calderwood, and has furnished me with 
several facts. It contains the names of the persons who accused him to the 
senate of Frankfort, and of their advisers, which I have omitted, after the 
example of Knox, in the notice which he has taken of the ailair, in his Hi.*- 
torie of the Reformation, p. 85. 
i See above, p. 82. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 105 

Catholics. " England, England ! if thou obstinately wilt 
return into Egypt, that is, if thou contract marriage, confede- 
racy, or league with such princes as do maintain and advance 
idolatry, such as the emperor, who is no less enemy to Christ 
than ever was Nero — if for the pleasure of such princes thou 
return to thy old abominations before used under Papistry, 
then assuredly, England, thou shalt be plagued and brought 
to desolation, by the means of those whose favour thou seek- 
est !" The other passages related to the cruelties of the Eng- 
lish queen. Not to speak of the extravagance of the charge 
which they founded upon these passages, and of the un- 
brotherly spirit which they discovered, it was with little grace 
and consistency that the sticklers for the English forms availed 
themselves of the strong language which Knox had employed 
in the warmth of his zeal, in order to excite prejudices against 
him ; and it would be no difficult task to extract from their 
writings declamations against their own queen, and against for- 
eign princes, more intemperate than any thing that ever pro- 
ceeded from his pen.* 

In consequence of this accusation, the magistrates sent for 
Whittingham, a respectable member of the English congregation, 
and interrogated him concerning Knox's character. He told 
them that he was " a learned, grave, and godly man." They 
then acquainted him with the serious accusation which had 
been lodged against him by some of his countrymen, and giving 
him the book, charged him, sub poena pads, to bring them an 
exact Latin translation of the passages which were marked. 
This being done, they commanded Knox to desist from preach- 
ing until their pleasure should be known. To this command 
he peaceably submitted ; " yet," says he in his narrative, "being 
desirous to hear others, I went to the church next day, not 
thinking that my company would have offended any. But as 
soon as my accusers saw me, they, with and others, de- 
parted from the sermon ; some of them protesting with great 
vehemence that they would not tarry where I was."f The 
magistrates were extremely perplexed how to act in this deli- 
cate business. On the one hand, they were satisfied of the 
malice of Knox's accusers ; on the other, they were afraid that 
information of the charge would be conveyed to the emperor's 

» See Note W. 

f Cald. MS. i. 255. Mr. Strype nas not discovered his usual impartiality 
or accuracy in the short account he has given of this aft'air. He says that 
Knox had " published some dangerous princ'ples about government," and 
that the informers " thought it fit for their own security to make an open 
complaint against him." Memor. of the Reform, iii. 242. Knox had, at that 
time, published nothing on the subject of government ; and Collier himself 
does not pretend such an excuse for the actors. 




106 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

council, which then sat at Augsburg, and that tlity might be 
obliged to deliver up the accused to them, or to the Queen of 
England. In this dilemma, they desired Whittingham to advise 
his friend privately to retire of his own accord from Frankfort 
At the same time, they did not dissemble their detestation of 
the unnatural conduct of the informers, who, having waited 
upon them to know the result of their deliberations, were dis 
missed from their presence with evident marks of displeasure. 

On the 25th of March, Knox delivered a most consolatory 
discourse to about fifty members of the congregation, who as- 
sembled at his lodgings in the evening. Next day they accom- 
panied him some miles on his journey from Frankfort, and, with 
heavy hearts and many tears, committed him to God, and took 
their leave. 

No sooner was Knox gone than Cox, who had privately con- 
certed the plan with Glauberg, a civilian, and nephew of the 
chief magistrate, procured an order from the senate for the 
unlimited use of the English liturgy, by means of the false re- 
presentation, that it was now universally acceptable to the 
congregation. The next step was the abrogation of the code 
of discipline, and then the appointment of a bishop, or super- 
intendent over the pastors. Having accomplished these impor- 
tant improvements, they could now boast that they had, " the 
face of an English church." Yes, they could now raise their 
heads above all the reformed churches which had the honour 
of entertaining them, and which, though they might have all 
the office-bearers and ordinances instituted by Christ, had neither 
bishop, nor litany, nor surplice ! They could now lift up their 
faces in the presence of the Church of Rome herself, and cherish 
the hope that she would not altogether disown them ! But let 
me not forget that the men of whom I write were at this time 
suffering exile for the Protestant religion, and that they really 
detested the body of Popery, though childishly and super- 
stitiously attached to its attire, and gestures, and language. 

The sequel of the transactions in the English congregation at 
Frankfort does not properly belong to this memoir. I shall 
only add, that after some ineffectual attempts to obtain satis- 
faction for the breach of the Church's peace, and the injurious 
treatment of their minister, a considerable number of the mem- 
bers left the city. Some of them, among whom was Fox, the 
celebrated martyrologist, repaired to Basle. The greater part 
went to Geneva, where they obtained a place of worship, and 
lived in great harmony and love until the storm of persecution 
in England blew over at the death of Queen Mary ; while those 
who remained at Frankfort, as if to expiate their offence against 
Knox, continued a prey to endless contention. Cox and his 
learned colleagues, having accomplished their favourite object, 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 107 

goon left them to compose the strife which they had excited, 
and provided themselves elsewhere with a less expensive situa- 
tion for carrying on their studies.*. 

I have been the more minute in the detail of these transac- 
tions, not only on account of the share which the subject of this 
memoir had in them, but because they throw light upon the 
controversy between the conformists and non-conformists, which 
runs through the succeeding period of the ecclesiastical history 
of England. " The troubles at Frankfort" present, in minia- 
ture, a striking picture of that contentious scene which was 
afterwards exhibited on a larger scale in the mother country. 
The issue of that affair augured ill as to the prospect of an ami- 
cable adjustment of the litigated points. It had been usual to 
urge conformity to the obnoxious ceremonies, from the respect 
due to the authority by which they were enjoined. But in this 
instance the civil authority, so far from enjoining, had rather 
discountenanced them. If they were urged with such intole- 
rant importunity in a place where the laws and customs were 
repugnant to them, what was to be expected in England, where 
law and custom were on their side ? The divines who received 
ecclesiastical preferment at the accession of Elizabeth, professed 
that they desired the removal of these grounds of strife, but 
could not obtain it from the queen ; and I am disposed to give 
many of them credit for the sincerity of their profession. But as 
they showed themselves so stiff and unyielding when the mat- 
ter was wholly in their own power — as some of them were so 
eager in wreathing a yoke about the consciences of the brethren 
as to urge reluctant magistrates to rivet it — is it any wonder 

* Cox was afterwards made to feel a little the galling yoke which he 
strove to impose on his brethren. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, that 
stately princess, still fonder of pompous and popish equipage than her clergy, 
kept a crucifix in her chapel, and ordered her chaplains to perform divine 
service before it. Dr. Cox was the only one of the refugees" who complied 
with this order, but his conscience afterwards remonstrating against it, he 
wrote a letter to the queen, requesting to be excused from continuing the 
practice. It is observable, that in this letter he employs the great argument 
which Knox had used against other ceremonies, while he prostrates himself 
before bis haughty mistress with a submission to which our Reformer would 
never have stooped. " I ought," says he, " to do nothing touching religion, 
which may appear doubtful whether it pleaseth God or not; for our religion 
ought to be certain, and grounded upon God's word and will. Tender my 
sute, I beseech you, in visceribus Jesu Christi, my dear sovereign, and most 
gracious queen Elizabeth." Burnet, ii. Append. 294. The crucifix was re- 
moved at this time, but was again introduced about 1570. Strype's Parker, 
p. 310. Dr. Cox afterwards fell under the displeasure of his " dear sove- 
reign," for maintaining rather stiffly his right to some of the revenues of his 
bishopric. Strype's Annals, ii. 579. It is but justice, however, to this learned 
man to say, that I do not find him taking a very active part against the non- 
conformists after his return to England ; he even made some attempts for the 
remo\ al of the obnoxious ceremonies. 



108 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

that their applications for relief were cold and ineffectual, when 
made to rulers who were disposed to make the yoke still more 
severe, and "to chastise with scorpions those whom they had 
chastised with whips ?" I repeat it : when I consider the trans- 
actions at Frankfort, I am not surprised at the defeat of every 
subsequent attempt to advance the Reformation in England, or 
to procure relief to those who scrupled to yield conformity to 
some of the ecclesiastical laws. I know it is pleaded, that the 
things complained of are matters of indifference, not prohibited 
in Scripture, not imposed as essential to religion or necessary 
to salvation, matters that can affect no well informed con- 
science ; and that such as refuse them, when enacted by autho- 
rity, are influenced by unreasonable scrupulosity, conceited, 
pragmatical, opinionative. This has been the usual language 
of a ruling party, when imposing upon the consciences of the 
minority. But, not to urge here the danger of allowing to an\ 
class of rulers, civil or ecclesiastical, a power of enjoining in- 
different things in religion; nor the undeniable fact, that the 
burdensome system of ceremonial observances, by which re- 
ligion was corrupted under the Papacy, was gradually intro- 
duced under these and similar pretexts ; nor that the things in 
question, when complexly and formally considered, are not 
really matters of indifference ; not to insist at present upon these 
topics, the answer to the above plea is short and decisive. 
These things appear matters of conscience and importance to 
the scruplers; you say they are matters of indifference. Why, 
then, violate the sacred peace of the Church, and perpetuate 
division ; why silence, deprive, harass, and starve men of ac- 
knowledged learning and piety, and drive from communion a 
sober and devout people; why torture their consciences, and 
endanger their souls, by the imposition of things, which, in your 
judgment, are indifferent, not necessary, and unworthy to be- 
come objects of contention ? 

Upon retiring from Frankfort, Knox went directly to Geneva. 
He was cordially welcomed back by Calvin. As his advice 
had great weight in disposing Knox to comply with the invita- 
tion from Frankfort, he felt much hurt at the treatment which 
had obliged him to leave it. In reply to an apologetic epistle 
which he received from Dr. Cox, Calvin, although he prudently 
restrained himself from saying any thing which might revive 
or increase the flame, could not conceal his opinion, that Knox 
had been used in an unbrotherly and unchristian manner, and 
that it would have been better for his accuser to have remained, 
at home, than to have come into a foreign country as a fire- 
brand to inflame a peaceable society.* 

* Ca vini Epistoloe, p. 98, ut supra. This letter is addressed " Cnoxo' 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 109 

It appeared from the event, that Providence had disengaged 
Knox from his late charge, to employ him on a more impor- 
tant service. From the time that he was carried prisoner into 
France, he had never lost sight of Scotland, nor relinquished 
the hope of again preaching in his native country. While he 
resided at Berwick and Newcastle, he had frequent opportuni- 
ties of personal intercourse with his countrymen, and of learn- 
ing the state of religion among them.* His unintermitted 
labours, during the five years which he spent in England, by 
occupying his time and attention, lessened the regret which he 
felt at seeing the object of his wishes apparently at as great a 
distance as ever. Upon leaving that kingdom, his thoughts 
were anxiously turned to Scotland. He found means to carry 
on an epistolary correspondence with some of his friends at 
home ; one great object of his journeys to Dieppe was to receive 
their letters ;t and he had the satisfaction, soon after his retreat 
from Frankfort, to obtain such information from them, as 
encouraged him to execute his design of paying a visit to his 
native country. To prepare the reader for the account of this 
journey, it will be necessary to take a view of the principal 
events which had occurred in that kingdom from the time that 
Knox was forced to leave it. 

The surrender of the castle of St. Andrews seemed to have 
given an irrecoverable blow to the reformed interest in Scotland. 
Among the prisoners conveyed to France were some of the 
most zealous and able Protestants in the kingdom ; and the rest, 
seeing themselves at the mercy of their adversaries, were dis- 
pirited and intimidated. The clergy triumphed in the victory 
which they had obtained,;}: and flattered themselves that they 
would now be able with ease to stifle all opposition to their 
measures. The regent, being guided entirely by his brother, 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews, was ready to employ all the 
power of the State in support of the Church, and ibr suppress- 
ing those who refused to submit to her decisions. During the 
confusions produced by the invasion of the kingdom under the 
Duke of Somerset, and by the disastrous defeat of the Scots at 
Pinkie, in the year 1547, the regent found it his interest not to 
irritate the Protestants ; but no sooner was he freed from the 

(by mistake of the publisher, instead of Coxo), "et Gregalibus. Pridie Idus 
Junii, 1555." Knox was at Geneva when Calvin wrote that letter. 
* See above, p. 70, 71. f MS. Letters, pp. 255—6. 

X The following lines were commonly repeated at this time, in allusion t<s 
Normand Leslie, who headed the conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun : — 
Priestis, content you now, priestis, content you now ; 
For Normand, and his companie, hes fillit the gallayis fow. 
10 



110 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



alarm created by these events than he began to treat them with 
severity. Aware that it would be extremely invidious to pro 
secute the barons and gentry upon a charge of heresy, and per- 
haps convinced that such measures in the time of his predecessor, 
had proved injurious to the hierarchy, the crafty primate com- 
menced his attack by bringing them to trial for crimes against 
the state.* Although they had conducted themselves in the 
most peaceable and loyal manner during the late invasion, and 
many of them had died under the standard of the regent,! they 
were accused of being secretly favourable to the English, and 
of holding correspondence with them. Cockburn of Ormiston, 
and Crichton of Brunston, were banished, and their estates for- 
feited.:): Sir John Melville of Raith, a gentleman of distinguish- 
ed probity, and of untainted loyalty, was accused of a traitorous 
connection with the enemy ; and although the only evidence 
adduced in support of the charge was a letter written by him to 
one of his sons then in England, and although this letter con- 
tained nothing criminal, yet was he unjustly condemned and 
beheaded.§ The signing of a treaty of peace with England, in 
1550, was a signal for the clergy to proceed to acts of more 
undisguised persecution. Adam Wallace, who had lived for 
some time as tutor in the family of Ormiston, was apprehended, 
and being tried for heresy before a convention of clergy and no- 
bility, was committed to the flames on the Castle-hill of Endin- 
burgh.|| These prosecutions were not confined to persons in 
holy orders. George Winchester of Kinglassie was summoned 
before the archbishop and clergy at St. Andrews, and, having 
made his escape, was condemned as a heretic, and his goods 
escheated. 1T In the following year, the parliament renewed the 



* MS. Letters, pp. 435, 438. 

(• Knox, Historie, p. 78. Hume of Godscroft's History, ii. 128. 

I Knox, Historie, p. 80. 

§ Buchanani Oper. i. 302. Knox, Historie, p. 82. The following tribute 
to the memory of this patriot occurs in a work of one of our Latin poets, 
which is rarely to be met with : — 

JOHANNES MALVILLUS RETHIUS, 

Nobilis Fifanus, Jacobo V. regi olim familiarissimus, summa vitse inno- 
centia, ob purse relligionis studium, in suspicione falsi criminis, iniquissimo 
Jjudicio sublatus est A. Christi 1548. 

Quidnam ego commerui, quse tanta injuria facti, 

Hostis ut in nostrum sawiat ense caput ? 
Idem hostis, judexque simul. Pro crimine, Christi 

Relligio, et feedo crimine pura manus. 
O secla! O mores: scelerum sic tollere posnas 
Ut virtus sceleri debita damna luat. 

Joh. Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 28, 29. 
|| Knox, Historie, pp. 87, 88. Spotswood, 90, 91. Bezse Icones, Ff. ii. 
IT Winchester's brother-in-law, William Arthur of Cairnes, obtained hin 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. Ill 

laws in support of the Church, and added a new statute against 
the circulation of heretical ballads and tragedies.* 

By these severe measures the clergy struck terror into the 
minds of the nation ; but they were unable to conceal the gla- 
ring corruptions by which their own order was disgraced, and 
they could not remain strangers to the murmurs that these had 
excited throughout the whole kingdom. In the month of No- 
vember 1549, a provincial council was held at Edinburgh " for 
the reformation of the Church, and the extirpation of heresy."t 
This council acknowledged that " corruption and profane lewd- 
ness of life, as well as gross ignorance of arts and sciences, 
reigned among the clergy of almost every degree,";}; and they en- 
acted no fewer than fifty-eight canons for correcting these evils. 
They agreed to carry into execution the decree of the general 
council of Basle, which ordained that every clergyman who lived 
in concubinage should be deprived of the revenues of his bene- 
fice for three months, and that if, after due admonition, he did 
not dismiss his concubine, or if he took to himself another, he 
should be deprived of his benefices altogether.§ They ex- 
horted the prelates and inferior clergy not to retain in their own 
houses their bastard children, nor suffer them to be promoted 
directly or indirectly to their own benefices, nor employ the 
patrimony of the Church for the purpose of marrying them to 
barons, or of erecting baronages for them.|| That the distinc- 
tion between clergy and laity might be visibly preserved, they 
appointed the ordinaries to charge the priests under their care 
to desist from the practice of preserving their beards, which 
had begun to prevail, and to see that the canonical tonsure was 
duly observed.1T To remedy the neglect of public instruction, 
which was loudly complained of, they agreed to observe the 
act of the Council of Trent, which ordained that every bishop, 
" according to the grace given to him," should preach person- 
ally four times a year at least, unless lawfully hindered ; and 
that such of them as were unfit for this duty, through want of 

property: and by a disposition, dated 27th August 1555, "out of pity to 
Christian Martine" (wife of George Winchester), "and her eight fatherless 
children, disponed to her in liferent the fore tenement and the tacks of King- 
lassie and Polduff, sometime pertaining to the said George, with his haill 
moveables, fallen in escheat, upon her paying to him the composition that 
he paid therefor." MS. Genealogical Collections of Martin of Clermont, 
vol. i. pp. 583 — 5. 

* Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 488—9. 

t This council assembled at Linlithgow, but was transferred to Edin- 
burgh. Wilkins, Concil. torn. iv. 46. conf. p. 209. 

I Proem. Concil. apud Wilkins, iv. 46. § Canon 1. Ibid. p. 47 

II Can. 2. Ibid. p. 48. IT Can. 5. Ibid. p. 48. 



112 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



practice, should endeavour to qualify themselves, and for that 
end should entertain in their houses learned divines capable of 
instructing them. The same injunctions were laid on rectors.* 
They determined that a benefice should be set apart in each 
bishopric and monastery, for supporting a preacher who might 
supply the want of teaching within their bounds; that, where 
no such benefice was set apart, pensions should be allotted ; 
and that, where neither of these was provided, the preacher 
should be entitled to demand from the rector forty shillings a 
year, provided he had preached four times in his parish within 
that period.t The council made a number of other regula- 
tions, concerning the dress and diet of the clergy, the course of 
study in cathedral churches and monasteries, union of benefi- 
ces, pluralities, ordinations, dispensations, and the method of 
process in consistorial courts. But, not trusting altogether to 
these remedies for the cure of heresy, they farther ordained 
that the bishop of each diocese, and the head of each monas- 
tery, should appoint " inquisitors of heretical pravity, men of 
piety, probity, learning, good fame, and great circumspection." 
who should make the most diligent search after heresies, foreign 
opinions, condemned books, and particularly profane songs, 
intended to defame the clergy, or to detract from the authority 
of the ecclesiastical constitutions. ± 

Another provincial council, held in 1551 and 1552. besides 
ratifying the preceding canons,§ adopted an additional expe- 
dient for correcting the continued neglect of public instruction. 
After declaring that "the inferior clergy, and the prelates for 
the most part, were still unqualified for instructing the people 
in the catholic faith, and other things necessary to salvation, 
and for reclaiming the erroneous," they proceeded to approve 
of a catechism which had been compiled in the Scottish lan- 
guage, ordered that it should be printed, and that copies of it 
should be sent to all rectors, vicars, and curates, who were en- 
joined to read a portion of it, instead of a sermon, to their 
parishioners, on every Sunday and holiday, when no person 
qualified for preaching was present. The rectors, vicars, and 
curates, were enjoined to practise daily in reading their cate- 
chism, lest, on ascending the pulpit, they should stammer and 
blunder, and thereby expose themselves to the laughter of the 
people. The archbishop was directed, after supplying the 
clergy with copies, to keep the remainder beside him " in firm 
custody ;" and the inferior clergy were prohibited from indis- 
creetly communicating their copies to the people, without the 



* Can. 15, 20. Ibid. pp. 50—1. 
t Can. 43, 44, 47. Ibid. pp. 57—8. 



t Can. 42, 45. Ibid. 
$ Ibid. 69—73. 



r>6— 7. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 113 

permission of their bishops, who might allow this privilege to 
" certain honest, grave, trusty, and discreet laics, who appeared 
to desire it for the sake of instruction, and not of gratifying 
curiosity."* If any of the hearers testified a disposition to call 
in question any part of the catechism, the clerical reader was 
prohibited, under the pain of deprivation, from entering into 
dispute with them on the subject, and was instructed to delate 
them to the inquisitors.! 

Many of the regulations enacted by these two councils were 
excellent ;% but the execution of them was committed to the 
very persons who were interested in support of the evils 
against which they were directed. Accordingly, the canons 
of the Scottish clergy, like those of general councils called for 
the reformation of the Church, instead of correcting, served 
only to proclaim the abuses which prevailed. We know from 
the declarations of subsequent provincial councils,§ as well as 
from the complaints of the people, that the licentiousness of the 
clergy continued ; and the catechism which they had sanctioned 
seems to have been but little used. I have not found it men- 
tioned by any writer of that age, Popish or Protestant ; and 
we know of its existence only from the canon of the Assembly 
which authorized its use, and from a few copies of it which 
have descended to our time.|| 

The council which met in 1551, boasts that, through the; 
singular favour of the government, and the vigilance of the 
prelates, heresy, which had formerly spread through the king 
dom, was now repressed, and almost extinguished.^ There 
were still, however, many Protestants in the nation ; but they 
were deprived of teachers, and they satisfied themselves with 
retaining their sentiments, without exposing their lives to in- 
evitable destruction by avowing their creed, or exciting the 
suspicions of the clergy by holding private conventicles. In 
this state they remained from 1551 to 1554. 

While the Reformation was in this languishing condition, it 
experienced a sudden revival in Scotland, from two causes 
which appeared at first view to threaten its utter extinction in 
Britain. These were the elevation of the queen dowager to 
the regency of Scotland, and the accession of Mary to the 
throne of England. 

The queen dowager of Scotland, vho possessed a great por- 
tion of that ambition by which her brothers, the princes of 
Lorrain, were fired, had long formed the design of wresting 
the regency from the hands of Arran. After a series of po- 

* Can. 16. Ibid. p. 72—3. t Ibid. p. 73. 

X See Note X. J Wilkins, iv. 207, 209, 210. Keith, pref. p. xiv. 

II See Note Y. IT Wilkins, iv. 72. 

10* P 



t4 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



Ii-icai intrigue, in which she discovered the most consummate 
a.id persevering address, she at last succeeded; and, on the 
1-jih of April 1554, the regent resigned his office to her in the 
pxesence of parliament, and retired into private life, with the 
title of Duke of Chastelherault. The dowager had, at an early 
period, made her court to the Protestants, whom Arran had 
alienated from him by persecution ; and, to induce them to fa- 
vour her pretensions, she promised to screen them from the 
violence of the clergy. Having received their cordial support, 
and finding it necessary still to use them as a check upon the 
clergy, who, under the influence of the primate, favoured the 
interest of her rival, the queen regent secretly countenanced 
them, and the Protestants were emboldened again to avow 
their sentiments. 

In the mean time the queen of England was exerting all 
her power to crush the Reformation ; and, had the court of 
Scotland acted in concert with her for this purpose, the Pro- 
testants must, according to all human probability, have been 
exterminated in Britain. But the English queen having mar- 
ried Philip, King of Spain, while the queen regent was indisso- 
lubly attached to France, the rival of Spain, a coldness was 
produced between these two princesses, which was soon after 
succeeded by an open breach. Among the Protestants who 
fled ftom the cruelty of Mary, some took refuge in Scotland, 
where they were suffered to remain undisturbed, and even to 
teach in private, through the connivance of the new regent, and 
in consequence of the security into which the clergy had been 
lulled by success. Travelling from place to place, they propa- 
gated instruction, and by their example and their exhortations 
fanned the latent zeal of those who had formerly received the 
knowledge of the truth. 

William Harlow, whose zeal and acquaintance with the 
Scriptures compensated for the defects of his education, was 
the first preacher who, at this time, came to Scotland. Let 
those who do not know, or who wish to forget, that the religion 
which they profess was first preached by fishermen and tent- 
makers, labour to conceal the occupations of some of those 
men whom Providence raised up to spread the reformed gospel 
through their native country. Harlow had followed the trade 
of a tailor in Edinburgh;* but having imbibed the Protestant 



* Keith, Append, p. 90. Episcopal writers have sometimes upbraided the, 
Scottish Church as reformed by tradesmen and mechanics. They have, 
however, no reason to talk in this strain; for in the first place, a sensible 
pious tradesman is surely better qualified for communicating religious in- 
struction than an ignorant superstitious priest ; and secondly, the Church of 
England herself, after trying those of the latter class, was glad to betake 
herself to the former. See Strype's Annals, i. 176, 177. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 115 

doctrh.e, he retired to England, where he was admitted to 
deacon's orders, and employed as a preacher during the reign 
of Edward VI.* Upon his return to Scotland, he remained 
for some time in Ayrshire, and continued to preach in different 
parts of the country with great fervour and diligence, until the 
establishment of the Reformation, when he was admitted min- 
ister of St. Cuthberts, in the vicinity of Edinburgh. t 

Some time after him arrived John Willock This reformer 
afterwards became the principal coadjutor of Knox, who never 
mentions him without expressions of affection and esteem. 
The cordiality which subsisted between them, the harmony of 
their sentiments, and the combination of the peculiar talents 
and qualities by which they were distinguished, conduced in 
no small degree to the advancement of the Reformation. Wil- 
lock was not inferior to Knox in learning, and though he did 
not equal him in eloquence and intrepidity, surpassed him in 
affability, in moderation, and in address ;J qualities which ena- 
bled him sometimes to maintain his station, and to accomplish 
his purposes, when his colleague could not act with safety or 
with success. He was a native of Ayrshire, and had belonged 
to the order of Franciscan friars ; but, having embraced the 
reformed opinions at an early period, he threw off the monastic 
habit, and fled to England. During the persecution for the Six 
Articles in 1541, he was thrown into the prison of the Fleet. 
He afterwards became chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, the 
father of Lady Jane Grey ;§ and upon the accession of Queen 
Mary, left England, and took up his residence at Embden. 
Having practised there as a physician, he was introduced to 
Anne, Duchess of Friesland, who patronized the Reformation, || 
and whose opinion of his talents and integrity induced her to 
send him to Scotland, in the summer of 1555, with a commis- 
sion to the queen regent, to make some arrangements respecting 
the trade carried on between the two countries. The public 
character with which he was invested gave Willock an oppor- 
tunity of cultivating acquaintance with the leading Protestants 
and while he resided in Edinburgh, they met with him in pri 
vate, and listened to his religious instructions.1T 

* Cald. MS. i. 256. f Keith, History, p. 498. 

| Smetonii Respons. ad Arch. Hamiltoni Dialog, p. 93. Edinburgh 1579. 
§ Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, celebrates Willock among the chaplains 
of the duke, in the following lines : — 

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinerus et Haddon, 

JElmerusque tuos ornarint luce penates ] 

O Deus ! O quales juvenes ! Quo principe digni 1 

His tua luminibus splendet domus. 

Strype's Annals, ii. A openJ. p. 46. 
|| Gerdesii Hist. Reform, iii. 147—8. 
IT Spotswood, p. 93. Knox, 90. 



116 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Knox received the news of this favourable change in the 
situation of his brethren with heartfelt satisfaction. He did 
not know what it was to fear danger, and was little accustomed 
to consult his own ease, when he had the prospect of being 
useful in advancing the interests of truth ; but he acknowledges 
that, on the present occasion, he was at first averse to a journey 
into Scotland, notwithstanding some encouraging circumstances 
in the intelligence which he had received from that quarter. 
He had been so much tossed about of late, that he felt a pe- 
culiar relish in the learned leisure which he at present enjoyed, 
and which he was desirous to prolong. His anxiety to see his 
wife, after an absence of nearly two years, and the importunity 
with which his mother-in-law, in her letters, urged him to visit 
them, determined him at last to undertake the journey. ' Vi- 
ting out from Geneva in the month of August 1555, lie came 
to Dieppe, and sailing from that port, landed on the east coast, 
near the boundaries between Scotland and England, about the 
end of harvest. t He repaired immediately to Berwick, where 
he had the satisfaction of finding his wife and her mother in com 
fortable circumstances, and enjoying the happiness of religious 
society with several individuals in that city, who, like them- 
selves, had not "bowed the knee " to the established idolatry'; 
nor consented to "receive the mark " of antichrist. ± 

Having remained some time with them, he set out secretly 
to visit' the Protestants in Edinburgh; intending, after a short 
stay, to return to Berwick. But he found employment which 
detained him beyond his expectation. He lodged with James 
Syme, a respectable burgess of Edinburgh, in whose house the 
friends of the Reformation assembled, to attend the instruc- 
tions of Knox, as soon as they were informed of his arrival. 
Few of the inhabitants of the metropolis had as yet embraced 
the reformed doctrines, but several persons had repaired to it at 
this time, from other parts of the country, to meet with Wil- 
lock. Among these were John Erskine of Dun, whom we 
had formerly occasion to mention as an early favourer of the 
new opinions, and a distinguished patron of literature,§ and 
whose great respectability of character, and approved loyalty 
and patriotism, had preserved him from the resentment of the 
clergy, and the jealousy of the government, during successive 
periods of persecution ;|| and William Maitland of Lethington, 
a young gentleman of the finest parts, improved by a superior 

* MS. Letters, p. 342. 

f Discours of the Troubles at Franckford, p. lv. lLx. Knox, Historie, 
p. 90. 

I MS. Letters, p. 343. $ See above, pp. 20, 36. 

U Buchanani Oper. i. 801. Keith Append, p. 57. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 117 

education, but inclined to subtlety in reasoning, accommoda- 
ting in his religious sentiments, and extremely versatile in his 
political conduct. Highly gratified with Knox's discourses, 
which were greatly superior to any which they had heard from 
Popish or Protestant preachers, they brought their acquaintan- 
ces along with them to hear him, and his audiences daily 
increased. Being confined to a private house, he was obliged 
to preach to successive assemblies ; and was unremittingly em- 
ployed, by night as well as by day, in communicating instruc- 
tion to persons who demanded it with extraordinary avidity. 
The following letter, written by him to Mrs. Bowes, to excuse 
himself for not returning so soon as he had purposed, will con- 
vey the best, idea of his employment and feelings on this inter- 
esting occasion. 

" The w T ayis of man are not in his awn power. Albeit my 
journey toward Scotland, belovit mother, was maist contra- 
rious to my awn judgment, befoir I did interpryse the same ; 
yet this day I prais G-od for thame wha was the cause exter- 
nall of my resort to theis quarteris ; that is, I prais God in yow 
and for yow, whom hie maid the instrument to draw me from 
the den of my awn eas (you allane did draw me from the rest 
of quyet studie), to contemplat and behald the fervent thirst of 
our brethrene, night and day sobbing and gronying for the breide 
of life. Gif I had not sene it with my eis, in my awn country, 
I culd not have beleveit it ! I praisit God, when I was with 
you, perceaving that, in the middis of Sodome, God had mo 
Lottis than one, and mo faithful douchteris than tua. But the 
fervencie heir doith fer exceid all utheris that I have seen. And 
thair for ye sail paciently bear, altho' I spend heir yet sum dayis; 
for depart I cannot, unto sic tyme as God quenche thair thirst 
a littil. Yea, mother, their fervencie doith sa ravische me, that 
I cannot but accus and condemp my sleuthful coldnes. God 
grant thame thair hartis desyre ; and I pray yow adverteis [me] 
of your estait, and of thingis that have occurit sense your last 
wrytting. Comfort yourself in Godis promissis, and be assureit 
that God steiris up mo friendis than we be war of. My com- 
mendation to all in your company. I commit you to the pro- 
tectioun of the Omnipotent. In great haist; the 4. of Novem- 
ber, 1555. From Scotland. Your sone, Johne Knox."* 

Having executed the commission, Willock returned to Emb- 
den ; and he quitted Scotland with the less regret, as he left behind 
him one who was so capable of promoting the cause which 
he had at heart. When he first arrived in Scotland, Knox 
found that the friends of the reformed doctrine continued, in 
general, to attend the popish worship, and even tho celebration 

* MS. Letters, pp. 342, 34? 



118 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

of mass : principally with the view of avoiding the scandal 
which they would otherwise incur. Highly disapproving of 
this practice, he laboured, in his conversation and sermons, to 
convince them of the great impiety of that part of the popish 
service, and the criminality of countenancing it by their pre- 
sence. Doubts being still entertained on the subject by some, 
a meeting of the Protestants in the city was held for the ex- 
press purpose of discussing the question. Maitland defended 
the practice with all the ingenuity and learning for which he 
was distinguished ; but his arguments were so satisfactorily an- 
swered by Knox, that he yielded the point as indefensible, and 
agreed, with the rest of his brethren, to abstain, for the future, 
from such temporizing conduct. Thus was a formal separation 
made from the Popish Church in Scotland, which may be justly 
regarded as an important step in the Reformation.* 

Erskine of Dun prevailed on Knox to accompany him to his 
family seat in the shire of Angus, where he continued a month, 
during which he preached every day. The principal persons 
in that neighbourhood attended his sermons. After his return 
to the south of the Forth, he resided at Calder-house,t in West 
Lothian, the seat of Sir James Sandilands, commonly called 
Lord St. John, because he was chief in Scotland of the religious 
order of military knights, who went by the name of Hospi- 
tallers, or Knights of St. John. This gentleman, who was now 
venerable for his grey hairs as well as for his valour, sagacity, 
and correct morals, had long been a sincere friend to the re- 
formed cause, and had contributed to its preservation in that 
part of the country.^ In 1548, he had presented to the parson- 
age of Calder, John Spottisvvood,§ afterwards the reformed 
superintendent of Lothian, who had imbibed the Protestant 
doctrines from Archbishop Cranmer in England, and who in- 
stilled them into the minds of his parishioners, and of the no- 
bility and gentry that frequented the house of his patron. j| 
Among those who attended Knox's sermons at Calder, were 
three young noblemen, who made a great figure in the public 
transactions which followed, — Archibald Lord Lorn, who, sue 

* Knox, Historie, p. 91. 

f On the back of a picture of our Reformer, which hangs in one of the 
rooms of Lord Torphichen's house at Calder, is this inscription : " The Rev. 
John Knox. The first sacrament of the supper given in Scotland after the 
Reformation, was dispensed in this hall." The commencement of the Refor- 
mation is here dated from the present visit of Knox to Scotland ; for we have 
already seen that he administered the ordinance in the Castle of St. An- 
drews, in 1547. The account given by Knox in his History of the Refor- 
mation (p. 92), seems to imply that he performed this service in the west 
country, before he did it in Calder-house. 

J Knox, Historie, pp. 91, 118. § Keith, p. 530. 

|| Spotswood, p. 90. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 119 

ce<idi\ ig 10 the earldom of Argyle at the most critical period of 
the Reformation, promoted, with all the ardour of youthful zeal, 
that cause which his father had espoused in extreme old age, — ■ 
fohn Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar, who commanded 
die important fortress of Edinburgh Castle, during the civil war 
which ensued between the queen regent and the Protestants, 
and died Regent of Scotland, — and Lord James Stewart, an 
illegitimate son of James V., who was subsequently created 
Earl of Murray, and was the first regent of the kingdom during 
the minority of James VI. Being designed for the Church, the 
last named nobleman had been in his youth made prior of St. 
Andrews — a title by Avhich he is often mentioned in history ; 
but, on arriving at manhood, he discovered no inclination to 
follow the clerical profession. He was at this time in the twenty- 
second year of his age •* and although he had lived for the most 
part in retirement from the court, had already given proofs of 
those superior talents which he had soon a more favourable op- 
portunity of displaying. Knox had formerly met with him in 
London, and his sagacity led him, even at that time, to form 
the highest expectations from the talents and spirit of the youth- 
ful prior.t The three noblemen were much gratified with 
Knox's doctrine, and his exhortations made an impression 
upon their minds, which remained during the succeeding part 
of their lives. 

In the beginning of the year 1556, he was conducted by 
Lockhart of Bar, and Campbell of Kineancleugh, to Kyle, the 
ancient receptacle of the Scottish Lollards, where there were 
a number of adherents to the reformed doctrine. He preached 
in the houses of Bar, Kineancleugh, Carnell, Ochiltree, and Gad- 
girth, and in the town of Ayr. In several of these places he 
also dispensed the sacrament of our Lord's Supper. A little 
before Easter, he went to Finlayston, the baronial mansion of 
the noble family of Glencairn. William Earl of Glencairn, 
having been killed at the battle of Pinkie, had been succeeded 
by his son, Alexander, whose superior learning and ability did 
not escape the discerning eye of Sir Ralph Sadler, during his 
embassy in Scotland.^ He was an ardent and steady friend to 
the reformed religion, and had carefully instructed his family in 
its principles. In his house, besides preaching, Knox dispensed 
the sacrament of the supper; the earl himself, his countess, 
and two of their sons, with a number of their friends and 
acquaintance, participating of that sacred feast.§ 

* Chalmers's Caledonia, i. 848. f Knox, Historie, pp. 91, 331. 

}. Sadler's State Papers, i. 83. Hume of Codscroft's Hist. ii. 128. 
§ The silver cups which were used on that occasion were, till of late, care- 
fully preserved by the family of Glencairn at Finlayston ; and the parish of 



120 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

From Finlayston lie returned to Calder-house, ana soon 
after paid a second visit to Dun, during which he preached 
more openly than before. At this time the greater part of the 
gentlemen of Mearns made profession of the reformed religion, 
by sitting down at the Lord's table ; and entered into a solemn 
and mutual bond, in which they renounced the Popish com- 
munion, and engaged to maintain and promote the pure preach- 
ing of the gospel, as Providence should favour them with op- 
portunities.* 

This seems to have been the first of those religious bonds or 
covenants, by which the confederation of the Protestants in 
Scotland was so frequently ratified. Although they have been 
condemned as unwarranted in a religious point of view, and 
dangerous in a political, yet are they completely defensible 
upon the principles both of conscience and policy. A mutual 
agreement, compact, or covenant, is virtually implied in the 
constitution of every society, civil or religious ; and the dictates 
of natural law conspire with the declarations of revelation in 
sanctioning the warrantableness and propriety of explicit en- 
gagements, about any lawful and important matter, and of 
ratifying these, if circumstances shall require it, by formal 
subscription, and by a solemn appeal to the Searcher of hearts. 
By strengthening the motives to fidelity and constancy, and 
thus producing mutual confidence among those who are em- 
barked in the same cause, they have proved eminently bene- 
ficial in the reformation of churches and nations, and in securing 
the religious and political privileges of men. The misapplica- 
tion of them, when employed in a bad cause and for mis- 
chievous ends, can be no argument against their use in a legi- 
timate way, and for laudable purposes. And the reasoning 
employed to prove thai such covenants should not be entered 
into without the permission of rulers, would lead to the con- 
clusion, that subjects ought never to profess a religion to which 
their superiors are hostile, nor make any attempts to obtain the 
reform of abuses, or the redress of grievances, without the con- 
sent and approbation of those who are interested in their sup- 
port. 

Kilmalcolm was regularly favoured with the use of them at the time of dis- 
pensing the sacrament. " The people," says the minister, in his account of 
that parish, "respect them much for their antiquity, as well as tor the solem- 
nity attending them in former and later times." Statistical Account of Scot- 
land, vol. iv. p. 279. This writer thinks they had been originally candle- 
sticks, and converted to this use on the emergent occasion; the hollow 
bottom reversed forming the mouth of the cup, and the middle, after the 
socket was screwed out, being converted into the toot. But it is not very 
likely that the family of Glencairu were obliged to have recourse to this ex 
pedient. 

* Knox, Histone, p. 92. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 121 

The dangers to which Knox and his friends had been accus- 
tomed, taught them to conduct matters with such secrecy, that 
he had preached for a considerable time, and in different, quar- 
ters of the country, before the clergy knew that he was in the 
kingdom. Concealment was, however, impracticable after his 
audiences became numerous. His preaching at Ayr was re- 
ported to the court, and formed the topic of conversation in the 
presence of the queen regent. Some one in the company 
having affirmed that the preacher was an Englishman, " a pre- 
late, not of the least pride, said, < Nay ; no Englishman, but it 
is Knox, that knave.' " This was Beatoun, Archbishop of 
Glasgow. "It was my lord's pleasure," says Knox, "so to 
baptize a poor man ; the reason whereof, if it should be re- 
quired, his rochet and mitre must stand for authority. What 
further liberty he used in denning things alike uncertain to 
him, to wit, of my learning and doctrine, at this present I omit. 
For what hath my life and conversation been, since it hath 
pleased God to call me from the puddle of papistry, let my 
very enemies speak ; and what learning I have, they may prove 
when they please."* Interest was at this time made* by the 
bishops for his apprehension, but without, success.! 

After his last journey to Angus, the friars flocked from all 
quarters to the bishops, and instigated them to adopt speedy 
and decisive measures for checking the alarming effects of his 
preaching. In consequence of this, he was summoned to 
appear before a convention of the clergy, in the Church of the 
Blackfriars at Edinburgh, on the 15th of May. This diet he 
resolved to keep, and with that view came to Edinburgh, be- 
fore the day appointed, accompanied by Erskine of Dun, and 
several other gentlemen. The clergy lad never dreamed of 
his attendance. Being apprised of his determination, and afraid 
to bring matters to extremity, while unassured of the regent's 
decided support, they met beforehand, set aside the summons 
under pretence of some informality, and deserted the diet 
against him. On the day on which he should have appeared 
as a culprit, Knox preached in the Bishop of Dunkeld's large 
lodging, to a far greater audience than had before attended him 
in Edinburgh. During the ten following days, he preached in 
the same place, forenoon and afternoon; none of the clergy 
making the smallest attempt to disturb him. It was in the 
midst of these labours, that he wrote the following hasty lines 
to Mrs. Bowes. 

" Belovit mother, with my maist hartlie commendation in 
the Lord Jesus, albeit I was fullie purposit to have visitit yow 

* Letter to Mary, Regent c- * Scotland, apud Historie, p. 417. 
t Ibid. pp. 416, 417. 

11 Q 



122 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

before this tyme, yet hath God laid impedimentis, vhilk I cult. 
not avoyd. They are suche as I dout not ar to his glorie, and 
to the comfort of many heir. The trumpet blew the aid sound 
thrie dayis together, till privat houssis of indifferent largenes 
culd not conteane the voce of it. God, for Christ his Sonis 
sake, grant me to be myndful, that the sobbis of my hart hath 
not been in vane, nor neglectit in the presence of his Majestic. 
0! sweet war the death that suld follow sic fourtie dayis in 
Edinburgh, as heir I have had thrie. Rejose, mother ; the 
tyme of our deliverance approacheth : for, as Sathan rageth, 
sa dois the grace of the Halie Spreit abound, and daylie geveth 
new testymonyis of the everlasting love of oure merciful 
Father. I can wryt na mair to you at this present. The 
grace of the Lord Jesus rest with you. In haste — this Monun- 
day — youre sone, John Knox."* 

About this time, the Earl Marischal was induced to attend 
an evening exhortation delivered by Knox. He was so much 
pleased with the discourse, that he joined with Glcncairn in 
urging the preacher to write a letter to the queen regent, which. 
they thought, might have the effect of inclining her to pro- 
tect the reformed preachers, if not also to lend a favourable 
ear to their doctrine. With this request lie was induced to 
comply.! 

As a specimen of the manner in which this letter was 
written, I shall give the following quotation, in the original 
language : — " I dout not, that the rumouris, whilk haif cumin 
to your grace's earis of me, haif bene such, that (yf all re- 
portis wer trew) I wer unworthie to live in the earth. And 
wonder it is, that the voces of the multitude suld not so have 
inflamed your grace's hart with just hatred of such a one as I 
am accuseit to be, that all acces to pitie suld have been schute 
up. I am traducit as ane heretick, accusit as a false teacher 
and seducer of the pepill, besides other opprobries, whilk 
(affirmit by men of warldlie honour and estimation) may 
easelie kendill the wrath of majestratis, whair innocencie is 
not knawin. But blissit be God, the Father of our Lord 
Jesus Chryst, who, by the dew of his heavenly grace, hath so 
quenchit the fyre of displeasure as yit in your grace's hart 
(whilk of lait dayis I have understood), that Sathan is frustrat 
of his interpryse and purpois. Whilk is to my heart no small 
comfort; not so muche (God is witness) for any benefit that 

* MS. Letters, pp. 343, 344. 

] Knox, Historie, p. 92. Another hearer of Knox at this time was Henrj 
Drummond of Riccartowne, who was married to a niece of Robert Creigfhton, 
Bishop of Dunkeld. Lord Strathallan's Account of the House of Drum- 
mond, MS. in Advocates' Library. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 123 

can revive in this miserable lyfe, by protectioun cf any earthlie 
creature (for the cupe whilk it behoveth me to drink is apoyntit 
by the wisdome of him whois consallis ar not changeable), as 
that I am for that benefit whilk I am assurit your grace sail 
resave ; yf that ye continew in like moderation and clemencie 
towards utheris that maist unjustlie ar and sail be accusit, as 
that your grace hath begun towardis me and my most despe- 
rate cause." An orator (he continued) might justly require of 
her grace a motherly pity towards her subjects, the execution 
of justice upon murderers and oppressors, a heart free from 
avarice and partiality, a mind studious of the public welfare, 
with other virtues which heathen as well as inspired writers 
required of rulers. But, in his opinion, it was vain to crave 
reformation of manners, when religion was so much corrupted. 
He could not propose, in the present letter, to lay open the 
sources, progress, and extent of those errors and corruptions 
which had overspread and inundated the Church ; but, if her 
majesty would grant him opportunity and liberty of speech, he 
was ready to undertake this task. In the mean time, he could 
not refrain from calling her attention to this important subject, 
and pointing out to her the fallacy of some general prejudices, 
by which she was in danger of being deluded. She ought to 
beware of thinking, that the care of religion did not belong to 
magistrates, but was devolved wholly on the clergy ; that it 
was a thing incredible that religion should be so universally 
depraved ; or that true religion was to be judged of by the 
majority of voices, by custom, by the laws and determinations 
of men, or by any thing but the infallible dictates of inspired 
Scripture. He knew that innovations in religion were deemed 
hazardous ; but the urgent necessity and immense magnitude 
of the object ought, in the present case, to swallow up the fear 
of danger. He was aware that a public reformation might be 
thought to exceed her authority as a regent ; but she could not 
be bound to maintain idolatry and manifest abuses, nor to suffer 
the clergy to murder innocent men, merely because they wor- 
shipped God according to his word. 

Though Knox's pen was not the most smooth nor delicate, 
and though he often irritated by the plainness and severity of 
his language, the letter to the queen regent is very far from 
being uncourtly or inelegant. It seems to have been written' 
with great care, and in point of style may be compared with 
any composition of that period, for simplicity and forcible ex- 
pression.* Its strain was well calculated for stimulating the 

* This is more evident from the letter in its original language, which ia 
now before me in manuscript. In the copies of it which have been published 
along with his History, and even in the edition of 1732, freedoms have been 



124 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

inquiries, and confirming the resolutions, of one who was im- 
pressed with a conviction of the reigning evils of the Church, or 
who, though not resolved in judgment as to the matters in con- 
troversy, was determined to preserve moderation between the 
contending parties. Notwithstanding her imposing manners, 
the regent was not a person of this description. The Earl of 
Glencairn delivered the letter into her hand ; she glanced over 
it with a careless air, and gave it to the Archbishop of Glas- 
gow, saying, " Please you, my lord, to read a pasqnil."* The 
report of this induced Knox, after he retired from Scotland, to 
publish the letter, with additions. The style of the additions is 
more spirited and sharp than that of the original letter : but 
there is nothing even in them which is indecorous, or which 
will warrant the charge which has been brought against him 
of being accustomed to treat crowned heads with irreverence 
and disrespect. " As charitie," says he, " persuadeth me to 
interpret thinges doubtfully spoken in the best sence, so my 
dutie to God (who hath commanded me to flatter no prince in 
the earth) compelleth me to say, that if no more ye esteme 
the admonition of God nor the cardinalies do the scoffing 
of pasquilles, then he shall schortly send you messagers, with 
whom ye shall not be able on that maner to jest. — I did not 
speak unto you, madame, by my former lettre, neither yet do 
I now, as Pasquillus doth to the pope, in behalf of such as 
dare not utter their names ; but I come, in the name of Jesus 
Christ, affirming that the religion which ye maintain is damna- 
ble idolatrie ': the which I offre myselfe to prove by the most 
evident testimonies of Goddis Scriptures. And, in this quar- 
relle, I present myself againste all the Papistes within the 
realme, desireing none other armore but Goddis holie word, and 
the libertie of my tonge."t 

While he was thus employed in Scotland, he received letters 
from the English congregation at Geneva, stating that they had 
made choice of him as one of their pastors, and urging him to 
come and take the inspection of them.J He judged it his duty 
to comply with this invitation, and began immediately to pre- 
pare for the journey. His wife and mother-in-law had by this 
time joined him at Edinburgh; and Mrs. Bowes, being now a 
widow, resolved to accompany Mrs. Knox and her husband to 
Geneva. Having sent them before him in a vessel to Dieppe, 

used, and the style is not a little injured by the insertion of unnecessary and 

enfeebling- expletives. 

* Historie, pp. 92, 425. f Letter, &c. apud Historic, pp. 425, 426, 

I This congregation (which consisted of those who had withdrawn from 

Frankfort), as early as September 155;"), " chose Knox and Goodman for 

their pastors, and Gilby requested to supplie the rome till Knox returned 

owte of France." Troubles at Franckford, p. lix. 



LIFE OF JO H.N KNOX. 125 

.Knox again visited and took his leave of the brethren in the 
different places where he had preached. He was conducted, 
by his friend Campbell of Kineancleugh, to the Earl of Argyle, 
and preached for some- days at his seat of Castle Campbell.'" 
That aged nobleman appears to have received durable impres- 
sions from the instructions of the Reformer. He resisted all the 
arts which the clergy afterwards employed to detach him from 
the Protestant interest, and on his death-bed laid a solemn 
charge upon his son to use his utmost influence for its preser- 
vation and advancement. Argyle, and Glenorchy, who was 
also a hearer of Knox, endeavoured to detain him in Scotland, 
but without success. "If God so blessed their small begin- 
nings," he said, " that they continued in godliness, whensoever 
they pleased to command him, they should find him obedient. 
But once he must needs visit that little flock, which the wicked- 
ness of men had compelled him to leave." Accordingly, in the 
month of July 1556, he left Scotland, and having joined his fa- 
mily at Dieppe, proceeded along with them to Geneva.t 

No sooner did the clergy understand that he had quitted the 
kingdom, than they, in a dastardly manner, renewed the sum- 
mons against him which they had deserted during his presence, 
and, upon his failing to appear, passed sentence against him, 
adjudging his body to the names, and his soul to damnation. 
As his person was out of their reach, they caused his effigy to 
be ignominiously burned at the cross of Edinburgh. Against 
this sentence he drew up his Appellation, which he afterwards 
published, with a supplication and exhortation, directed to the 
nobility and commonalty of Scotland. It may not be impro- 
per here to subjoin the summary which he gave in this treatise 
of the doctrine taught by him during his late visit to Scotland, 
which the clergy pronounced so execrable, and deserving of 
such horrible punishment. He taught, that there is no other 
name by which men can be saved but that of Jesus, and that 
all reliance on the merits of others is vain and delusive ; that 
the Saviour having by his one sacrifice sanctified and recon- 
ciled to God those who should inherit the promised kingdom, 
all other sacrifices which men pretend to offer for sin are blas- 
phemous ; that all men ought to hate sin, which is so odious 
before God that no sacrifice but the death of his Son could 
satisfy for it ; that they ought to magnify their heavenly Father, 
who did not spare him who is the substance of his glory, but 
gave him up to suffer the ignominious and cruel death of the 
cross for us ; and that those who have been washed from their 

* A piece of sloping- ground on the south side of the castle is still pointed 
out as the spot on which Knox preached, 
f Knox, Historie, pp. 92—3, 108. 
11* 



12(3 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

former sins are bound to lead a new life, fighting against the lusts 
of the flesh, and studying to glorify God by good works. In con- 
formity with the certification of his Master, that he would deny 
and be ashamed of those who should deny and be ashamed of 
him and his words before a wicked generation, he further taught, 
that it is incumbent on those who hope for life everlasting, to 
make an open profession of the doctrine of Christ, and to avoid 
idolatry, superstition, vain religion, and, in one word, every way 
of worship which is destitute of authority from the word of 
God. This doctrine he did believe so conformable to God's 
holy Scriptures, that he thought no creature could have been 
so impudent as to deny any point or article of it ; yet had the 
false bishops and ungodly clergy condemned him as a heretic, 
and his doctrine as heretical, and pronounced against him the 
sentence of death, in testimony of which they had burnt his 
effigy ; from which sentence he appealed to a lawful and gene- 
ral council, to be held agreeably to ancient laws and canons; 
humbly requesting the nobility and commons of Scotland, to 
take him, and others who were accused and persecuted, under 
their protection, until such time as these controversies were de- 
cided, and to regard this his plain Appellation of no less effect, 
than if it had been made with the accustomed solemnity and 
ceremonies.* 

The late visit of our Reformer was of vast consequence. By 
his labours on this occasion, he laid the foundations of that 
noble edifice which he was afterwards so instrumental in com- 
pleting. The friends of the Protestant doctrine were separated 
from the corrupt communion to which, in a certain degree, they 
had hitherto adhered ; their information in scriptural truth was 
greatly improved ; and they were brought together in different 
pints of the nation, and prepared for being organized into a re- 
gular church, as soon as Providence should grant them external 
liberty, and furnish them with persons qualified for acting as 
overseers. Some may be apt to blame him for abandoning 
with too great precipitation the undertaking which he had so 
auspiciously begun. But, without pretending to ascertain the 
train of reflections which occurred to his mind, we may trace, 
in his determination, the wise arrangements of that Providence 
which watched over the infant Reformation, and guided the 
steps of the Reformer. His absence was now no less conducive 
to the preservation of the cause, than his presence and personal 
labours had lately been to its advancement. Matters were not 
yet ripened for a general reformation in Scotland ; and the 
clergy would never have suffered so zealous and able a cham- 
pion of the new doctrines to live in the country. By retiring 

* Appellation, &c. apud Historie, p. 428. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 127 

at this time, lie not only preserved his own life, and reserved 
his labours to a more fit opportunity, but he also averted the 
storm of persecution from the heads of his brethren. Deprived 
of teachers, they became objects of less jealousy to their adver- 
saries ; while in their private meetings, they continued to con- 
firm one another in the doctrine which they had received, and 
the seed lately sown had sufficient time to take root and spread. 

Before he took his departure, Knox gave his brethren such 
directions as he judged most necessary, and most useful to 
them, in their present circumstances. Not satisfied with com- 
municating these orally, he committed them to writing in a 
common letter, which he either left behind him, or sent from 
Dieppe, to be circulated in the different quarters where he had 
preached. In this letter, he warmly recommends to every one 
the frequent and careful perusal of the Scriptures. He incul- 
cates the duty of attending to religious instruction and worship 
in each family. He exhorts the brethren to meet together once 
every week, if practicable, and gives them directions for con- 
ducting their assemblies, in the manner best adapted for their 
mutual improvement, while destitute of public teachers They 
ought to begin with confession of sins, and invocation of the 
divine blessing. A portion of the Scriptures should then be 
read; and they would find it of great advantage to observe a 
regular course in their reading, and to join a chapter of the Old 
and of the New Testament together. After the reading of the 
Scriptures, if an exhortation, interpretation, or doubt, occurred 
to any .brother, he might speak ; but he ought to do it with mo- 
desty, and a desire to edify or to be edified, carefully avoiding 
" multiplication of words, perplexed interpretation, and wilful- 
ness in reasoning." If, in the course of reading or conference, 
they met with any difficulties which they could not solve, he 
advised them to commit these to writing, before they separated, 
that they might submit them to the judgment of the learned ; 
and he signified his own readiness to give them his advice, by 
letter, whenever it should be required. Their assemblies ought 
always to be closed, as well as opened, by prayer.* There is 
every reason to conclude, that these directions were punctually 
complied with; this letter may therefore be viewed as an im- 
portant document regarding the state of the Protestant Church 
in Scotland previous to the establishment of the Reformation, 
and shall be inserted at large in the notes.t 

Among his subsequent letters are answers to questions which 
his countrymen had transmitted to him for advice. The ques- 
tions are such as might be supposed to arise in the minds of 
pious persons lately made acquainted with Scripture, puzzled 

* MS. Letters, pp 352—359. t See Note Z. 



128 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

with particular expressions, and at a loss how to apply some ot 
its directions to th'eir situation. They discover an inquisitive 
and conscientious disposition ; and at the same time, illustrate 
the disadvantages under which ordinary Christians labour when 
deprived of the assistance of learned teachers.* Our Reformer's 
answers display an intimate acquaintance with Scripture, and 
dexterity in expounding it, with prudence in giving advice in 
cases of conscience, so as not to encourage a dangerous laxity 
on the one hand, or scrupulosity and excessive rigidness on the 
other. 

* Among the questions proposed were the following : — Whether the bap- 
tism administered by the Popish priests was valid, and did not require repe- 
tition"? Whether all the things prohibited in the decree of the apostles and 
elders at Jerusalem (Acts xv.) were still unlawful 1 Whether the prohibition 
in 2d John, verse 10, extended to the common salutation of those who taugh* 
erroneous doctrine ] How are the directions respecting dress, in 2d Peter iii 
3, to be obeyed 1 In what sense is God said to repent 1 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 129 



PERIOD V 



FROM THE YEAR 1556 WHEN HE RETURNED TO GENEVA, AFTER 
VISITING SCOTLAND, TO MAY 1559, WHEN HE RETURNED TO SCOT- 
LAND FOR THE LAST TIME. 

Knox reached Geneva before the end of harvest, and took 
upon him the charge of the English congregation there,* among 
whom he laboured during the two following years. This short 
period was the most quiet of his life. In the bosom of his own 
family, he experienced that soothing care to which he had hith- 
erto been a stranger, and which his frequent bodily ailments 
now required. Two sons were born to him in Geneva. The 
greatest affection to him, and cordiality among themselves, sub- 
sisted in the small flock under his charge. With his colleague, 
Christopher Goodman, he lived as a brother; and he was happy 
in the friendship of Calvin and the other pastors of Geneva. 
So much was he pleased with the purity of religion established 
in that city, that he warmly recommended it to his religious 
acquaintances in England, as the best Christian asylum, to 
which they could flee. " In my heart," says he, in a letter to 
his friend Mr. Locke, " I could have wished, yea, and cannot 
cease to wish, that it might please God to guide and conduct 
yourself to this place, where, I neither fear nor eshame to say, 
is the most perfect school of Christ that ever was in the earth 
since the days of the apostles. In other places I confess 
Christ to be truly preached ; but manners and religion to ■fee 
so sincerely reformed, I have not yet seen in any other place 
beside."f 

But neither the enjoyment of personal accommodations, nor 
the pleasures of literary society, nor the endearments of do- 

* The congregation appear to have delayed the final settlement of their 
form of worship and discipline until Knox's arrival ; for the preface to The 
Order of Geneva, is dated " the 10th of February anno 1556." Dunlop's 
Collection of Confessions, ii. 401. If this date was according to the old 
method of reckoning, Knox must have been present at the time. But I am 
not sure but that the new mode of beginning the year in January was intro- 
duced in Geneva as early as 1556. 

f MS. Letters, p. 377. 

R 



130 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

mestic happiness, could subdue Knox's ruling passion, or unfix 
his determination to revisit Scotland, as soon as an opportunity 
should offer, for advancing the Reformation among his country- 
men. In a letter written to some of his friends in Edinburgh, 
March 16, 1557, he expresses himself in the following man- 
ner: " My own motion and daily prayer is, not only that I may 
visit you, but also that with joy I may end my battle among 
you. And assure yourself of this, that whenever a greater 
number among you shall call upon me than now hath bound 
me to serve them, by his grace it shall not be the fear of pun- 
ishment, neither yet of the death temporal, that shall impede 
my coming to you."* A certain heroic confidence, and assu- 
rance of ultimate success, have often been displayed by those 
whom Providence has raised up to achieve great revolutions in 
the world ; by which they have been borne up under discour- 
agements which would have overwhelmed men of ordinary 
spirits, and imboldened to face dangers from which others 
would have shrunk appalled. Knox possessed no inconsidera- 
ble portion of that enthusiastic heroism which was so con- 
spicuous in the German reformer. "Satau, I confess, rageth," 
says he, in a letter written at this time ; " but potent is He that 
promiseth to be with us, in all such enterprises as we take in 
hand at his commandment, for the glory of his name, and for 
maintenance of his true religion. And therefore the less fear 
we any contrary power ; yea, in the boldness of our God, we 
altogether contemn them, be they kings, emperors, men, angels, 
or devils. For they shall be never able to prevail against the 
simple truth of God which we openly profess ; by the permis- 
sion of God they may appear to prevail against our bodies, but 
our cause shall triumph in despite of Satan."t 

Soon after the above letter had been written, two citizens of 
Edinburgh, James Syme and James Barron, arrived at Geneva 
with a letter and credentials from the Earl of Glencairn, and 
Lords Lorn, Erskine, and James Stewart, informing him, that 
the professors of the reformed doctrine remained steadfast, that 
its- adversaries were daily losing credit in the nation, and that 
those who possessed the supreme authority, although they had 
not yet declared themselves friendly to it, continued to refrain 
from persecution ; and inviting him, in their own name, and. in 
that of their brethren, to return to Scotland, where he would 
find them all ready to receive him, and to spend their lives and 
fortunes in advancing the cause which they had espoused.^ 

Knox, at the same time that he laid this letter before his congre 
gation, craved the advice of Calvin and the other ministers of 

* MS. Letters, p. 408. f Ibid p. 378. 

J Knox, Historie, p. 97, 98. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 131 

Geneva. They gave it as their opinion, "that he could not 
refuse the call without shewing himself rebellious to God, and 
unmerciful to his country." His congregation agreed to sacri- 
fice their particular interest to the greater good of the Church ; 
and his own family silently acquiesced. Upon this, he returned 
an answer to the letter of the nobility, signifying that he meant 
to visit them with all reasonable expedition. The congregation 
chose as his successor William Whittingham,* a learned Eng 
lishman, with whom he had been long united by the ties of 
friendship and congeniality of sentiment. Having settled his 
other affairs, he took an affectionate leave of his friends at 
Geneva, and went to Dieppe, in the month of October. But 
on his arrival there, he received letters from Scotland, written 
in a very different strain from the former. By these he was 
informed, that new consultations had been held among the Pro- 
testants in that country ; that some of them began to repent of 
the invitation which they had given him to return ; and that 
the greater part seemed irresolute and faint-hearted. 

This intelligence exceedingly disconcerted and embarrassed 
him. He instantly despatched a letter to the nobility who had 
invited him, upbraiding them for their timidity and inconstancy. 
The information which he had just -received, had, he said, con- 
founded him, and pierced his heart with sorrow. After taking 
the advice of the most learned and godly in Europe, to satisfy 
his own conscience and theirs as to the propriety of this enter- 
prise, the abandonment of it must reflect disgrace either on him 
or them — it argued either that he had been marvellously for- 
ward and vain, or that they had betrayed great imprudence and 
want of judgment in the invitation which they had given 
him. To some it might appear a small matter that he had 
left his poor family destitute of a head, and committed the care 
of his little but dearly-beloved flock to another ; but, for his 
part, he could not name the sum that would induce him to go 
through that scene a second time, and to behold so many grave 
men weeping at his departure. What answer could he give to 
those who inquired, why he did not prosecute his journey ? He 
could take God to witness, that the personal inconveniences to 
which he had been subjected, and the mortification which tie 
felt at the disappointment, were not the chief causes of his grief. 
He was alarmed at the awful consequences which would ensue 
— at the bondage and misery, spiritual and temporal, which 
they would entail on themselves and their children, their sub- 
jects and their posterity, if they neglected the present oppor- 
tunity of introducing the gospel into their native country. In 
his conscience, he :ould exempt none that bore thu name of 

* See Note AA. 



132 LIFE OF JOHN KNO^. 

nobility in Scotland from blame in this affair. His woi.ls might 
psrhaps appear sharp and indiscreet; but charity would con- 
strue them in the best sense, and wise men would consider that 
a true friend cannot flatter, especially in a matter which involves 
the salvation of the bodies and souls, not of a few persons, bui 
of a whole realm. " What are the sobs, and what is the afflic- 
tion, of my troubled heart, God shall one day declare. But this 
will I add to my former rigour and severity ; to wit, if any per- 
suade you, for fear or dangers to follow, to faint in your former 
purpose, be he esteemed never so wise and friendly, let him be 
judged of you both foolish and your mortal enemy. I am not 
ignorant that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise, as in 
my former letters I did signify unto you. But, ! joyful and 
comfortable are those troubles and adversities which man sus- 
taineth for accomplishment of God's will revealed in his word. 
For how terrible soever they appear to the judgment of natural 
men, yet they are never able to devour nor utterly to consume 
the sufferers ; for the invisible and invincible power of God sus- 
taineth and preserveth, according to his promise, all such as 
with simplicity do obey him. No less cause have ye to enter 
in your former enterprise, than Moses had to go to the presence 
of Pharaoh ; for your subjects, yea, your brethren are oppressed 
— their bodies and souls holden in bondage ; and God speaketh 
to your consciences (unless ye be dead with the blind world), 
that ye ought to hazard your own lives, be it against kings or 
emperors, for their deliverance. For only for that cause are ye 
called princes of the people, and receive honour, tribute, and 
homage at God's commandment, — not by reason of your birth 
and progeny (as the most part of men falsely do suppose,) but 
by reason of your office and duty ; which is, to vindicate and 
deliver your subjects and brethren from all violence and oppres- 
sion, to the uttermost of your power."* 

Having sent off this letter, with others written in the same 
strain, to Erskine of Dun, Wishart of Pitterow, and some other 
gentlemen of his acquaintance, he cherished the hope that he 
would soon receive more favourable accounts from Scotland, 
and resolved in the mean time to remain in France.! The re- 
formed doctrine had been early introduced into that kingdom ; 
it had been copiously watered with the blood of martyrs ; and 
all the violence which had been employed by its enemies had 
not been able to extirpate it, or to prevent its spreading among 
all ranks. The Parisian Protestants were at present smarting 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 98—100. 

t I find him about this time, addressing a letter to one of his correspon- 
dents from Lyons. MS. Letters, p. 346. This letter is subscribed John 
Sinclair. See above, p. 18, note * 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 133 

under the effects of one of those massacres, which so often dis- 
graced the Roman Catholic religion in that country, before as 
well as after the commencement of the civil wars. Not satis- 
fied with assaulting them when peaceably assembled for wor- 
ship in a private house, and treating them with great barbarity, 
their adversaries, in imitation of their pagan predecessors, in- 
vented the most diabolical calumnies against them, and circu- 
lated the report that they were guilty of abominable practices 
in their religious assemblies.* The innocent sufferers had drawn 
up an apology, in which they vindicated themselves from the 
atrocious charge ; and Knox, having got this translated into 
English, wrote a preface and additions to it, with the intention 
of publishing it for the use of his countrymen.t 

Having formed an acquaintance with many of the Protestants 
of France, and being able to speak their language, he occasionally 
preached to them in passing through the country. It seems to 
have been on this occasion that he preached in the city of Rochelle, 
and having alluded to his native country in the course of his 
sermon, told his audience that he expected within a few years,, 
to preach in the Church of St. Giles, in Edinburgh. ± 

* Histoire des Martyrs, pp. 425, 426. Anno 1597, Folio. Beza, Vita 
Calvini, ad ann. 1557. The Cardinal of Lorrain, uncle to Mary, the young- 
Queen of Scotland, was industrious in propagating- these vile calumnies ; a 
circumstance which increased Knox's bad opinion of that determined enemy 
of the Reformation. This is mentioned by him in his preface to the Parisian 
Apology. " This was not bruited be the rude and ignorant pepil ; but a 
cardinall (whais ipocrisie nevertheless is not abil to cover his awn filthiness) 
eschamit not openlie at his tabill to affirm that maist impudent and manifest 
lie; adding, moreover (to the further declaratioun whais sone he was), that 
in the hous whair they wer apprehendit, 8 bedis were preparit. When in 
verie deed, in that place whair they did convene (except a table for the 
Lord's supper to have been ministered, a chayr for the preicher, and. 
bankis and stullis for the easement of the auditors), no preparation nor 
furniture was abill to be proved, not even by the verie enemis." MS. Let- 
ters, pp. 445, 446. 

f MS. Letters, pp. 442 — 500. The Apology of the Parisian Protestants 
was published ; but I do not think that the English translation, with Knox's 
additions, ever appeared in print. The writer of the Life of Knox, prefixed 
to the edition of his History, 1732, p. xxi. has fallen into several blunders 
on this subject. There are no letters to the French Protestants in the MS. 
to which he refers. The Apology was written by the Parisians themselves, 
and Knox informs us, that a part of the translation only was done by him, — 
*' the former and maist part was translatit by another, because of my other 
"abors." Ut supra, p. 446. 

I " Having particularly declared to me," says Row, " by those who heard 
him say, when he was in Rochel, in France, that within two or three years 
he hoped to preach the gospel publicly in St. Giles in Edinburgh. But the 
persons who heard him say it, being Papists for the time, and yet persuaded 
by a nobleman to hear him preach privately, and see him baptize a bairn 
that was carried many miles to him for that purpose, thought that such a 
thirg could never come to pass, and hated him for so speaking; yet, comiig 
12 



134 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

It does not appear that there were any Protestants in Dieppe 
when Knox first visited it. But he had now the satisfaction of 
officiating in a reformed church, recently planted in that town. 
In the course of the year 1557, a travelling merchant from 
Geneva, named John Venable, had come to Dieppe, and by his 
conversation and the circulation of books, imparted the know- 
ledge of the Protestant doctrine to some of the inhabitants. At 
his request, they were visited by Delajonche, pastor at Rouen, 
who applied to the ministers of Geneva to furnish them with a 
preacher. They sent Andre de Sequeran, sieur d'Amont, who, 
having removed in the course of a few months, was succeeded 
by Delaporte, one of the pastors of the Church of Rouen. 
Knox having come to Dieppe at this time, was chosen colleague 
to Delaporte ; and under their ministry the Reformation was 
embraced by some of the principal persons of the town, and 
amongst the rest by M. de Bagueville, a descendant of Charles 
Martel. A surprising change was soon observed on the morals 
of the inhabitants, which had formerly been very diesolute ; and 
the church at Dieppe continued long in a flourishing condi- 
tion.* 

Being disappointed in his expectation of letters from Scot- 
land, Knox determined to relinquish his journey, and return to 
Geneva; This resolution does not accord with the usual firm- 
ness of our Reformer, and is not sufficiently accounted for in 
the common histories. The Protestant nobles had not retracted 
their invitation : the discouraging letters which he had received, 
were written by individuals without any authority from the rest ; 
and if their zeal and courage had begun to flag, his presence 
was the more necessary to recruit them. From the letters which 
he wrote to his familiar acquaintance, I am enabled to state the 
motives by which he was actuated in making this retrograde step. 
He was perfectly aware that a violent struggle must precede the 

home to Scotland, and through stress of weather likely to perish, they began 
to think of his preaching, and allowed of every part of it, and vowed to 
God, if he would preserve their lives, that they would forsake Papistry, ana 
follow the calling of God ; whilk they did, and saw and heard John Knox preach 
openly in the kirk of Fidinburgh, at the time whereof he spoke to them." Row's 
Historie, MS. pp. 8, 9. The same fact is mentioned by Pierre de la Roque, 
a French author, in Recueil des Dernieres Heures Ediriantes: Wodrow, 
MSS. No. 15, Advocates' Library. 

* Annuaire, ou Repertoire Ecclesiaet:qu° ; al'usage desEglises Rofonnees 
et Protestantes de l'empire Francais, par M. RaDaut ie Jeune, pp. 273, 274. A 
Paris, 181)7. 

The pastor of Dieppe was a member of the first National Synod of the 
reformed churches of France, held at Paris in 1559. Quick's Synodicon, 1, 
2, 7. In 1630 there were upwards of "000 communicants in the Church of 
Dieppe. Diary of Mr. Robert Trail, minister of Greyfriars, Edinburgh, pp. 
22, 23. MS. in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Trail. 



LIFE OF JOhw KNOX. 135 

establishment of the reformation in his native country ; he Knew 
that his presence in Scotland would excite the rage of the clergy, 
who would make every effort to crush their adversaries, and to 
maintain the lucrative system of superstition : and he dreaded 
that civil discord, and tumult, and bloodshed would ensue. 
The prospect of these things rushed into his mind, and, regard- 
less of public tranquillity as some have pronounced him to be, 
staggered his resolution to prosecute an undertaking, which, in 
his judgment, was not only lawful, but laudable and necessary. 
" When," says he, " I heard such troubles as appeared in that 
realm, I began to dispute with myself as followeth : — < Shall 
Christ, the author of peace, concord, and quietness, be preached 
where war is proclaimed, sedition engendered, and tumults 
appear to rise ? Shall not his evangel be accused as the cause 
of all this calamity which is like to follow ? What comfort 
canst thou have to see the one-half of the people rise up against, 
the other ; yea, to jeopard the one to murder and destroy the 
other ? But, above all, what joy shall it be to thy heart, to be- 
hold with thy eyes thy native country betrayed into the hands 
of strangers, which, to no man's judgment, can be avoided : 
because, that those who ought to defend it, and the liberty 
thereof, are so blind, dull, and obstinate, that they will not see 
their own destruction.-" "* To "these and more deep cogita- 
tions," which continued to distract his mind for several months 
after he returned to Geneva, he principally imputed his abandon- 
ment of the journey to Scotland. At the same time, he was 
convinced that they were not sufficient to justify his desisting 
from an undertaking recommended by so many powerful con- 
siderations. " But, alas !" says he, " as the wounded man, be 
he never so expert in physic or surgery, cannot suddenly miti- 
gate his own pain and dolour, no more can I the fear and grief 
of my heart, although I am not ignorant of what is to be done. 
It may also be, that the doubts and cold writing of some 
brethren did augment my dolour, and somewhat discourage me 
that before was more nor feeble. But nothing do I so much 
accuse as myself." Whatever were the secondary causes of this 
step, I cannot help again directing the reader's attention to the 
wisdom of Providence, in throwing impediments in his way, by 
which his return to Scotland was protracted to a period, before 
which it might have been injurious, and at which it was calcu- 
lated to be in the highest degree beneficial, to the great cause 
that he meant to promote. 

In judging of Knox's influence in advancing the Reformation, 
we must take into view not only his personal labours, but also 
the epistolary correspondence which he maintained with bis 

* MS. Letters, p. 349. 



136 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

countrymen. By this he instructed them in his absence, com- 
municated his own advice, and that of the learned among whom 
he resided, upon every difficult case which occurred, and ani- 
mated them to constancy and perseverance. During his resi- 
dence at Dieppe, he transmitted to Scotland two long letters, 
which deserve particular notice. The one, dated on the 1st of 
December, is directed to the Protestants in general ; the other, 
dated on the 17th of that month, is addressed to the nobility. 
In both of them he prudently avoids any reference to his late 
disappointment. 

In the first letter he strongly inculcates purity of morals, and 
warns all who professed the reformed religion against those 
irregularities of life which were employed to the disparagement 
of their cause, by two classes of persons, — by the Papists, who, 
although the same vices prevailed in a far higher degree among 
themselves, represented them as the native fruits of the reformed 
doctrine, — and by a new sect, who were enemies to superstition, 
but who had deserted the reformed communion, and were be- 
come scarcely less hostile to it than the Papists. The principal 
design of this letter was to put his countrymen on their guard 
against the arts of this last class of persons, and to expose their 
leading errors. 

The persons to whom he referred went under the general 
name of Anabaptists, a sect which sprung up soon after the com- 
mencement of the Reformation under Luther, and, breaking out 
into the greatest excesses, produced violent commotions in dif- 
ferent parts of Germany. Being suppressed in the place of its 
birth, it spread through other countries, and secretly made con- 
verts by high pretensions to seriousness and Christian simpli- 
city ; the spirit of wild fanaticism, which at first characterized 
its disciples, gradually subsiding after its first effervescence. 
Extravagancies of a similar kind have not unfrequently accom- 
panied great revolutions ; when the minds of men, released from 
the fetters of implicit obedience, and dazzled by a sudden illu- 
mination, have been disposed to fly to the extreme of anarchy 
and turbulence. Nothing proved more vexatious to the original 
reformers than this. It was urged by the defenders of the old 
system as a popular argument against all change. The extra- 
vagant opinions and disorderly practices of the new sect, though 
disowned and opposed by all sober Protestants, were artfully 
imputed to them by their adversaries. And many, who had de- 
clared themselves friendly to reform, alarmed, or pretending to 
be alarmed, at this hideous spectre, drew back, and sheltered 
themselves within the sacred pale of that Church, which, not- 
withstanding her notorious dissensions, errors, and corruption, 
both in head and members, continued to arrogate to herself ex 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 137 

clusively the properties of unity, universality, and perpetual 
infallibility. 

The radical error of this sect, according to the more improved 
system held by them at the time of which I write, was a fond 
conceit of a certain ideal spirituality and perfection, by which 
they considered the Christian Church to be essentially distin- 
guished from the Jewish, which was, in their opinion, a mere 
carnal, secular society. Entertaining this notion, they were 
naturally led to abridge the rule of faith and manners, by con- 
fining themselves almost entirely to the New Testament, and to 
adopt their other opinions concerning the unlawfulness of infant 
baptism, of civil magistracy, national churches, oaths, and defen- 
sive war. But besides these tenets, the Anabaptists were, at this 
period, generally infected with the Pelagian heresy, and united 
with the Papists in loading the doctrines which the reformers 
held respecting predestination and grace with the most odious 
charges.* 

Our Reformer had occasion to meet with some of these sec- 
taries both in England and on the Continent, and had ascer- 
tained their extravagant and dangerous principles. In the year 
1553, one of them came to his lodging in London, and, after 
requiring secresy, gave him a book, written by one of the party, 
which he pressed him to read. It contained the following pro- 
position, " God made not the world, nor the wicked creatures 
in it ; but these were made by the devil, who is therefore called 
the god of this world." He immediately warned the man 
against such gross doctrine, and began to explain to him the 
sense in which the devil is called " the god of this world" in 
Scripture. "Tush for your written word!" replied the enthu- 
siast, " we have as good and as sure a word and veritie that 
teacheth us this doctrine, as ye have for you and your opinion, "t 
Being apprised that persons who had imbibed these opinions 
were creeping into Scotland, Knox was afraid that they might 
insidiously instil their poison into the minds of some of his bre- 
thren. He refuted their opinion respecting church-communion, 
by showing that they required a purity which had never been 

* The Careles by Necessitie, as reprinted in Knox's Answer to an Ana- 
baptist, in 1580, Spanhemii (Patris) Disput. Theol. Miscell. Genevse, lb52. 
Spanheraii (Filii) Opera, torn. iii. pp. 771 — 798. It is scarcely necessary to 
state, that the greater part of those who, in the present day, oppose the bap- 
tism of infants, do not hold a number of the tenets specified above. They 
are decidedly hostile to Pelagianism, and friendly to the doctrine of grace. 
So far from denying - the lawfulness of magistracy among Christians, they 
have in general (at least in Scotland) adopted the principle of non-resistance 
to civil rulers in all cases. 

f Knox, Answer to the Blasphemous Cavillations written by an Anabaptist, 
pp. 405, 407. Anno 1560. 

12* S 



138 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

found in the Church, either before or since the completion ol 
the canon of Scripture. In opposition to their Pelagian tenets 
he gave the following statement of his sentiments : " If thert 
be any thing which God did not predestinate or appoint, then 
lacked he wisdom and free regimen ; or, if any thing was ever 
done, or yet after shall be done, in heaven or in earth, which lie 
might not have impeded, (if so had been his godly pleasure), 
then he is not omnipotent: which three properties, 1o wit, 
wisdom, free regimen, and power, denied to be in God, I pray 
you what rests in his Godhead ? The wisdom of our God we 
acknowledge to be such, that it compelleth the very malice of 
Satan, and the horrible iniquity of such as be drowned in sin, 
to serve to his glory, and to the profit of his elect. His power 
we believe and confess to be infinite, and such as no creature 
in heaven or earth is able to resist. And his regimen we ac- 
knowledge to be so free, that none of his creatures dare present 
them in judgment, to reason or demand the question, why hast 
thou done this or that ? • But the fountain of this their damnable 
error (which is, that in God they can acknowledge no justice 
except that which their foolish brain is able to comprehend), 
at more opportunity, God willing, we shall entreat."* 

He assigns his reasons for warning them so particularly 
against the seduction of these erroneous teachers. Under the 
cloak of mortification, and the colour of a godly life, they " sup- 
planted the dignity of Christ," and " were become enemies to 
free justification by faith in his blood." The malice of Papists 
was now visible to all the world ; the hypocrisy of mercenary 
teachers and ungodly professors would soon discover itself; and 
seldom had open tyranny been able to suppress the true religion, 
when it had once been earnestly embraced by the body of any 
nation or province. " But deceivable and false doctrine is a 
poison and venom, which, once drunken and received, with 
great difficulty can afterwards be purged." Accordingly, he 
charged them to "try the spirits" which came to them, and to 
suffer no man to take the office of preacher upon him of his 
own accord, and without trial, or to assemble the people in 
secret meetings ; else Satan would soon have his emissaries 
among them, who would " destroy the plantation of our hea- 
venly Father."! His admonitions, on this head; were not with- 
out effect ; and the Protestants of Scotland, instead of being dis- 
tracted with those opinions, remained united in their views, as 
to doctrine, worship, and discipline. 

His letter to the Protestant lords breathes an ardent and eie- 

* This he afterwards accomplished in the book referred to in the prece- 
ding note. 

| MS. Letters, pp. 403— 4'J4. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 139 

vated spirit. Its object was to purify their minds fron selfish 
and worldly principles — to raise, sanctify, and christiani te their 
views, by exhibiting and recommending to them the examples 
of those great and good men whose characters were delineated, 
and whose deeds were recorded, in the sacred annals. The 
glory of God, the advancement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, 
the salvation of themselves and their brethren, the emancipation 
of their country from spiritual and political bondage — these, 
and not their own honour and aggrandisement, or the reveng- 
ing of their petty private feuds, were the objects which they 
ought to keep steadily and solely in view. 

In this letter, he also communicates his advice on the delicate 
question of resistance to supreme rulers. They had consulted 
him on this subject, and had submitted it to the judgment of 
the most learned men on the Continent. Soon after they had 
agreed to the marriage of their young queen to the dauphin of 
France, the Scots began to be jealous of the designs of the 
French court against their liberties and independence. Their 
jealousies increased after the regency was transferred to the 
queen dowager, who was wholly devoted to the interest of 
France, and had contrived, under different pretexts, to keep a 
body of French troops in the kingdom. It was not difficult to 
excite to resistance the independent and haughty barons of 
Scotland, accustomed to yield a very limited and precarious 
obedience even to their native princes. They had lately given 
a proof of this by their refusal to co-operate in the war against 
England, which they considered as undertaken merely for 
French interests. And, encouraged by this circumstance, the 
Duke of Chastelherault had begun, under the direction of his 
brother, the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to intrigue for regain- 
ing the authority which he had reluctantly resigned. 

Our Reformer displayed his moderation, and the soundness 
of his principles, by the advice which he gave at this critical 
period. He did not attempt to inflame the irascible minds of 
the nobility by aggravating the maladministration of the queen 
regent ; far less did he advise them to join with the duke, and 
others who were discontented with the government, and to en- 
deavour in this way to advance their cause. Instead of this, he 
informed them that it was currently reported on the Continent 
that a rebellion was intended in Scotland; and he solemnly 
charged all the professors of the Protestant religion to avoid ac- 
cession to it, and to beware of countenancing those who sought 
to promote their private and worldly ends by disturbing the go- 
vernment. "He did not mean," he said, "to retract the prin- 
ciple which he had advanced in former letters, nor to deny the 
lawfulness of inferior magistrates, and the body of a nation, re 
sisting the tyrannical measures of supreme rulers." He stiL 



140 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Held, that there was "a great difference between lawful obe 
dience, and a fearful flattering of princes, or an unjust accom 
plishment of their desires, in things which be required or de 
vised for the destruction of a commonwealth." The nobility 
were the hereditary guardians of the national liberties ; and 
there were limits beyond which obedience was not due by sub- 
jects. But recourse ought not to be had to resistance, except 
when matters were tyrannically driven to an extreme. And 
it was peculiarly incumbent on the Protestants of Scotland to 
be circumspect in all their proceedings, that they might give 
their adversaries no reason to allege that seditious and rebellious 
designs were concealed under the cloak of zeal for reforming 
religion. His advice and solemn charge to them therefore was, 
that they should continue to yield cheerful obedience to all the 
lawful commands of the regent, and endeavour, by humble and 
repeated requests, to procure her favour, and to prevail upon 
her, if not to promote their cause, at least to protect them from 
persecution. If she refused to take any steps for reforming re- 
ligion, it was their duty to provide that the gospel should be 
preached, and the sacraments administered in purity, to them- 
selves and their brethren. If, while they were endeavouring 
peaceably to accomplish this, attempts should be made to crush 
them by violence, he did not think, considering the station which 
they occupied, that they were bound to look on and see their 
innocent brethren murdered. On the contrary, it was lawful 
for them, nay, it was their incumbent duty, to stand up in their 
defence. But even in this case they ought to protest their 
readiness to obey the regent in every thing consistent with 
their fidelity to God, and to avoid all association with the am- 
bitious, the factious, and the turbulent.* 

This is a specimen of the correspondence which Knox main- 
tained with the Protestant nobility, by which he enlightened 
their views, aroused their zeal, and restrained their impetuosity, 
at this important juncture. I shall afterwards have occasion 
to call the attention of the reader more particularly to his po- 
litical principles. 

Knox returned to Geneva in the beginning of the year 155S. 
During that year, he was engaged, along with several learned 
men of his congregation, in making a new translation of the 
Bible into English ; which, from the place where it was composed 
and first printed, has obtained the name of the Geneva Bible t 

* MS. Letters, pp. 424, 438. 

t Strype's Mem. of Parker, p. 205. This translation was often reprinted 
n Britain. The freedom of remark used in the notes gave offence to Queen 
Elizabeth, and her successor James; the last of whom said, that it was the 
vorst translation which he had seen. Notwithstanding- this expression of 
disapprobation it is evident that the translators appointed by his authority 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 141 

It was at this time also that he published his Letter to the 
Qaeen Regent, and his Appellation and Exhortation ; both of 
which were transmitted to Scotland, and contributed not a little 
to the spread of the reformed opinions. I have already given 
an account of the first of these tracts, which was chiefly intended 
for removing the prejudices of Roman Catholics. The last was 
more immediately designed for instructing and animating the 
friends of the reformed religion. Addressing himself to the 
nobility and estates of the kingdom, he shows that the care and 
reformation of religion belonged to them as civil rulers, and 
constituted one of the primary duties of their office. This was a 
dictate of nature as well as revelation ; and he would not insist 
on it, lest he should seem to suppose them " lesse careful over 
God's true religion, than were the ethnicks* over their idolatrie." 
Inferior magistrates, within the sphere of their jurisdiction — the 
nobles and estates of a kingdom, as well as kings and princes, 
were bound to attend to this high duty. He then addresses 
himself to the commonalty of Scotland, and points out their duty 
and interest, with regard to the important controversy in agita- 
tion. They were rational creatures, formed after the image of 
God — they had souls to be saved — 4hey were accountable for 
their conduct — they were bound to judge of the truth of religion, 
and to make profession of it, as well as kings, nobles, or bishops. 
If idolatry was maintained, if the gospel was suppressed, if the 
blood of the innocent was shed, and if, in these circumstances, 
they kept silence, and did not exert themselves to prevent such 
evils, how could they vindicate their conduct ?t 

But the most singular treatise published this year by Knox, 
and that which made the greatest noise, was, " The first Blast 
of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment J of Women •" 



made great use of it ; and if they had followed it still more, the version 
which they have given us would, upon the whole, have been improved. The 
late Dr. Geddes had a very different opinion of it from the royal critic. 

I pretend not to know the versions referred to in the following- passage of 
a foreign critic : — "Nee vero melius opera suae factioni, vel astuta vulpecula 
ilia Joannes Cnoxius Scotus, vel oes magnse & Celebris Anglican* veridic- 
tianae reformationis authores, cum in suis Bibliis eodem capite, ita reponunt : 
Scoti primi quia proprius Calvinismo accedunt; 'Thou ar Piter, and vpon 
that rok I wil buld my kirk,' id est, Tu es Petrus, & super istam rupe ego 
volo sedificare mea Ecclesia. Videmus ' that rok ' non esse id quod Petrum 
Cnoxius vocauit, atque Dominus Petrum afFatur, et de eodem intelligit 
fore ipsum Ecclesiae suas columen. Angli nihil habent discriminis, nisi 
quod dicUnt 'churk' pro 'Kirk.'" Paradigma De Quatuor Linguis 
Orientalibvs Prascipvis. Petro Victore Caietano Palma Avthore, p. 115 
Parisiis, 1593. 

* i. e. heathen. 

| Appellation, apud Historie, pp. 434 — 440, 453, 454. 

\ i. e. regimen, or government. 



l4'2 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

in which ne attacked, with great vehemence, the practice of 
admitting females to the government of nations. There is some 
reason to think that his mind was struck with the incongruity of 
this practice as early as Mary's accession to the throne of Eng- 
land.* This was probably one of the points on which he had 
conferred with the Swiss divines in 1554.t That his sentiments 
respecting it were fixed in 1556, appears from an incidental 
reference to the subject in one of his familiar letters.^ Influ- 
enced, however, by deference to the opinion of others, he 
refrained for a considerable time from publishing them to the 
world. But, at last, provoked by the tyranny of the queen of 
England, and wearied out with her increasing cruelties, he 
applied the trumpet to his mouth, and uttered a terrible blast. 
" To promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, dominion, or 
empire, above any realm, nation, or city, is repugnant to nature, 
contumely to God, a thing most contrarious to his revealed will 
and approved ordinance, and, finally, it is a subversion of all 
equity and justice." Such is the first sentence and principal 
proposition of the work. The arguments by which he endea- 
vours to establish it are, that nature intended the female sex for 
subjection, not superiority, to the male, as appears from their 
infirmities, corporal and mental (excepting always such as God, 
" by singular privilege, and for certain causes, exempted from 
the common rank of women") ; that the divine law, announced 
at the creation of the first pair, had expressly assigned to man 
the dominion over woman, and commanded her to be subject to 
him ; that female government was not permitted among the 
Jews ; that it is contrary to apostolical injunctions ; and that it 
leads to the perversion of government, and other pernicious 
consequences. 

Knox's theory on this subject was not novel. In support of 
his opinion, he could appeal to the constitutions of the free 
states of antiquity, and to the authority of their most celebrated 
legislators and philosophers.§ In the kingdom of France, 
females were, by an express law, excluded from succeeding to 
the crown. Edward VI. some time before his death, had pro- 
posed to the privy council the adoption of this law in England ; 
but the motion, not suiting the ambitious views of the Duke of 
Northumberland, was overruled. || Though his opinion was 

* First Blast, apud Historie, p. 478. 

f MS. Letters, pp. 318, 319. { Ibid. pp. 3:22, 323. 

§ Tacitus has expressed his contempt of those who submit to female gov- 
ernment with his usual emphatic brevity in the account which he ffives of 
the Sitones, a German tribe. " Caetera similes, uno differunt, quodfaemina 
dominatur; in tantum, non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute degene- 
rant." De Mor. Germ. c. 45. 

|| Warner's Eccles. History of England, ii. 308 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 143 

sanctioned by such high authority, Knox was by no means 
sanguine in his expectations as to the reception of this perform- 
ance. He tells us, in the preface, that he laid his account not 
only with the indignation of those who were interested in the 
support of the reprobated practice, but also with the disapproba- 
tion of such gentle spirits among the learned as would be alarmed 
at the boldness of the attack. He did not doubt that he would 
be called " curious, despiteful, a sower of sedition, and one day 
perchance be attainted for treason ;" but in uttering a truth of 
which he was deeply convinced, he was determined to " cover 
his eyes, and shut his ears," from these dangers and obloquies. 
He was not mistaken in his anticipations. It exposed him to 
the resentment of two queens, during whose reign, it was his lot 
to live ; the one his native princess, and the other exerting a 
sway over Scotland scarcely inferior to that of any of its mon- 
archs. Several of the English exiles approved of his opinion,* 
and few of them would have been displeased at seeing it re- 
duced to practice, at the time that the Biast was published. But 
Queen Mary dying soon after it appeared, and her sister Eliza- 
beth succeeding her, they raised a great outcry against it. John 
Fox wrote a letter to the author, in which he expostulated with 
him, in a very friendly manner, as to the impropriety of the pub- 
lication, and the severity of its language. Knox, in his reply, 
did not excuse his " rude vehemencie and inconsidered affirma- 
tions, which may appear rather to procead from coler then of 
zeal and reason ;" but signified that he was still persuaded of the 
principal proposition which he had maintained.! 

His original intention was to blow his trumpet thrice, and to 
publish his name with the last blast, to prevent the odium from 
falling on any other person. But finding that it gave offence to 
many of his brethren, and being desirous to strengthen rather 
than invalidate the authority of Elizabeth, he relinquished his 
design of prosecuting the discussion.! He retained his senti- 
ments to the last, but abstained from any further declaration of 
them, and from replying to his opponents ; although he was pro- 
voked by their censures and triumph, and sometimes hinted, in 

* Christopher Goodman adopted the sentiment, and commended the publi- 
cation of his colleague, in his book on " Obedience to Superior Powers." 
Whittingham and Gilby declared themselves on the same side of the ques- 
tion. I might also mention countrymen of his own, who agreed with Knox 
on this subject; as James Kennedy, the celebrated Archbishop of St. An- 
drews, and Sir David Lindsay. Buchanani Hist. lib. xii. torn. i. 221 — 24, 
edit. Rudim. Chalmers's Lindsay, iii. 175. 

f Strype's Annals, i. 127. Fox's letter was written before the death of 
Queen Mary. Knox's Answer to it, from the original in the British Museum, 
will be found in the Appendix. 

\ The heads of the intended Second Blast are subjoined to his Appellation, 
which was published some months after the First Blast. 



144 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

his private letters, that he would break silence, if they did nol 
study greater moderation. 

In the course of the following year, an answer to the Blast 
appeared under the title of " An Harborowe for Faithful Sub- 
jects."* Though anonymous, like the book to which it was a 
reply, it was soon declared to be the production of John Aylraer, 
one of the English refugees on the Continent, who had been 
archdeacon of Stowe, and tutor to Lady Jane Grey. It was not 
undertaken until the accession of Elizabeth, and was written, as 
Aylmer's biographer informs us, "upon a consultation holden 
among the exiles, the better to obtain the favour of the new- 
queen, and to take off any jealousy she might conceive of them, 
and of the religion which they professed."! Aylmer himself 
says, that if the author of the Blast " had not swerved from the 
particular question to the general," but had confined himself to 
the queen who filled the throne when he wrote, " he could have 
said nothing too much, nor in such wise as to have offended any 
indifferent man ;" and he allows with Knox, that Mary's govern- 
ment was "unnatural, unreasonable, unjust, and unlawful.";): 
From these and some other considerations, Knox was induced 
to express a suspicion that his opponent had accommodated his 
doctrine to the times, and courted the favour of the reigning 
princess by flattering her vanity and love of power.§ It is cer- 
tain, that if Knox is entitled to the praise of boldness and disin- 
terestedness, Aylmer carried away the palm for prudence ; the 
latter was advanced to the bishopric of London, the former could 
not, without great difficulty, obtain leave to set his foot again 
upon English ground. Knox's trumpet would never have sound- 
ed its alarm, had it not been for the tyranny of Mary ; and there 
is reason to think that Aylmer would never have opened his 
" Harborowe for Faithful Subjects," but for the auspicious suc- 
cession of Elizabeth. 

This, however, is independent of the merits of the question, 

* "An Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjects, against the late 
blowne Blaste, concerning the Government of Wemen, &c. anno MD. lix. 
At Strasborowe the 26. of Aprill." The Blast drew forth several other de- 
fences of female government, two of which were written by natives of Scot- 
land. Bishop Lesley's tract on this subject was printed alono; with his de- 
fence of Queen Mary's honour. David Chalmers, one of the lords of session, 
published his " Discours de la legitime succession des Femmes," after he 
retired from Scotland. Lord Hailes's Catal. of the Lords of Session, note 
23. Mackenzie's Lives, iii. 388, 392. 

•f Strype's Life of Aylmer, p. 16. 

| Harborowe, sig. B. Strype says, contrary to the plain meaning of the 
passage, that Aylmer speaks here of " the Scotch Queen Mary." Life of 
Aylmer, p. 230. 

5 The same suspicion seems to have been entertained by some of Eliza- 
beth's courtiers. Strype's Aylmer, p. 20. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 145 

which I do not feel inclined to examine minutely. The change 
which has taken place in the mode of administering govern- 
ment in modern times, renders it of less practical importance 
than it was formerly, when so much depended upon the per- 
sonal talents and activity of the reigning prince. It may be 
added, that the evils incident to a female reign will be less felt 
under such a constitution as that of Britain, than under a pure 
and absolute monarchy. This last consideration is urged by 
Aylmer; and here his reasoning is most satisfactory.* The 
Bla^t bears the mark of hasty composition.! The Harborowe 
has evidently been written with great care ; it contains a good 
collection of historical facts bearing on the question ; and though 
more distinguished for rhetorical exaggeration than logical pre- 
cision, the reasoning is ingeniously conducted, and occasionally 
enlivened by strokes of humour.} It is, upon the whole, a 
curious as well as rare work. 

After all, it is easier to vindicate the expediency of continu- 
ing the practice, where it has been established by law and 
usage, than to support the affirmative, when the question is 
propounded as a general thesis on government. It may fairly 
be questioned, if Aylmer has refuted the principal arguments 
of his opponent; and had Knox deemed it prudent to rejoin, he 
might have exposed the fallacy of his reasoning in different in- 
stances. In replying to the argument from the apostolical 
canon,§ the archdeacon is not a little puzzled. Distrusting his 
distinction between the greater office, " the ecclesiastical func 
tion," and the less, " extern policy," he argues, that the apos 
tie's prohibition may be considered as temporary, and peculiarly 
applicable to the women of his own time ; and he insists that 
his clients shall not, in toto, be excluded from teaching and 
ruling in the Church any more than in the State. " Me thinke," 
says he, very seriously, " even in this poynte, we must use 
sTimxtta, a certain moderacion, not absolutely, and in every 
wise to debar them herein (as it shall please God) to serve 

* See Note BB. 

f The editions of the Blast printed along with Knox's History are all ex- 
tremely incorrect : whole sentences are often omitted. 

% In his answer to Knox's argument, from Isaiah iii. 12, he concludes 
thus: " Therefore the argumente ariseth from wrong understand inge. As 
the vicar of Trumpenton understode Eli, Eli, lama-zabatani, when he read 
the passion on Palme Sonday. When he came to that place, he stopped, 
and calling the churchwardens, saide, 'Neighbours! this gear must be 
amended. Here is Eli twice in the book : I assure you if my L. [the bishop] 
of Elie come this waye and see it, he will have the book. Therefore, by 
mine advice, we shall scrape it out, and put it in our own towne's name, 
Trumpington, Trumpington, lamah, zabactani.'' They consented, and he 
did so, because he understode no grewe." Harborowe, G. 3 G. 4. 

j 1 Tim. ii. 11—14. 

13 T 



146 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



Christ. Are there not, in England, women, think you, that for 
their learninge and wisdom, could tell their householde and 
neighbouris as good a tale as the best Sir Jhone there?"* Be- 
yond all question. Who can doubt that the learned Lady 
Elizabeth, who on a certain time interrupted the dean of her 
chapel, and told him to "stick to his text," was able to make 
as good a sermon as any of her clergy ? or, that she was better 
qualified for other parts of the duty, when she composed a book 
of prayers for herself, while they were obliged to use one made 
to their hands ? In fact, the view which the archdeacon gave 
of the text was necessary to vindicate the authority of his queen, 
who was head, or supreme governor, of the Church, as well as 
of the State. She who, by law, had supreme authority over all 
the reverend and right reverend divines in the land, with power 
to superintend, suspend, and control them in all their ecclesiasti- 
cal functions, — who, by her injunctions, could direct the primate 
himself when to preach, and how to preach, — and who could 
license and silence ministers at her pleasure, must have been 
bound very moderately indeed by the apostolical prohibition, 
" I suffer not a woman to teach, nor to usurp authority over the 
man, but to be in silence." Reason would also say, that she 
had an equal right to assume the exercise of the office in her 
own person, if she chose to avail herself of that right ; and had 
she issued a conge d' elire, accompanied with her royal recom- 
mendation to elect some learned sister to a vacant see, the arch- 
deacon at least would not have felt so squeamish at complying 
with it, as the Italian university did at conferring the degree 
of Doctor in Divinity upon the learned Helen Lucrecia Piscopia 
Cornaca.t 

There are some things in the Harborowe which might have 
been unpalatable to the queen, if the author had not sweetened 
them with that personal flattery, which was as agreeable to 
Elizabeth as to others of her sex and rank, and which he took 
care to administer in sufficient quantities before concluding his 
work. The ladies will be ready to excuse a slight slip of the 
pen in the good archdeacon, in consideration of the handsome 
manner in which he has defended their right to rule ; but they 
will scarcely believe that the following description of the sex 
could proceed from him. " Some women," says he, " be wiser, 
better learned, discreater, constanter, than a number of men ;" 
but others (" the most part," according to his biographer) he 
describes! as " fond, foolish, wanton, flibbergibs, tatlers, trifling, 
wavering, witles, without counsel, feable, carles, rashe, proud, 
iaintie, nise, tale-bearers, eves-droppers, rumour-raisers, evil- 



* Harborowe, G. 4. H. 
I Burborow \sig. G. 3. 



t See Note CC. 



Life of Aylmer, p. 279. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 147 

tongued, worse-minded, and, in every wise, dnltified with the 
dregges of the devil's doungehill ! ! !" The rude author of the 
monstrous Blast never spoke of the sex in terms half so disre 
spectful as these. One would suppose that Aylmer had already 
renounced the character of advocate of the fair sex, and re- 
canted his principles on that head, as he did respecting the titles 
and revenues of bishops, which he inveighed against before his 
return from exile, but afterwards accepted with little scruple ; 
and, when reminded of the language which he had formerly 
used, apologized for himself by saying, " When I was a child, 
I thought as a child ; but when I became a man I put away 
childish things."* — But it is time to return to the narrative. 

Our Reformer's letter to the Protestant lords in Scotland pro- 
duced its intended effect, in reanimating their drooping courage. 
At a consultative meeting, held at Edinburgh in December 
1557, they unanimously resolved to adhere to one another, and 
exert themselves in advancing the Reformation. Having sub- 
scribed a solemn bond of mutual assistance, they renewed their 
invitation to Knox ; and being afraid that he might hesitate on 
account of their former irresolution, they wrote to Calvin, to 
employ his influence to induce him to comply. Their letters 
did not reach Geneva until November 1558.f By the same 
conveyance, Knox received letters of a later date, communi- 
cating the most agreeable intelligence respecting the progress 
which the reformed cause had made, and the nourishing ap- 
pearance which it continued to wear, in Scotland. 

Through the exertions of our Reformer, during his residence 
among them in the year 1556, and in pursuance of the instruc- 
tions which he left behind him, the Protestants had formed 
themselves into congregations, which met in different, parts of 
the country with greater or less privacy, according to the oppor- 
tunities which they enjoyed. Having come to the resolution of 
withdrawing from the Popish worship, they provided for their 
religious instruction and mutual edification in the best manner 
that their circumstances would permit. As there were no mi- 
nisters among them, they continued for some time to be de- 
prived of the dispensation of the sacraments ;% but certain in- 
telligent and pious men of their number were chosen to read 
the Scriptures, to exhort, and offer up prayers in their assem- 

* Life of Aylmer, p. 269. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 101. 

I Ninian Winget says, that " sum lordis and gentilmen " ministered the 
sacrament of the supper " to their awn household servandis and tenantis." 
If only one instance of this kind occurred, the Papists would exaggerate it, 
The same writer adds, " that Knox blamed the persons who did it, saying, 
that they had " gretumlie faLzeit." Winzet's Buke of Fourscoir Three 
Questions, in Keith, Append, p 239. Comp. Knox, p. 217. 



145 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

blies. Convinced of the necessity of order anu discipline in 
their societies, and desirous to have them organized, as far as 
was in their power, agreeably to the institution of Christ, they 
next proceeded to choose elders for the inspection of their n man- 
ners, to whom they promised subjection, and deacons for the 
collection and distribution of alms to the poor.* Edinburgh 
was the first place in which this order was established : Dundee 
the first town in which a reformed Church was completely 
organized, provided with a regular minister, and favoured with 
the dispensation of the sacraments. 

During the war with England, which began in Autumn 1556, 
and continued through the following year, the Protestants en- 
joyed considerable liberty ; and they improved it with great 
zeal and success. The clergy were not indifferent to the pro- 
gress which the reformed opinions were daily making, and they 
prevailed with the regent to summon such as had presumed to 
preach without their authority ; but she was obliged to abandon 
the process against them, in consequence of the arrival of certain 
gentlemen from the west country, who demanded their release 
in a tone which declared that they were resolved not to be re- 
fused.! 

At a meeting of the nobles and barons attached to the Re- 
formation, held at Edinburgh in December 1557, two resolu- 
tions were adopted for regulating their conduct in the present 
delicate juncture. It was agreed, in the first place, that they 
should rest satisfied for the present with requiring that prayers, 
and the lessons of the Old and New Testament, should be read 
in English, according to the book of Common Prayer,} in every 
parish, on Sundays and festival days, by the curates of the 
respective parishes, or, if they were unable or unwilling, by 
such persons within the bounds as were best qualified. And, 
secondly, that the reformed preachers should teach in private 
houses only, till the government should allow them to preach in 
public. § The first resolution has been represented as an unwar- 
rantable assumption of authority by this reforming assembly, and 
as implying that they had a right to dictate to the whole nation, 
by setting aside the established worship, and imposing a new 

* Cald. MS. i. 257. " The Electioun of Eldaris and Deaconis in the 
Church of Edinburgh," in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 635, 636. Calderwood 
places his account of this under the year 1555 ; but I think that date too 
early. It was rather in the end of 1556, or in the course of 1557. The 
names of the first elders in Edinburgh were George Small, Michael Robert- 
son, Adam Craig, John Cairns, and Alexander Hope. There were at first 
two assemblies in Edinburgh; but Erskine of Dun persuaded them to unite, 
and they met sometimes in the houses of Robert Watson and James Barron, 
and sometimes in the Abbey. 

f Knox, Historie, pp. 94—5. \ See Note DD. J K iox, 101. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 149 

form. This construction is, however, irreconcilable with the 
situation in which they were then placed, and with the moderate 
and submissive tone in which they continued to urge their claims 
at a subsequent period. It is rather to be viewed as expressing 
the opinion of that meeting respecting the degree of reformation 
which individuals of their body might introduce, in places to 
which their authority and influence extended. And, accordingly, 
it was reduced to practice in many parishes where Protestant 
barons resided, and where the people were disposed to imitate 
their example.* 

In pursuance of the second resolution agreed on at the general 
meeting, the Earl of Argyle undertook the protection of John 
Douglas, a Carmelite friar, who had embraced the reformed 
sentiments ;t and the rest of the preachers were received into 
the houses of other barons, and employed to preach as their 
chaplains. This measure alarmed the clergy no less than, the 
former practice of itinerant preaching had done. They saw 
that it would be vain to commence prosecutions against preachers 
who were entertained in the families of the principal men in the 
kingdom ; and they resolved to exert all their influence to deprive 
them of such powerful patronage. Presuming upon the easy 
temper of the aged Earl of Argyle, and upon the friendship 
which had long subsisted between his family and the Hamiltons, 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews wrote a letter to that nobleman 
in a very insinuating strain, and at the same time sent a relation 
of his own, Sir David Hamilton, with instructions to represent 
the danger to which he exposed his noble house by countenan- 
cing Douglas, and to entreat him, in the most earnest manner, to 
withdraw his protection from such a pestilent heretic. Argyle's 
reply was temperate and respectful, but at the same time firm 
and spirited : he not only vindicated the doctrine taught by his 
chaplain, and refused to dismiss him, but made several shrewd 
and pointed remarks which the archbishop could not fail to apply 
to himself. The bishop having written that he felt himself 
bound " in honour and conscience" to inquire into the heresies 
of which Douglas was accused, the earl replies : " He preiches 
against idolatrie, I remit to your lordschip's conscience gif it be 
heresie or not; he preiches against adultrie and fornicatioun, I 
referre that to your lordschip's conscience ;| he preiches against 
hypocrisie, I referre that to your lordschip's conscience ; he 
preiches against all maner of abuses and corruptioun of Christis 
sincere religioun, I referre that to your lordschip's conscience. 

* Spotswood, p. 117. f Ibid. Knox, p. 102. 

\ How the bishop's conscience stood affected as to these points we know 
not ; but it is certain that his practice was very far from being immaculate 
Wilkins, Conci a, iv. 209. Knox, Historie, p. 104. Keith, p. 208. 
13* 



150 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

My lord, I exhort yow, in Christis name, to wey all thii affairis 
in your conscience, and consider if it be your dewtie also not 
onlie to thole* this, bot in like maner to do the same. This is 
all, my lord, that I varie in my age, and na uthar thing bot that 
I knew not befoir these offences to be abhominable to God, and 
now, knawing his will by manifestatioun of his word, abhorres 
thame." Referring to the bishop's offer to send him a learned 
and catholic teacher, the earl replies, < ; God Almichtie send us 
mony of that sorte, that will preiche trewlie, and nathing but 
ane catholic universall Christian fayth ; and we Heilaud rude 
pepill lies mistert of thame. And if your lordschip wald get 
and provyde me sic a man, I sould provyde him a corporal 
leving as to my self, with grit thanks to your lordschip ; for 
trewlie, I and many ma hes grit mister of sic men. And becaus 
I am abill to sustain ma nor ane of thame, I will requeist your 
lordschip earnestlie to provyde me sic a man as ye wrait ; for 
the harvest is grit, and thair are few labouraris."J 

Foiled in his attempts to prevail on the nobility to withdraw 
their protection from the preachers, the archbishop determined 
to wreak his vengeance upon such of them as were still within 
his power, and proceeded to revive those cruel measures which 
had been suspended for several years, by the political circum- 
stances of the country rather than by the clemency and modera- 
tion of the clergy. Walter Mill, parish priest of Lunan in Angus, 
having been condemned as a heretic in the time of Cardinal 
Beatoun, had escaped from execution, and continued to preach, 
sometimes in private, and at other times openly, in different 
quarters of the kingdom. Being lately discovered by one of the 
archbishop's spies, he was brought to trial at St. Andrews. He 
appeared before the court so worn out with age, and the hardships 
which he had endured, that it was not expected he would be able 
to answer the questions which might be put to him ; but, to the 
surprise of all, he conducted his defence with great spirit. Such 
was the compassion excited by his appearance, and the horror 
which was now felt at the punishment to which he was doomed, 
that the clergy, after pronouncing him guilty, could not procure 
a secular judge to pass sentence of death upon him, and the 
archbishop was at last obliged to employ a worthless servant ot 
his own to perform the odious task. On the 2Sth of August 1 558, 
Mill expired amidst the flames, uttering these words: " As for 
me, I am fourscore and two years old, and cannot live long by 
course of nature; but a hundred better shall rise out of the 
ashes of my bones. I trust in God, I shall be the last that shall 
suffer death in Scotland for this cause !"§ 

* Endure. f Need. f Knox, Historie, pp. 10 i — 7. 

5 Lindsay of Pitscottie's History, pp. 200 — 1. Knox, 122. Spotswood. 
95—7. Petrie, Part ii. 191. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 151 

This barbarous and illegal execution produced effects of the 
greatest importance. It raised the horror of the nation to an 
incredible pitch ; and as it was believed at that time, that the 
regent was not accessory to the deed, their indignation was 
directed wholly against the clergy. Throwing aside all fear, and 
disregarding th^se restraints which prudence, or respect for esta- 
blished order, had hitherto imposed on them, the people now 
assembled openly to join in the reformed worship, and avowed 
their determination to adhere to it at all hazards. Harlow, 
Douglas, Paul Methven, and some others, were imboldened to 
break through the regulations to which they had submitted, and 
began to preach, and administer the sacraments, with greater 
publicity than formerly.* In the month of October,t they were 
joined by John Willock, who returned a second time from 
Embden. 

Meanwhile, the Protestant barons, having assembled at Edin- 
burgh in the month of July,! had resolved to lay their complaints 
in a formal manner before the regent. They renewed the request 
which they had formerly made, that she would, by her authority 
and in concurrence with the parliament, restrain the violence of 
the clergy, correct the flagrant and insufferable abuses which pre- 
vailed in the Church, and grant to them and their brethren the 
liberty of religious instruction and worship, at least according to 
a restricted plan which they laid before her, and to which they 
were willing to submit, till their grievances should be deliberately 
examined and legally redressed. § Their petition was presented 
to the regent, in the palace of Holyroodhouse, by Sir James San- 
dilands of Calder, in the presence of a number of the nobility and 
bishops. Her reply was such as to persuade them that she was 
friendly to their proposals ; she promised that she would take 
measures for carrying them legally into effect as soon as it was 
in her power, and assured them, that, in the mean time, they 
might depend on her protection. || 

* Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 216. Besides the persons above named, the 
council mention (in the place here referred to) " Johannes Patritz, et alii 
complures, catholicce fidei et ecclesiastics unitatis desertores." Who this 
Patritz was I do not know. The reformed preachers were obliged to assume 
feigned names on particular occasions, to escape apprel ension. Thus Douglas 
went by the name of Grant. Comp. Knox, Historie, pp. 103, 103. 

f Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, p. 1. MS. be- 
longing to Thomas Thomson, Esq. Advocate. This MS., which I had not 
seen when I published the first edition of this work, contains a number of 
minute particulars not mentioned in other histories. It would have been 
extremely valuable if it had been complete, but the copy which I have used 
stops short in the middle of the year 1560. 

t Ibid. § See Note EE. 

|| Knox, Historie, p. 122. Bishop Bale, who was then at Basle, inserted, 
in a work which he was just publishing, a letter sent him at this time by 



152 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

It did not require many arguments to persuade Knox to com 
ply with an invitation, which was accompanied with such gra- 
tifying intelligence ; and he began immediately to prepare for 
his journey to Scotland. The future settlement of the congre- 
gation under his charge, occupied him for some time. Infor- 
mation being received of the death of Mary, Queen of England,* 
and the accession of Elizabeth, the Protestant refugees hastened 
to return to their native country. The congregation at Ge- 
neva, having met to return thanks to God for this deliverance, 
agreed to send one of their number with letters to their brethren 
in different places of the Continent, and particularly in Frank- 
fort, congratulating them on the late happy change, and re- 
questing a confirmation of the mutual reconciliation which had 
already been effected, the burial of all past offences, and a 
brotherly co-operation, in endeavouring to obtain such a settle- 
ment of religion in England as would be agreeable to all the 
sincere well-wishers of the Reformation. A favourable return 
to their letters being obtained,! they took leave of the hospita- 
ble city, and set out for their native country. By them Knox 
sent letters to some of his former acquaintances, who were now 
in the court of Elizabeth, requesting permission to travel through 
England on his way to Scotland. 

In the month of January 1559, our Reformer took his leave 
of Geneva for the last time.l In addition to former marks of 
respect, the republic, before his departure, conferred on him the 
freedom of the city.§ He left his wife and family behind him, 

Thomas Cole, an English refugee residing at Geneva, communicating this 
information. " Heri enim," says Cole, " D. Knoxus ex Scotia nova certis- 
sima de immutata religione accepit : Christum publice per totum illud reg- 
num doceri ; et ita demum hominum corda occupasse, ut omni metn posito 
audeant publicis precibus interesse sua lingua celebratis, et sacra menta 
quoque habeant rite administrata, impuris antichristi ceremoniis abjectis. 
Nunc regina cogitat Reformationem religionis, indicto die quo conventus fiat 
totius regni," &c. Scriptor. Illustr. Major. Britanniaa Poster. Pars. Art 
Knoxus. Basil. 1559. 

* "God would not suffer her to reign long," says a Catholic writer, 
" either oh account of the sins of her father, or on account of the sins cf 
her people, who were unworthy of a princess so holy, so pious, and endued 
with such divine and rare dispositions." Laing, de Vita Heretic, fol. 28. 

| Troubles at Franckford, pp. 189, 190. \ Cald. MS. i. 380. 

5 Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, par Jean Senebier, torn. i. 375, Genev. 
1786. It is somewhat singular, that Calvin did not obtain this honour until 
December 1559. " II n'y a cependant point de citoyen," says Senebier, 
" qui ait achete ce titre honorable aussi cherement que lui par ses services, 
et je ne crois pas qn'il en ait beaucoup qui l'aient autant merite, et qui le 
rendent aussi celebre." Ibid. pp. 2:',0, 231. 

Our Reformer obtained another public testimony of esteem at this time 
from Bishop Bale, who dedicated his work on Scottish writers to him and 
Mexander Aless. The praise which he bestows on him deserves the more 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 153 

until he should ascertain that they could live with safety in 
Scotland. Upon his arrival at Dieppe, in the middle of March, 
he received information that the English government had re- 
fused to grant him liberty to pass through their dominions. 
The request had appeared so reasonable to his own mind, con- 
sidering the station which he had held in that country, and the 
object of his present journey, that he once thought of proceed- 
ing to London without waiting for a formal permission ; yet it 
was with some difficulty that those who presented his letters 
escaped imprisonment.* 

This impolitic severity was occasioned by the informations of 
some of the exiles, who had not forgotten the old quarrel at 
Frankfort, and had accused of disloyalty and disaffection to the 
queen, not only Knox, but all those who had been under his 
charge at Geneva, whom they represented as proselytes to the 
opinion which he had published against female government.! 
There was not an individual who could believe that Knox had 
the most distant eye to Elizabeth in publishing the obnoxious 
book ; nor a person of judgment who could seriously think that 
her government was exposed to the slightest danger from him 
or his associates, who felt no less joy at her auspicious acces- 
sion than their brethren.^ If he had been imprudent in that 
publication, if he had " swerved from the particular question to 
the general," his error (to use the words of his respondent) 

notice, because the bishop had been one of his opponents at Frankfort. " Te 
vero, Knoxe, frater amatissime, conjunxit mini Anglia et Germania, impri- 
mis autem doctrinee nostrse in Christo Domino fraterna consensio. Nemo est 
enim qui tuam fidem, constantiam, patientiam tot erumnis, tanta persecutione, 
exilioque diuturno et gravi, testatum, non collaudet, et non admiretur, non 
amplectatur." Balei Script. Illustr. Maj. Brit. Poster. Pars. pp. 175, 176. 
Basilise, ex officina Joan. Operini, 15:9, mense Februario. 

* Knox, Historie, p. 205. t Ibid. pp. 203, 210. 

J In February 1559, the English exiles at Geneva published a prose trans- 
lation of the Book of Psalms, which they dedicated to Elizabeth ; and in 
this dedication, their congratulations on her accession to the throne, and 
their professions of loyalty, are as warm as those of any of her subjects were. 
It is inscribed, " To the most Vertuous and Noble Queene Elizabeth, Queene 
of Englande, France, and Irelande, &c. your humble subjects of the English 
Church at Geneva, wyth grace," &c. After mentioning that they had em- 
ployed the time of their exile in revising the English translation of the 
Bible, and endeavouring to bring it as near as they could to the pure sim- 
plicity and true meaning of the Hebrew tongue, they add: — "When we 
heard that the almightie and most mercyfull God had no less myraculously 
preferred you to that excellent dignitie, than he had aboue all men's expec- 
tations, presented you from the furie of such as sought your blood : with the 
most joyful myndes and great diligence we endeavoured our selves, to set 
foorth and dedicate this most excellent booke of the Psalmes vnto your 
grace as a speciall token of our seruice and good will, till the rest of the 
Byble, which, praysed be God, is in good readinesse, may be accomplished 
and presented." Epistle, p. 3, prefixed to the Booke of Psalmes, GeneA a, 
1559 16mo. 

U 



154 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

« rose not of malice, but of zeal, and by looking more o the 
present cruelty, than to the inconveniences that after might 
follow ;" and it was the part of generosity and of good policy 
to overlook the fault. Instead of this, Elizabeth and her coun- 
sellors took up the charge in a serious light ; and the accused 
were treated with such harshness and disdain, that they repent- 
ed of leaving their late asylum to return to their native country. 
One cannot help feeling indignant at this weak revenge, when 
it is considered that Elizabeth had admitted to favour, and re- 
tained at court, persons who had endeavoured to prevent her 
succession, and who had thirsted for her blood ;* and that those 
who, under the preceding reign, had advised and practised the 
greatest severities against the Protestants, were now treated 
with the utmost lenity. Even the infamous Bonner was allowed 
to appear at court, and although the queen shuddered at the 
thought of a man who was polluted with so much blood kissing 
her hand, yet was he at this time going about London without 
the smallest molestation.! In the first parliament of Elizabeth, 
one Dr. Storey made a speech, in which he had the effrontery 
to justify the cruelties of Mary, to boast of his own activity in 
carrying her orders into execution, and to regret that measures 
still more violent and effectual had not been adopted for the 
utter extirpation of heresy 4 Nor does it appear that this speech 
was resented either by the house or by the queen. 

De nobis, post haec, tristis sententia fertur : 
Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas. 

The refusal of his request, and the harsh treatment of his 
flock, touched to the quick the irritable temper of our Reformer; 
and it was with some difficulty that he suppressed the desire 

* Haynes, State Papers, p. 295. Knox, Historie, p. 210. 

f Burnet, ii. 374, 398. Stow, Annals, p. 635, edit. 1631. When after- 
wards committed to the Marshalsea for refusing to take the oath of alle- 
giance and supremacy, Bonner was kept " under a very easy restraint." 
Godwin de Prsesulibus Angliae, p. 251, edit. 1616. Stapleton, a Popish wri- 
ter, says that Tonstal was " cast into prison, as most of the bishops were, 
where he made a glorious end of a confessor, and satisfied for his former 
crime of schisme." "A prison!" exclaims Dr. Jortin, "Lambeth palace, 
and the archbishop's table, was a dreadful dungeon, to be sure ; and as bad, 
as those into which the righteous Bonner, and other saints of the same class, 
used to thrust the poor heretics ! Will men never be ashamed of these godly 
tricks and disingenuous prevarications?" Life of Erasmus, i. 101. 

} He said, " that he saw nothing to he ashamed of or sorry for ; wished 
that he had done more, and that he and others had been more vehement in 
executing the laws ; and said that it grieved him that they laboured only 
about the young and little twigs, whereas they should have struck at the 
root;" by which he was understood to mean Queen Elizabeth. Strvpe's 
Annals, i. 79, 536. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX.. 155 

which he felt rising in his breast, to prosecute a controversy 
which he had resolved to abandon. " My First Blast," says 
he, in a letter dated Dieppe, 6th April 1559, "hath blown from 
me all my friends in England. My conscience bears record, 
that yet I seek the favour of my God ; and so I am in the less 
fear. The Second Blast, I fear, shall sound somewhat more 
sharp, except that men be more moderate than I hear they are. 
England hath refused me ; but because, before, it did refuse 
Christ Jesus, the less do I regard the loss of this familiarity. 
And yet have 1 been a secret and assured friend to thee, Eng- 
land, in cases which thyself could not have remedied."* But 
greater designs occupied his mind, and engrossed his attention. 
It was not for the sake of personal safety, nor from the vanity 
of appearing at court, that he desired to pass through England. 
He felt the natural wish to visit his old acquaintances in that 
country, and was anxious for an opportunity of once more ad- 
dressing those to whom he had preached, especially at New- 
castle and Berwick. But there was another object which he 
had still more at heart, and in which the welfare oi both Eng- 
land and Scotland was concerned. 

Notwithstanding the flattering accounts which he had receiv- 
ed of the favourable disposition of the queen regent towards the 
Protestants, and the directions which he sent them to cultivate 
this, he appears to have always entertained suspicions of the 
sincerity of her professions. Since he left Geneva, these sus- 
picions had been confirmed ; and the information which he had 
procured, in travelling through France, conspired, with intelli- 
gence which he had lately received from Scotland, to convince 
him, that the immediate suppression of the Reformation in his 
native country, and its consequent suppression in the neigh- 
bouring kingdom, were intended. The plan projected by the 
gigantic ambition . of the princes of Lorrain, brothers of the 
queen regent of Scotland, has been developed and described 
with great accuracy and ability by a celebrated modern his- 
torian.! Suffice it to say here, that their counsels had deter- 
mined the French court to set up the claim of the young Queen 
of Scots to the crown of England ; to attack Elizabeth, and 
wrest the sceptre from her hands, under the pretext that she 
was a bastard and a heretic ; and to commence their operations 
by suppressing the Reformation, and establishing the French 
influence in Scotland, as the best preparative to an attack upon 
the dominions of the English queen. In the course of his jour- 
neys through France, Knox had formed an acquaintance with 
certain persons about the court, and, by their means, had gained 

* Cald. MS. i. 384. See also Knox, Historie, pp. 204—207. 

+ Robertson's History of Scotland, b. ii. ad an. 1559. 



156 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

some knowledge of this plan.* He was convinced that thp 
Scottish reformers were unable to resist the power which France 
might bring against them ; and that it was no less the interest 
than the duty of the English court to afford them the most 
effectual support. But he was afraid that a selfish and narrow 
policy might prevent them from doing this until it was too late, 
and was therefore anxious to call their attention to the subject 
at an early period, and to put them in possession of the facts 
that had come to his knowledge. The assistance which Elba, 
teth granted to the Scottish Protestants in the year 1560, was 
dictated by the soundest policy. It baffled and defeated the 
designs of her enemies at the very outset ; it gave her an in- 
fluence over Scotland, which all her predecessors could not ob- 
tain by the terror of their arms, nor the influence of their 
money ; and it secured the stability of her government, by ex- 
tending and strengthening the Protestant interest, the principal 
pillar on which it rested. And it reflects not a little credit on 
our Reformer's sagacity, that he had conceived this plan at so 
early a period, was the first person who proposed it, and per- 
sisted, in spite of great discouragements, to urge its adoption, 
until his endeavours were ultimately crowned with success. 

Deeply impressed with these considerations, he resolved, al- 
though he had already been twice repulsed, to brook the morti- 
fication, and make another attempt to obtain an interview with 
some confidential agent of the English government. With this 
view, he, on the 10th of April, wrote a letter to secretary Cecil, 
with whom he had been personally acquainted during his resi- 
dence in London. Adverting to the treatment of the exiles who 
had returned from Geneva, he exculpated them from all respon- 
sibility as to the offensive book which he had published, and 
assured him that he had not consulted with any of them pre- 
vious to its publication. As for himself, he did not mean to deny 
that he was the author, nor was he yet prepared to retract the 
leading sentiment which it contained. But he was not, on that 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 206, 214, 260. He had an opportunity of receiving' 
a confirmation of this intelligence during his voyage to Scotland. In the 
same ship in which he sailed, there was sent by the French court to the queen 
regent a staff of state, with a great seal, on which were engraved the arms 
of France, Scotland, and England. This was shewn to him in great se- 
crecy. The English court, after they were awakened from their lethargy, 
and convinced of the hostile designs of France, applied to Knox for the in- 
formation which they might have had from him six months before. Cotton 
MSS. Caligula, b. ix. f. 08. 74. Sadler's State Papers, i. 463, 688. Keith, 
Append, pp. :i8, 42. The English certainly suffered themselves to be amused 
during the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis, while the Courts of France and 
Spain concerted measures dangerous to England, and to the whole Protes- 
tant interest. Dr. Wotton, one of the commissioners, complains, in a letter 
to Cecil, of want of intelligence, and that the English had no spies on the 
continent. Forbes's State Papers ' 23. 



Lit E OF JOHN KNOX. 157 

account less friendly to the person and government of Elizabeth, 
in whose exaltation he cordially rejoiced ; although he rested 
the defence of her authority upon grounds different from the 
common. This was the third time that he had craved liberty 
to pass through England. He had no desire to visit the court, 
nor to remain long in the country ; but he was anxious to com- 
municate to him, or some other trusty person, matters of great 
importance, which it was not prudent to commit to writing, or 
intrust to an ordinary messenger. If his request was refused, it 
would turn out to the disadvantage of England.* 

The situation in which he stood at this time with the court of 
England was so well known, that it was not without great diffi- 
culty that he could find a messenger to carry his letter ;t and, 
either despairing of the success of his application, or urged by 
intelligence received from Scotland, he sailed from Dieppe on 
the 22d of April, and landed safely at Leith on the 2d of May 
15594 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 204, 206. 

t The person whom he at last persuaded to take his letter was Richard 
Harrison. But the cautious spy (for such was his employment at that time), 
dreading that Knox had made him the bearer of another Blast, which, if it 
did not endanger the throne of Elizabeth, might blow up his credit with the 
court, prudently communicated the suspicious packet to Sir Nicholas Throk- 
morton, the English ambassador at the court of France, who conveyed it to 
London. Letter from Throkmorton to Cecil, 15th of May 1559. Forbes's 
State Papers, i. 90, 91. 

I Cald. MS. i. 392, 393. Knox, Historie, pp. 127, 207. 

14 



158 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



PERIOD VI. 



FROM MAY 1559, WHEN HE FINALLY RETURNED TO SCOTLAND, TO 
AUGUST 1560, WHEN HE WAS SETTLED AS MINISTER OF EDINBURGH, 
AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION. 



On his arrival, Knox found matters in the most critical state 
in Scotland. The queen regent had thrown off the mask which 
she had long worn, and avowed her determination forcibly to 
suppress the Reformation. As long as she stood in need of the 
assistance of the Protestants to support her authority against the 
Hamiltons, and to procure the matrimonial crown for her son- 
in-law, the dauphin of France, she courted their friendship, 
listened to their plans of reform, professed her dissatisfaction with 
the ecclesiastical order, and her desire of correcting its corruption 
and tyranny as soon as a fit opportunity offered, and flattered 
them, if not with the hopes of her joining their party, at least 
with the assurances that she would shield them from the fury of 
the clergy. So completely were they duped by her consummate 
address and dissimulation, that they complied with all her requests, 
restrained their preachers from preaching in public, and desisted 
from presenting to the parliament a petition which they had pre- 
pared ; nor would they believe her to be insincere, even after 
different parts of her conduct had afforded strong grounds for 
suspicion. But, having accomplished the great objects which she 
had in view, she at last adopted measures which completely 
undeceived them, and discovered the gulf into which they were 
about to be precipitated. 

As this discovery of the regent's duplicity produced conse- 
quences of the greatest importance ; as it completely alienated 
from her the minds of the reformers, and aroused that spirit of 
determined and united opposition to her insidious policy, and her 
violent measures, which ultimately led to the establishment of 
the Reformation ; and as the facts connected with it have not 
been accurately or fully stated in our common histories,* the 

* Some remarks on the representation which Dr. Robertson has given of 
the regent's conduct will be found in Note FF. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 159 

reader may not be displeased at having the following more cir- 
cumstantial detail laid before him. 

A mutual jealousy had long subsisted between the queen 
regent and that able but unprincipled prelate, Archbishop Ha- 
milton, whose zeal for the Church was uniformly subordinated 
to personal ambition, and the desire of aggrandizing his family. 
While he exerted the influence which his station gave him 
over the clergy to embarrass the administration of the regent, 
she employed the Protestants as a counterbalance to his power. 
But amidst the jarring excited by rival interests, both parties 
beheld the rapid progress of the reformed sentiments with equal 
concern ; and intelligent persons early foresaw, that their differ- 
ences would finally be compromised, and a coalition formed 
between them to accomplish the ruin of the Protestants.* It 
does not appear that the primate ever entertained the slightest 
suspicion that the regent was friendly to the cause of the 
reformers. Independently of her own sentiments, he was well 
acquainted with the influence which her brothers possessed over 
her, and with their devoted attachment to the Roman Catholic 
Church. Had he not had good reasons for presuming upon her 
connivance and secret approbation, his known prudence would 
not have allowed him to venture upon the invidious measure of 
putting Mill to death. As early as July 1558, she had held 
consultations with him on the course which should be adopted 
for checking the Reformation.t In consequence of this, steps 
were taken to bring to trial certain individuals who had given 
great offence to the clergy by expounding the Scriptures in 
private meetings, and contemning the laws of the Church. ± And 
immediately after the meeting of parliament in November, at 
which the regent obtained, by the assistance of the Protestants, 
all the objects which she wished to carry, the primate received 
positive assurances of her support in his exertions for maintaining 
the authority of the Church. Accordingly, in the end of De- 
cember, he summoned the reformed preachers to appear before 
him in St. Andrews, on the 2d of February following, to answer 
for their conduct in usurping the sacred office, and disseminating 
heretical doctrines. § 

Upon this, a deputation of the Protestants waited on the 
regent, and informed her, that, after what had recently taken 
place in the instance of Mill, they were determined to attend 
and see justice done to their preachers ; and that, if the pro- 
secution went forward, there would be a greater convocation at 
St. Andrews than had been seen at any trial in Scotland for a 

* Knox, Historie, p. 125. 

f MS. History of the Estate of Scotland, from 1559 to 1566, p. 1. 

I See Note GG. § MS. Historie, ut supra p. 2. 



160 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

long period. Dreading the consequences of a concourse of 
people in a place adjacent to counties in which the Protestants 
were numerous, the queen wrote to the archbishop to prorogue 
the trial. She, at the same time, summoned a convention of the 
nobility, to be held at Edinburgh on the 7th of March, to advise 
upon the most proper measures for settling the religious differ- 
ences which had so long agitated the nation.* And the primate 
d\ her request, called a provincial council of the clergy to meet 
i», the same place on the first of March. t 

v\ hen our Saviour was condemned to be crucified, it was oh 
served, that, " on the same day, Pilate and Herod were made 
friends together, for before they were at enmity between them- 
selves." The determination which was at this time formed to 
crush the Protestant interest in Scotland, seems to have broughl 
about the reconciliation of more than the queen regent and the 
primate. A rivalship had long subsisted between those who 
occupied the two Scottish archbishoprics ; the bishops of Glas- 
gow insisting on the independence of their see, and boasting of 
the priority of its erection, while the bishops of St. Andrews 
claimed an authoritative primacy over all the clergy in the king- 
dom, as belonging to that see from the time of its foundation. + 
Hamilton, in the mandate issued for assembling this council, 
had asserted his primacy in very formal terms, founding upon 
it, as well as upon the authority with which he was invested as 
papal legate, his right to convocate the clergy.§ Beatoun, Arch- 
bishop of Glasgow, seems to have resented this claim of superi- 
ority, and declined for some time to countenance the council by 
his presence, or to cite his suffragans and the clergy of his dio- 
cese to attend. This dissension, which might have proved highly 
injurious to the Roman Church at this critical period, was got 
accommodated, and Beatoun, with the western clergy, at length 
joined the council. || 

In the mean time, the Protestants, having assembled at Edin- 
burgh, appointed commissioners to lay their representations 

* MS. Historie, pp. 2, 3. | Ibid. p. 3. Wilkins, Concilia, torn. iv. p. 285. 

I Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 342. Knox, p. 51. Spotswood, 24. Lord Hailes, 
Provincial Councils, 39, 40. 

g Wilkins, Concilia, iv. pp. 204 — 5. 

|| The primate's letter, summoning the Archbishop of Glasgow to the 
council, is dated the last day of January. Wilkins, ut supra. The council 
met on the 1st of March. Ibid. p. 208. But the Archbishop of Glasgow's 
letter, calling his clergy to the council, is dated so late as the 18th of March, 
and he requires them to attend on the 6th of April. Ibid. p. 206. We may 
also observe that Beatoun, in his citation, takes no notice of the primates 
mandate. It is likely that the matter was settled by the good offices of the 
queen regent, whose favourable inclinations towards the Church are warmly 
celebrated by the council. Ibid. p. 2119. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 161 

before the convention of the nobility, and the coun ».il of the 
clergy.* The commissioners gave in to the latter certain pre- 
liminary articles of reformation, in which they craved, that the 
religious service should be performed in the vulgar tongue ; that 
such as were unfit for the pastoral office should be removed from 
their benefices ; that, in time coming, bishops should be ad- 
mitted with the assent of the barons of the diocese, and parish 
priests with the assent of the parishioners ; and that measures 
should be adopted for preventing immoral and ignorant persons 
from being employed in ecclesiastical functions.! But there was 
another paper laid before the council, which, it is probable, gave 
them more uneasiness than the representation of the Protes- 
tants. This was a remonstrance by certain persons attached to 
the Roman Catholic faith, " craving redress of several grievances 
complained of in the ecclesiastical administration of Scotland.'' 
It consisted of thirteen articles, in which, among other points of 
reformation, they required that the exacting of corpse-presents 
and Easter offerings should be abolished ; that, for the more ef- 
fectual instruction of those who partake of the sacraments, " there 
should be an godlie and faithful declaration set forth in Inglis 
toung, to be first shewin to the pepil at all times," when any of 
the sacraments are administered ; and that the common prayers 
and litanies should also be read in the vulgar language. At the 
same time, they desired that none should be permitted to speak 
irreverently of the mass, make innovations upon the ceremonies 
of the Church, or administer divine ordinances without authority 
from the bishops.! 

The council were not disposed to agree to the proposals either 
of the Protestant or the Popish reformers. After making cer- 
tain partial regulations relating to some of the grievances com- 
plained of by the latter,§ and renewing the canons of former 
councils respecting the lives of the clergy and public instruc- 
tion, || they refused to allow any part of the public service to be 
performed in the vulgar language ;1F they ratified, in the strongest 
terms, all the popish doctrines which were controverted by the 
Protestants;** and they ordained, that strict inquisition should 

* MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3. 

f Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils, p. 38. 

| Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 207 — 8. Wilkins has inserted the remonstrance 
at large, which he procured from the records in the Scots college at Paris. 
It is surprising that this curious document should have escaped the inquisi- 
tive eye of Lord Hailes, who has not taken the slightest notice of it in his 
account of the Scottish councils. 

§ Can. 21, 22, 24, 32 : in Wilkins, 214—16. 

I! Can. 2—20 : ibid. pp. 210—14. 

IT Lesley, Hist. p. 546. Lord Hailes, Prov. Coun. pp. 38—9. 

** Can. 16: in Wilkins, ut supra, pp. 212—213. 
14* V 



162 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

be made after such as absented themselves from the celebration 
of mass,* and that excommunication should be fulminated 
against those who administered or received the sacrament after 
the Protestant forms, and against parents and sponsors who 
had presented children for baptism to the reformed preachers, 
and did not bring them to the priests to be re-baptized.t 

The council were emboldened to take these decisive steps in 
consequence of a secret treaty which they had concluded with 
the regent, and in which they had stipulated to raise a large 
sum of money to enable her to suppress the reformers. J This 
arrangement could not be long concealed from the Protestant 
leputies, who, perceiving that they were mocked by the clergy, 
and abandoned by the court, broke off the fruitless negotiations 
in which they had been engaged, and left Edinburgh. They 
were no sooner gone than a proclamation was made at the 
market cross, by order of the regent, prohibiting any person 
from preaching or administering the sacraments without au- 
thority from the bishops, and commanding all the subjects to 
prepare to celebrate the ensuing feast of Easter, according to 
the rites of the Catholic Church. Understanding that her pro- 
clamation was disregarded, she determined on taking decisive 
steps to enforce obedience, by bringing the preachers to justice.§ 
Accordingly, Paul Methven, John Christison, William Harlaw, 
and John Willock, were summoned to stand trial before the 
justiciary court at Stirling, on the .10th of May, for usurping 
the ministerial office, for administering, without the consent of 
their ordinaries, the sacrament of the altar in a manner different 
from that of the Catholic Church, during three several days of 
the late feast of Easter, in the burghs and boundaries of Dundee, 
Montrose, and various other places in the sheriffdoms of Forfar 
and Kincardine, and for convening the subjects in these places, 
preaching to them, seducing them to their erroneous doctrines, 
and exciting seditions and tumults. As the preachers were 
resolved to make their appearance, George Lovell, burgess of 
Dundee, became surety for Methven, John Erskine of Dun for 

* Can. 30. Ibid. p. 216. 

f Can. 33, 34. Ibid. pp. 216—17. The following is the form of words 
appointed by the council to be used by the priest in re-baptization : — " Si tu 
es baptizatus, ego non te baptizo; sed si non es baptizatus, ego te baptizo, in 
nomine Patris," &c. ?'. e. "If thou hast been baptized, I do not baptize 
thee ; but if thou hast not been baptized, I do baptize thee, in the name of 
the Father," &c. This was not, however, a new form. 

I MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 3. Knox, Historie, p. 122. 
According to the first of these authorities, the sum promised by the clergy 
was L.15,000: but according to a chronicle written by the Laird of Erles- 
hall, and referred to by Knox, it was L.40,(I00. 

§ MS. Hist.' of the Estate of Scotland, ut supra. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 163 

Christison, P. trick Murray of Tibbermuir for Harlaw, and Ro- 
bert Campbell of Kinyeancleugh for Willock.* 

To prevent matters from coming to extremity, the Earl of 
Glencairn, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, sheriff of Ayr, 
waited on the queen, and remonstrated against these proceed 
mgs ; but she told them haughtily, that, " in spite of them, all 
their preachers should be banished from Scotland." They re- 
minded her of the promises she had repeatedly made to pro- 
tect them ; upon which she unblushingly replied, that " it be- 
came not subjects to burden their princes with promises, farther 
than they pleased to keep them." Surprised, but not intimi- 
dated, at this language, Glencairn and Loudon told her, that, if 
she violated the engagements which she had come under to her 
subjects, they would consider themselves as absolved from their 
allegiance to her. After they had remonstrated with her very 
freely, and pointed out the dangerous consequences that might 
result from adopting such a line of conduct, she began to speak 
in a milder tone, and promised to suspend the trial of the 
preachers, and take the whole affair into serious consideration.! 
But receiving intelligence soon after that peace was concluded 
between France and Spain, by a treaty in which these two 
powers had agreed to unite their endeavours for the extirpa- 
tion of heresy, and being irritated by the introduction of the re- 
formed worship into the town of Perth, she ordered the process 
against the preachers to go on, and summoned them peremp- 
torily to stand their trial at Stirling on the appointed day 4 

The state of our Reformer's mind, upon receiving this infor- 
mation, will appear from the following letter, hastily written 
by him on the day after he landed in Scotland. 

" The perpetual comfort of the Holy Ghost for salutation. 
These few lines are to signify unto you, dear sister, that it hath 
pleased the merciful providence of my heavenly Father to con- 
duct me to Edinburgh, where I arrived the 2d of May : uncer- 
tain as yet what God shall further work in this country, except 
that I see the battle shall be great. For Satan rageth even to 
the uttermost, and I am come, I praise my God, .even in the 
brunt of the battle. For my fellow preachers have a day ap 
pointed to answer before the queen regent, the 10th of this 
instant, when I intend (if God impede not) also to be present , 
by life, by death, or else by both, to glorify His godly name, 
who thus mercifully hath heard my long cries. Assist me, 
sister, with your prayers, that now I shrink not, when the battle 
approacheth. Other things I have to communicate with you, 
but travail after travail doth so occupy me, that no time is granted 

* Justiciary Records, May 10. 1559. f Knox, 126. 

\ Knox, 126. Spotswood, 120—1. Buchanani Oper. . 312—3. 



164 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

me to rYne. Advertise my brother, Mr. Goodman, of my 
estate ; vf., in my other letter sent unto you from Dieppe. I 
willed you. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ rest with you. 
From Edinburgh, in haste, the 3d of May."* 

His arrival in Scotland was not long concealed from the. 
clergy. On the morning after he landed at Leith, one came to 
the monastery of the Grey friars, where the provincial council 
was still sitting,! and informed them that John Knox was come 
from France, and had slept last night in Edinburgh. The 
clergy were panic-struck with the intelligence, and, foreboding 
the ruin of all the plans which they had formed with so much 
care, they dismissed the council in great haste and confusion. 
A messenger was instantly despatched by them with the infor- 
mation to the queen regent, who was at Glasgow ; and within 
a few days Knox was proclaimed an outlaw and a rebel, in 
virtue of the sentence formerly pronounced against him by the 
clergy. 1 

Although his own cause was prejudged, and he knew that 
he was liable to be apprehended as a condemned heretic, he 
did not hesitate a moment in resolving to present himself volun- 
tarily at Stirling, to assist his brethren in their defence, and 
share their danger. Having remained only a single day at 
Edinburgh, he hurried to Dundee, where he found the principal 
Protestants in Angus and Mearns already assembled, and de- 
termined to attend their ministers to the place of trial, and avow 
their adherence to the doctrines for which they were accused. 
The providential arrival of such an able champion of the cause, 
at this crisis, must have been very encouraging to the assembly ; 
and the liberty of accompanying them, which he requested, 
was readily granted. 

Lest the unexpected approach .of such a multitude, though 
unarmed, should alarm or offend the regent, the assembled Pro- 
testants agreed to stop at Perth, and sent Erskine of Dun be- 
fore them to Stirling, to acquaint her with the peaceable object 
and manner of their coming. Apprehensive that their presence 
would disconcert her measures, the regent had again recourse 
to dissimulation. She persuaded Erskine to write to his brethren 
to desist from their intended journey, and authorized him to 

* Letter to Mrs. Anne Locke, apud Cald. MS. i. 393. 

t MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, pp. 3, 4. Knox, Historie, p. 
109. In the preamble to the acts of this council, it is said to have been 
" finitum 10 die mensis Aprilis." But in the conclusion of the acts, there is 
an expression which enables us to reconcile this with the two preceding 
authorities — " finiendo seu finite die 10 mensis Aprilis;" from which it ap- 
pears, that though the acts were concluded, it was not yet agreed to close 
the council on that day. Wilkins, iv. 2(19. 217. 

I MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 4. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 165 

promise in her name, that she would put a stop to the trial. 
The Protestants testified their pacific intentions by a cheerful 
compliance with this request, and the greater part, confiding in 
the royal promise, returned to their homes. But when the day 
of trial came, the summons was called by the orders of the 
queen, the preachers were outlawed for not appearing, and 
all persons were prohibited, under the pain of rebellion, from 
harbouring or assisting them.* At the same time the gentle 
men who had given security for their appearance, were fined.t 

Escaping from Stirling, Erskine brought to Perth the intelli- 
gence of this disgraceful transaction, which could not fail to 
incense the Protestants. It happened that, on the same day on 
which the news came, Knox, who remained at Perth, preached 
a sermon, in which he exposed the idolatry of the mass, and of 
image-worship. The audience had quietly dismissed, and a 
few idle persons only loitered in the Church, when an impru- 
dent priest, wishing to try the disposition of the people, or 
to show his contempt of the doctrine which had just been 
delivered, uncovered a rich altar-piece, decorated with images, 
and prepared to celebrate mass. A boy, having uttered some 
expressions of disapprobation, was struck by the priest. He 
retaliated by throwing a stone at the aggressor, which, falling 
on the altar, broke one of the images. This operated as a sig- 
nal upon the people present, who had sympathized with the 
boy ; and, in the course of a few minutes, the altar, images, and 
all the ornaments of the Church, were torn down, and trampled 
under foot. The noise soon collected a mob, which, finding no 
employment in the Church, flew, by a sudden and irresistible 
impulse, upon the monasteries ; and although the magistrates 
of the town and the preachers assembled as soon as they heard 
of the riot, yet neither the persuasions of the one, nor the au- 
thority of the other, could restrain the fury of the people, until 
the houses of the grey and black friars, with the costly edifice 
of the Carthusian monks, were laid in ruins. None of the gen- 
tlemen or sober part of the congregation were concerned in 
this unpremeditated tumult ; it was wholly confined to the lowest 
of the inhabitants, or, as Knox desigus them, " the rascal mul- 
titude."! 

The demolition of the monasteries having been represented as 
the first fruits of our reformer's labours on this occasion, it was 
necessary to give this minute account of the causes which pro- 
duced that event. Whatever his sentiments were as to the 
destruction of the instruments and monuments of idolatry, he did 

* Knox, Historie, p. 127. Spotswood, 121. Buchanaui Oper. i. 313. 

t See Note GG. 

X Knox, Historie, p 128. Buchanani Opei . i. 313. 



166 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

not wish the work to be accomplished in an irregular manner ; 
he was sensible that tumultuary proceedings, especially in present 
circumstances, were prejudicial to the cause of the reformers , 
and, instead of instigating, he exerted himself in putting a stop 
to the ravages of the mob. If this disorderly conduct must be 
traced to a remote cause we can impute it only to the wanton 
and dishonourable perfidy of the queen regent. 

In fact, nothing could be more favourable to the designs of the 
regent than this riot. By her recent conduct, she had forfeited 
the confidence of the Protestants, and even exposed herself in 
the eyes of the sober and moderate of her own party. This 
occurrence afforded her an opportunity of turning the public 
indignation from herself, and directing it against the Protestants. 
She did not fail to improve it with her usual address. She mag- 
nified the accidental tumult into a dangerous and designed rebel- 
lion. Having called the nobility to Stirling, she, in her interviews 
with them, insisted upon such topics as were best calculated to 
persuade the parties into which they were divided. In conversing 
with the Catholics, she dwelt upon the sacrilegious overthrow of 
those venerable structures which their ancestors had dedicated tc 
the service of God. To the Protestants who had not joined their 
brethren at Perth, she complained of the destruction of the 
Charter-house, which was a royal foundation ; and, protesting 
that she had no intention of offering violence to their consciences, 
promised to protect them, provided they would assist her in 
punishing those who had been guilty of this violation of public 
order.* Having inflamed the minds of both parties, she collected 
an army from the adjacent counties,! and advanced to Perth, 
threatening to lay waste the town with fire and sword, and to 
inflict the most exemplary vengeance on all who had been instru- 
mental in producing the riot.t 

The Protestants of the north were not insensible to their dan- 
ger, and did all in their power to avert the storm which threatened 
them. They wrote to the queen regent, to the commander of 
the French troops, to the Popish nobles, and to those of their 
own persuasion ; they solemnly disclaimed all rebellious inten- 
tions ; they protested their readiness to yield due obedience to 
the government ; they entreated all to refrain from offering vio- 
lence to peaceable subjects, who sought only the liberty of their 
consciences, and the reformation of religion. But, finding all 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 128—9, 135, 137. 

f MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 5. 

I Buchanani Oper, i. 313. Knox, 128. A writer has given the name o 
1 bellum imaginarium " to this war, undertaken by the regent to avenge 
the destruction of the images ; and the crimes charged upon the Protestants 
he denominates " mera imaginaria seditio et rebellio." Historie of the 
Church of Scotland to 1566. MS. Adv. Lib. A. 5, 43. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 167 

their endeavours fruitless, they resolved not to suffer themselves 
and their brethren to be massacred, and prepared for a defence 
of the town against an illegal and furious assault. And so 
prompt and vigorous were they in the measures which they 
adopted, that the regent, when she approached, deeming it im- 
prudent to attack them, proposed overtures of accommodation, to 
which they readily acceded.* 

While the two armies lay before Perth, and negotiations were 
going on between them, our Reformer obtained an interview with 
the prior of St. Andrews and the young Earl of Argyle, who ad- 
hered to the regent. He reminded them of the solemn engage- 
ments which they had contracted, and charged them with violat- 
ing these, by abetting measures which tended to suppress the 
reformed religion, and enslave their native country. The noble- 
men replied, that they had been induced, by the representations 
of the regent and the clergy, to believe that their brethren in- 
tended to swerve from their former loyalty, and, although they 
were now convinced that this charge was unfounded, they were 
anxious to fulfil the promise which they had made to the queen, 
by bringing the present difference to an amicable termination ; 
but, if she should violate the proposed treaty, they would with- 
draw their countenance from her, and openly take part with their 
brethren, to whom they considered themselves as bound by the 
most sacred ties. The regent was not long in affording them an 
opportunity of verifying their promise. No sooner had she taken 
possession of Perth, and perceived that the forces of the Protes- 
tants were disbanded, than she began to disregard the conditions 
to which she had agreed. Argyle and the prior remonstrated 
against the infractions of a treaty which they had concluded at 
her earnest request, but were answered in such an unsatisfactory 
manner, that they deserted her court, and could never afterwards 
be persuaded to place any confidence in her promises.t 

From the time that the leading Protestants discovered the 
hostile intentions of the regent, they had used great industry to 
ascertain the numbers of their friends, to establish means of cor- 

* When the overtures were proposed to the Protestants, they exclaimed 
with one voice, " Cursit be they that seik effusioun of blude, weir, or dis- 
sentioun. Lat us possess Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his evangell, and 
nane within Scotland sail be mair obedient subjectis than we sail be." 
Knox, Historie, p. 137. The regent's army consisted of 8000, that of the 
Protestants amounted to 5000 men. This seems to have been the number 
of the latter previous to the arrival of the Earl of Glencairn with a rein- 
forcement from the west. Glencairn had joined them, before the conclusion 
of the treaty, with 2500 men, a circumstance which did not alter their pacific 
wishes. Cald. MS. i. 426. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotiand, p. 5. 
Knox, Historie, 136. 

t MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 6. Knox. 135- -9. Buch 
anani Ooer. i. 314 — 5. Spotswood, 123. 



163 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

respondence among them, and to have them united by the 
strictest bonds. For this purpose, copies of their religious 
covenant were committed to persons who procured sub- 
scriptions to it in the different districts where they resided.* 
From the designation which they gave themselves in this cove- 
nant, or from the union which subsisted among them, they be- 
gan at this time to be distinguished by the name of The Con- 
gregation. The nobles who had joined the association, w. re 
the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Monteith, and Rothes ; Lords 
Ochiltree, Boyd, Ruthven, and the prior of St Andrews. The 
Earl Marischal, and Lord Erskine, with some others who were 
friendly to the reformed religion, still supported the regent, or 
remained neutral. A large proportion of the lesser barons be- 
longed to the Congregation ; particularly those of Mearns, An- 
gus, Strathearn, Monteith, Fyfe, Cunningham, Kyle, Carhck, 
and Galloway. t 

In the beginning of June, the lords of the Congregation held 
a consultation on the measures which they should adopt for 
their own security, and for the advancement of the Reformation. 
They had repeatedly applied to the clergy to rectify the abuses 
which prevailed in the Church, and to release them from those 
unjust and oppressive laws by which their consciences had long 
been enslaved ; but their petitions had been treated with neg- 
lect and disdain. "To abandon usurped power, to renounce 
lucrative error, are sacrifices which the virtue of individuals 
has, on some occasions, offered to truth ; but from any society 
of men no such effort can be expected. The corruptions of a 
society, recommended by common utility, and justified by uni- 
versal practice, are viewed by its members without shame or 
horror ; and reformation never proceeds from themselves, but is 
always forced upon them by some foreign hand."| Convinced 
of this, the Protestant leaders had next addressed themselves to 
the regent, and requested her to employ her authority to bring 
about a reformation, which could not be much longer deferred, 
without interrupting the peace of the kingdom. As long as 
they had any reason to think that she was disposed to listen to 
their petitions, they had waited with exemplary patience, and 
restrained the ardour of such of their friends as were inclined, 
without farther delay, to use the right which nature and Christ- 
ianity gave them ; but the regent had disappointed their ex- 
pectations, and from being a professed friend was become 
a declared enemy ; they could no longer place the smallest de- 

* Buchanani Oper. i. 311. 

1 MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 8. Knox, Historie, 136, 
138, 144. 

I Dr. RoDertson. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 169 

peudence on her promises ; and they were satisfied that she had 
formed a systematic plan for suppressing the Reformation, and 
enforcing the exi'sting ecclesiastical laws in all their rigour. It 
behoved them now either to submit to have their chains rivet- 
ed, or by a bold and vigorous effort to shake them off 
altogether. They determined upon the latter. The scandalous 
lives of the established clergy, their total neglect of the religious 
instruction of the people, and the profanation of Christian wor- 
ship by gross idolatry, were the most glaring abuses. The 
lords of the Congregation resolved to take immediate steps for 
removing these, by abolishing the Popish service, and setting 
up the reformed worship in all those places to which their au- 
thority or influence extended, and in which the greater part of 
the inhabitants were friendly to the design. This step is justi- 
fied in part by the feudal ideas respecting the jurisdiction of the 
nobility, which at that time prevailed in Scotland ; the urgent 
and extreme no essity of the case, however, forms its best vin- 
dication. A great part of the nation loudly demanded such a 
reformation, and, had not regular measures been adopted for its 
introduction, the popular indignation would have effected the 
work in a more exceptionable way. 

St Andrews was the place fixed on for commencing these 
operations. With this view, the Earl of Argyle, and Lord 
James Stewart, who was prior of the abbey of St Andrews, 
made an appointment with Knox to meet them on a certain 
day, in that city. Travelling along the east coast of Fife, he 
preached at Anstruther and Crail, and, on the 9th of June, 
joined them at St Andrews. The archbishop, apprised of his 
design to preach in his cathedral, assembled an armed force, 
and sent information to him, that if he appeared in the pulpit, 
he would give orders to the soldiers to fire upon him. The 
noblemen, having met to consult what ought to be done, agreed 
that Knox should desist from preaching at that time, and 
strongly urged upon him the reasons of their opinion. Their 
retinue was very slender ; they had not yet ascertained the dis- 
position of the inhabitants of the town ; the queen regent lay at 
a small distance with an army ; and his appearance in the pul- 
pit might lead to the sacrifice of his own life, and the lives of 
those who were determined to defend him from violence. 

There are occasions on which it is a proof of superior wisdom 
to disregard the ordinary dictates of prudence ; on which, to 
face danger is to avoid it, to flee from it is to invite it. Had the 
reformers, after announcing their intentions, suffered themselves 
'o be intimidated by the bravading attitude and language of the 
archbishop, their cause would, at the very outset, have received 
a blow, from which it would not easily have recovered. This 
was prevented by the firmness and intrepidity of Knox. Fired 
15 W 



170 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

with the recollection of the part which he had formerly acted 
on that spot, and with the near prospect of realizing the san- 
guine hopes which he had so long cherished in his breast, he 
resisted all the importunities of his friends. He could take God 
to witness, he said, that he never preached in contempt of any 
man, nor with the design of hurting an earthly creature ; but to 
delay to preach next day (unless forcibly hindered) he could 
not in conscience agree. In that town, and in that church, had 
God first raised him to the dignity of a preacher, and from it he 
had been " reft"' by French tyranny, at the instigation of the 
Scots bishops. The length of his imprisonment, and the tor- 
tures which he had endured, he would not at present recite ; 
but one thing he could not conceal, that in the hearing of many 
yet alive, he had expressed his confident hope of again preach- 
ing in St Andrews. Now, therefore, when Providence, beyond 
all men's expectation, had brought him to that place, he be- 
sought them not to hinder him. « As for the fear of danger 
that may come to me," continued he, " let no man be solici- 
tous ; for my life is in the custody of Him whose glory I seek. 
I desire the hand nor weapon of no man to defend me. I only 
crave audience ; which, if it be denied here unto me at this time, 
I must seek where I may have it." 

This intrepid reply silenced all remonstrance ; and next day, 
Knox appeared in the pulpit, and preached to a numerous 
assembly, including many of the clergy, without experiencing 
the slightest interruption. He discoursed on the subject of our 
Saviour's ejecting the profane traffickers from the temple of 
Jerusalem, from which he took occasion to expose the 
enormous corruptions which had been introduced into the 
Church under the Papacy, and to point out what was incum- 
bent upon Christians, in their different spheres, for removing 
them. On the three following days he preached in the same 
place ; and such was the influence of his doctrine, that the pro- 
vost, bailies, and inhabitants, harmoniously agreed to set up the 
reformed worship in the town ; the Church was stripped of 
images and pictures, and the monasteries were pulled down. 
This happened on the 14th of June 1559. 

Understanding that the lordsof St. Andrews were accompanied 
by a small retinue, the queen regent, who lay at Falkland, at- 
tempted to surprise them. But the Protestants in Angus, having 
received information of the critical situation of their brethren, 
came to their assistance with such celerity and in such numbers, 
that they were able to face the royal army at Cupar-moor ; 
and the regent, afraid to risk a battle, consented to a truce, by 
which she engaged to remove her French troops from Fife, and 
to send commissioners to St. Andrews for the purpose of settling 
all differences between her and the Congregation. The troop? 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 171 

were removed, but no commissioners appeared ; and the lords of 
the Congregation, being apprised that the queen intended to 
fortify the passage of the Forth at Stirling, and to cut off their 
communication with the Protestants in the south, proceeded to 
Perth, and, having expelled the garrison from that town, by a 
rapid march seized upon Stirling, and, advancing, took posses- 
sion of the capital of the kingdom; the regent, as they approached, 
retiring with her forces to Dunbar.* 

The example of St. Andrews, in abolishing the Popish worship, 
was quickly followed in other parts of the kingdom ; and, in the 
course of a few weeks, at Crail, at Cupar, at Lindores, at Stir- 
ling, at Linlithgow, at Edinburgh, and at Glasgow, the houses 
of the monks were overthrown, and all the instruments of idol- 
atry destroyed.! 

These proceedings were celebrated in the singular lays, which 
were at that time circulated among the reformers. 

His cardinalles hes cause lo mourne, 

His bishops are borne a backe ; 

His abbots gat an uncouth turne, 

When shavelhnges went to sacke : 

With burges wites they led their lives, 

And fare better than wee. 

Hay trix, trim goe trix, under the greene-wod tree. 

His Carmelites and Jacobinis, 
His Dominikes had great adoe ; 
His Cordeliers and Augustines, 
Sanct Francis's ordour to ; 
The sillie friers, mony yeiris 
With babbling bleirit our ee. 
Hay trix, &c. 

Had not your self begun the weiris, 
Your stepillis had been standand yit ; 
It was the flattering of your friers 
That ever gart sanct Francis flit : 
Ye grew sa superstitious 

In wickednesse, 
It gart us grow malicious 

Contrair your 



Scarcely any thing in the progress of the Scottish Reforma- 
tion has been more frequently or more loudly condemned than 
the demolition of those edifices upon which superstition had la- 
vished all the ornaments of the chisel and the pencil. To the 
Roman Catholics, who anathematized all who were engaged in 

* Knox, Historie, 141 — 146. Buchanani Oper. i. 315 — 6. Spotswood, 
142—6. 

f Letter written by Knox from St. Andrews, 23d June 1559. Cald. MS. 
i. 426, 428. Knox, Historie, pp. 140, 141. MS. Historie of the Estate of 
Scotland, p. 6. 

I Gude and godly Ballates, in Dalyell's Scottish Poems of the 16th cen- 
tury, ii. 192, 198. 



172 L IFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

this wor .l of inexpiable sacrilege, and represented it as involving 
the complete overthrow of religion,* have succeeded another race 
of writers, who, although they do not, in general, make high pre- 
tensions to devotion, have not scrupled, at times, to borrow the 
language of their predecessors, and have bewailed the wreck of 
these precious monuments in as bitter strains as ever idolator did 
the loss of his gods. These are the warm admirers of Gothic 
architecture, and other relics of ancient art ; some of whom, if 
we may judge from their language, would welcome back the 
reign of superstition, with all its ignorance and bigotry, if they 
could recover the objects of their adoration. t Writers of this 
stamp depict the ravages and devastation which marked the pro- 
gress of the Reformation, in colours as dark as ever were em- 
ployed by the historian in describing the overthrow of ancient 
learning, by the irruption of the barbarous Huns and Vandals. 
Our Reformer cannot be mentioned by them but with symptoms 
of horror, and in terms of detestation, as a barbarian, a savage, 
and a ringleader of mobs, for overthrowing whatever was ven- 
erable in antiquity, or sacred in religion. It is unnecessary to 
produce instances. 

Expectes eadem a summo minimoque poeta. 

To remind such persons of the divine mandate to destroy all 
monuments of idolatry in the land of Canaan would be altogether 
insufferable, and might provoke, from some of them, a profane 
attack upon the authority from which it proceeded. To plead 
the example of the early Christians, in demolishing the temples 
and statues dedicated to pagan polytheism, would only awaken 
rhe keen regrets that are felt for the irreparable loss. J It would 

* The tolbooth of Musselburgh was built out of the ruins of the chapel 
of Loretto ; on which account the good people of that town were, till lately, 
annually excommunicated at Rome. Sibbald's Chronicle of Scottish Poetry, 
iii. 19. Those who wish to see a specimen of Catholic declamation on this 
subject, may consult Note HH. 

t The reader may take one example, which I adduce, not because it is the 
strongest, but because it happens to be at hand. " This abbey (Kelso) was 
demolished 15C9, in consequence of the enthusiastic Reformation, which, in 
its violence, was a greater disgrace to religion than all the errors it was in- 
tended to subvert. Reformation has hitherto always appeared in the form 
of a zealot, full of fanatic fury, with violence subduing, but through madness 
creating, almost as many mischiefs in its oversights, as it overthrows errors 
in its pursuit. Religion has received a greater shock from the present 
struggle to repress some formularies and save some scruples, than it ever did 
by the growth of superstition." Hutchinson's History of Northumberland, 
and of an Excursion to the Abbey of Melrose, i. 'J(i'). 

I " Alas ! how little of its former splendour have time and the fanatic ragfc 
of the early Christians left to the Roman forum ! The covered passage, with a 
flight of steps, founded by Tarquin the elder, is no more here to shelter ua 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 173 

be stiL worse to refer to the apocalyptic predictions, w. ich some 
have been so fanatical as to think were fulfilled in the miserable 
spoliation of that " great city," which, under all its revolutions 
has so eminently proved the nurse of the arts, and given encou- 
ragement to painters, statuaries, and sculptors, to " harpers, and 
musicians, and pipers, and trumpeters, and craftsmen of whatso- 
ever craft," who to this day have not forgotten their obligations 
to it, nor ceased to bewail its destruction. In any apology which 
I make for the reformers, I would alleviate instead of aggravating 
the distress which is felt for the loss of such valuable memorials 
of antiquity. It has been observed by high authority, that there 
are certain commodities which derive their principal value from 
their extreme rarity, and which, if found in great quantities, 
would cease to be sought after or prized. A nobleman of great 
literary reputation has, indeed, questioned the justness of this 
observation, so far as respects precious stones and metals.* But 
I flatter myself that the nohle author and the learned critic, how- 
ever much they may differ as to public wealth, will agree that the 
observation is perfectly just, as applied to those commodities which 
constitute the wealth and engage the researches of the antiquary. 
With him rarity is always an essential requisite and primary 
recommendation. His property, like that of the possessor of the 
famous Sybilline books, does not decrease in value by the reduc- 
tion of its quantity ; but after the greater part has been destroyed, 
becomes still more precious. If the matter be viewed in this 
light, antiquarians have no reason to complain of the ravages of 
the reformers, who have left thern such valuable remains, and 
placed them in that very state which awakens in their minds the 
most lively sentiments of the sublime and beautiful, by reducing 
them to — ruins. 

But, to speak seriously, I would not be thought so great an 
enemy to any of the fine arts, as to rejoice at the wanton de- 
struction of their models, ancient or modern, or to vindicate 
those who, from ignorance and fanatical rage, may have excited 
the mob to such violence. But I am satisfied, that the charges 
usually brought against our reformers on this head are highly 
exaggerated, and in some instances altogether groundless. 
The demolition of the monasteries is, in fact, the only thing of 
which they can be fairly accused. Cathedral and parochial 
churches, and, in several places, the chapels attached to monas- 

from bad weather, or to serve for the spectators to entertain themselves 
with mountebanks in the market-place." A most deplorable loss truly ! 
This writer adds, that the statues of the twelve gods are yet standing : no 
great proof, one would imagine, of the fanatic rage of the Christians. Kot- 
zebue's Travels through Italy, vol. i. p. 200. 

, * Edinburgh Review, vol. iv. p. 348, and Lord Lauderdale's Observations 
on Edinburgh Review. 
15* 



174 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Series, were appropriated to the Protestant worship ; and, in 
the orders issued for stripping them of images, idolatrous pic- 
tures, and superstitious furniture, particular directions were 
given to avoid whatever might injure the buildings, or deface 
any of their ordinary decorations. It is true that some churches 
suffered from popular violence during the ferment of the Refor- 
mation, and that others were dilapidated, in consequence of 
their most valuable materials being sold to defray the expenses 
of the war in which the Protestants were involved : but the 
former will not be matter of surprise to those who have attend- 
ed to the conduct of other nations in similar circumstances ; and 
the latter will be censured by such persons only as are incapa- 
ble of entering into the feelings of a people who were engaged 
in a struggle for their lives, their liberties, and their religion. 
Of all the charges thrown out against our reformers, the most 
ridiculous is, that, in their zeal against Popery, they waged war 
against literature, by destroying the valuable books and records 
which had been deposited in the monasteries. The state of 
learning among the monks at the era of the Reformation was 
wretched, and their libraries poor ; the only persons who pa- 
tronized or cultivated literature in Scotland were Protestants ; 
and so far from sweeping away any literary monuments which 
remained, the reformers were disposed to search for them among 
the rubbish, and to preserve them with the utmost care. In 
this respect we have no reason to deprecate a comparison be- 
tween our Reformation and that of England, notwithstanding 
the flattering accounts which have been given of the orderly 
and temperate manner in which the latter was conducted under 
the superintending control of the supreme powers.* 

But even although the irregularities committed in the pro- 
gress of that work had been greater than have been represent- 
ed, I must still reprobate the spirit which disposes persons to 
dwell with unceasing lamentation upon losses which, in the 
view of an enlightened and liberal mind, will sink and disap- 
pear in the magnitude of the incalculable good which rose from 
the wreck of the revolution. What ! do we celebrate with 
public rejoicings victories over the enemies of our country, in 
the gaining of which the lives of thousands of our fellow-crea- 
tures have been sacrificed ? and shall solemn masses and sad 
dirges, accompanied with direful execrations, be everlastingly 
sung, for the mangled members of statues, torn pictures, and 
ruined towers ? Shall those who, by a display of the horrors 
of war, would persuade their countrymen to repent of a con- 
test which had been distinguished with uncommon feats of va- 
'.our, and crowned with the most brilliant success, be accused 

* See Note II. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 175 

of a desire to tarnish the national glory ? Shall the topics on 
which they insist, however forcible in themselves — the effusion 
of human blood, the sacking of cities, the devastation of fertile 
provinces, the ruin of arts and manufactures, and the intolerable 
burdens entailed even upon the victors themselves — be repre- 
sented as mere commonplace topics, employed as a cover to 
disloyalty? And do not those who, at the distance of nearly 
three centuries, continue to wail evils of a far inferior kind 
which attended the Reformation, justly expose themselves to 
the suspicion of indifference and disaffection to a cause, in com- 
parison with which all contests between rival kingdoms and 
sovereigns dwindle into insignificance ? I will go further, and 
say, that I look upon the destruction of these monuments as a 
piece of good policy, which contributed materially to the over- 
throw of the Roman Catholic religion and the prevention of its 
re-establishment. It was chiefly by the magnificence of its 
temples, and the splendid apparatus of its worship, that the 
Popish Church fascinated the senses and imaginations of the 
people. A more successful method of attacking it, therefore, 
could not be adopted than the demolition of what contributed 
so much to uphold and extend its influence. There is more 
wisdom than many seem to perceive in the maxim which Knox 
is said to have inculcated " that the best way to keep the rooks 
from returning, was to pull down their nests." In demolish- 
ing, or. rendering uninhabitable, all those buildings which had 
served for the maintenance of the ancient superstition (except 
what were requisite for the Protestant worship), the reformers 
only acted upon the principles of a prudent general, who dis- 
mantles or razes the fortifications which he is unable to keep, 
and which might afterwards be seized and employed against 
him by the enemy. Had they been allowed to remain in their 
former splendour, the popish clergy would not have ceased to 
indulge hopes, and to make efforts to be restored to them ; oc- 
casions would have been taken to tamper with the credulous, 
and to inflame the minds of the superstitious ; and the reformers 
might soon have found reason to repent their ill-judged for 
\ earance.* 

When we had quelled 



The strength of Aztlan, we should have thrown down 
Her altars, cast her idols to the tire. 

-J The priests combined to save their craft ; 

And soon the rumour ran of evil signs 

And tokens ; in the temple had been heard 

Wailings and loud lament ; the eternal fire 

Gave dismally a dim and doubtful flame ; 

And from the censer, which at morn should steam 

Sweet odours to the sun, a fetid cloud 

Black and portentous rose. 

Southey's Madoc, part i. book ii. 



176 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Our Reformer was along with the forces of the Congregation 
when they faced the army of the regent in Cupar-moor ;* he 
accompanied them on their expedition to Perth,t and in the 
end of June arrived with them at Edinburgh. { On the same 
day, he preached in St. Giles's, and next day in the Abbey 
Church. On the 7th of July, the inhabitants of the metropolis 
met in the Tolbooth, and made choice of him as their minister. 
With this choice, which was approved of by his brethren, he 
judged it his duty to comply, and immediately began his la- 
bours in the city.§ 

On their arrival at Edinburgh, the lords of the Congregation 
had sent deputies to Dunbar, to assure the queen that they had 
no intention of throwing off their allegiance, and to induce her 
to yield to reasonable terms of accommodation. As a prelimi- 
nary, she agreed to release their ministers from the sentence 
of outlawry, and allow them to preach to those who chose to 
hear them.|| Meanwhile, she was busily employed in endeavours 
to disunite her opponents. Having spun out the negotiations 
which they had opened with her, until she understood that the 
greater part of their forces had left them, she advanced sudden- 
ly with her army to Edinburgh. The Protestants took up a 
position on the east side of Craigingate,1F and resolved to defend 
the capital, though against superior forces ;** but Leith having 
opened its gates to her, and Lord Erskine, who commanded the 
castle, threatening to fire upon them, they were forced to con- 
clude a treaty, by which they agreed to leave Edinburgh. They 
stipulated, however, that the inhabitants should be left at liberty 
to use that form of worship which was most acceptable to them.tt 
Knox would have remained with his congregation 'after the 
regent took possession of the city ; but the nobles, knowing the 
value of his services, and the danger to which his life would be 
exposed, insisted on his accompanying them.JJ Willock, who 
was less obnoxious to the hatred of the court and clergy, was 
therefore substituted in his place ; and the prudence and firm- 
ness which this preacher displayed in that difficult situation 
proved that he was not unworthy of the choice which had fallen 
on him. The regent was extremely anxious to have the Roman 
Catholic service re-established in the Church at St. Giles, and 
employed the Earl of Huntly to persuade the citizens to declare 
in favour of the measure ; but neither the authority of the 

* Knox, Historie, p. 332. f Ibid. p. 146. \ Ibid. p. 145. 

§ MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, pp. 8, 9. || Ibid. p. 7. 
IF Probably a part of the Calton Hill. 

** The army of the regent consisted of 5000 men, the Congregation 
could not muster above 1500. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 9 
It MS Historie, p 10. Knox, Historie, 151—5. Jt Knox, p. 158. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 17? 

queen, nor the entreaties which Huntly en. ployed, both ii pri- 
vate and at a public meeting called with that view, could pre- 
vail with them to swerve from their profession of the refo med 
religion, or to relinquish the right which was secured to ihem 
by the late treaty.* Although the French soldiers who had 
come to the regent's assistance kept the city in alarm, and dis- 
turbed the Protestant service,! Willock maintained his place ; 
and in the month of August he administered the sacrament of 
the supper after the reformed manner in St. Giles's Church.t 
The celebration of the Popish worship was confined to the royal 
chapel and the church of Holyroodhouse, during the time that 
the capital was in the possession of the royal forces.§ 

In the month of August, a singular phenomenon was seen in 
the Abbey church. The Archbishop of St. Andrews appeared 
in the pulpit, and preached. If his grace did not acquit him- 
self with great ability on the occasion, he at least behaved with 
becoming modesty. After discoursing for a short time, he 
requested the audience to excuse the defects of his sermon, as 
he had not been accustomed to the employment, and told them 
that he had provided a very skilful preacher to succeed him ; 
upon which he concluded, and gave way to Friar Black. j| 

On retiring from Edinburgh, Knox undertook a tour of 
preaching through the kingdom. The wide field which was 
before him, the interesting situation in which he was placed, 
the dangers by which he was surrounded, and the hopes which 
he cherished, increased the ardour of his zeal, and stimulated 
him to extraordinary exertions both of body and mind. Within 
less than two months, he travelled over a great part of Scotland 
He visited Kelso, and. Jedburgh, and Dumfries, and Ayr, and 
Stirling, and Perth, and Brechin, and Montrose, and Dundee, 
and returned to St. Andrews. This itinerancy had great influence 
in diffusing the knowledge of the truth, and in strengthening 
the Protestant interest. The attention of the nation was aroused ; 
their eyes were opened to the errors by which they had been 
deluded ; and they panted for a continued and more copious sup- 
ply of the word of life, which' they had once been permitted to 
taste, and had felt so refreshing to their souls.1T I cannot better 
describe the emotions which this success excited in Knox'sbreast, 
than by quoting from the familiar letters which he wrote at in- 
tervals snatched from his constant employment. 

" Thus far hath God advanced the glory of his dear Son 
among us," says he, in a letter written from St. Andrews, on the 

* MS. Historie of the Estate, &c. p. 11. f Kiox, 159. 

I MS. Historie, p. 12. § Ibid. Knox, 159 

|| MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 12. 
IT Cald. MS. i. 472, 473. Forbes, i. 131, 155. Sadler, i. 431, 432. 
X 



178 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

23d of June, "0! that my 'heart could be thankful for the 
superexcellent benefit of ray God. The long thirst of my 
wretched heart is satisfied in abundance, that is above my expec- 
tation; for now forty days and more hath my God used my 
tongue, in my native country, to the manifestation of his glory 
Whatsoever now shall follow as touching my own carcass, his 
holy name be praised. The thirst of the poor people, as well as 
of the nobility, here, is wondrous great ; which putteth me in 
comfort, that Christ Jesus shall triumph here in the north and 
extreme parts of the earth for a space." In another letter, 
dated the 2d of September, he says : " Time to me is so precious, 
that with great difficulty can I steal one hour in eight days, either 
to satisfy myself, or to gratify my friends. I have been in conti- 
nual travel since the day of appointment ;* and, notwithstanding 
the fevers have vexed me, yet have I travelled through the most 
part of this realm, where (all praise to His Blessed Majesty !) 
men of all sorts and conditions embrace the truth. Enemies we 
have many, by reason of the Frenchmen who lately arrived, 
of whom our Papists hope golden hills. As we be not able to 
resist, we do nothing but go about Jericho, blowing with trum- 
pets, as God giveth strength, hoping victory by his power 
alone. "t 

Soon after his arrival in Scotland, he wrote for his wife and 
family, whom he had left behind him at Geneva. On the 13th 
of June, Mrs. Knox and her mother were at Paris, and applied 
to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador, for a 
safe-conduct to pass into England. Throkmorton, who by 
this time had penetrated the counsels of the French court, not 
only granted this request, but wrote a letter to Elizabeth, in 
which he urged the propriety of overlooking the offence which 
Knox had given by his publication against female government, 
and of conciliating him by the kind treatment of his wife ; see- 
ing he was in great credit with the lords of the Congregation, 
had been the principal instrument in producing the late change 
in Scotland, and was capable of doing essential service to her 
majesty.! Accordingly, Mrs. Knox came into England, and, 

* This refers to the agreement between the regent and lords of the 
Congregation, by which the latter gave up Edinburgh. The lords left Edin- 
burgh on the 25th of July. MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland, p. 10. 
Knox, Historie, p. 154. 

t Cald. MS. i. 4-28, 471. 

| Forbes, i. 129, 180. Throkmorton wrote to the same effect to Cecil, in 
letters dated 7th June, and 19th July lfi59. Ibid. pp. 119, 167. The am- 
bassador was probably moved to more earnestness in this matter by the 
influence of Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, a particular friend of our 
Reformer, who was at this time in France. He returned soon after to Scot- 
'and, and Throkmorton recommended him to Cecil, as "a very honest, sober, 
md godly n an." " You must let him se as littel sin in England as yowe 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 179 

heing c :iveyed to th j borders by the direction of the court, 
reached her husband in safety, on the 20th of September.* 
Mrs. Bowes, after remaining a short time in her native country, 
followed her daughter into Scotland, where she remained until 
her death.t 

The arrival of his family was the more gratifying to our 
Reformer, that they were accompanied by Christopher Good- 
man, his late colleague at Geneva. He had repeatedly writ- 
ten, in the most pressing manner, for him to come to his assis- 
tance, and expressed much uneasiness at the delay of his 
arrival. J Goodman became minister of Ayr, and was after- 
wards translated to St. Andrews. The settlement of Protest- 
ant ministers began to take place at an earlier period than is 
mentioned in our common histories. Previous to September 
1559, eight towns were provided with pastors ; and other 
places remained unprovided owing to the scarcity of preach ers.§ 

In the mean time, it became daily more apparent that the 
lords of the Congregation would be unable, without foreign 
aid, to maintain the struggle in which they were involved Had 
the contest been merely between them and the domestic party 
of the regent, they would soon have brought it to a successful 
termination ; but they could not withstand the veteran troops 
which France had already sent to her assistance, and was pre- 
paring to send in still more formidable numbers. || As far back 

maye." He " is greatly estemyd of Jhone Knokes, and he doth allso favour 
hym above other : nevertheless, he is sory for his boke rashly written." Ibid. 
137, 147—149. 

* Cald. MS. i. 491. 

f Knox applied to the English court for a safe conduct for Mrs. Bowes to 
come into Scotland, which was granted about the month of October 1559. 
Sadler, i. 456, 479, 509. I have already noticed (p. 124) that Mrs. Bovves's 
husband was dead. ■ The particular time of his death I have not ascertained, 
but it seems to have been between 1554 and 1556. She is designed a widovv 
in the correspondence between Cecil and Sadler. 

\ Cald. MS. i. 429, 473. 

g Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee, Perth, Brechin, Montrose, Sterlihg, 
and Ayr, were the towns provided with ministers. Letter, Knox to Locke, 
2d Sept. 1559. Cald. MS. i. 472. 

|| Sadler, i. 403, 411. Forbes, vol. i. passim. Dr. Robertson complains 
that, from the carelessness of the contemporary historians, it is impossible to 
ascertain the number of French soldiers in Scotland, or at what times, and 
under what pretexts, they had returned, after having left the kingdom in 
1550. History of Scotland, p. 108. Lond. 1791. In September 1559, when 
the queen regent retired within the fortifications of Leith, her forces amounted 
to S000 soldiers, of whom 500 only were Scots. MS. Historic of the Estate 
of Scotland, from 1559 to 1566, p. 13. A thousand men had arrived from 
France in the month of August, and it does not appear that any other arri- 
val had taken place since the commencement of the late commotions. It 
seems pretty evident that the other 1500 had been sent from France during 



130 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

as the middle of June, our Reformer had renewed his 2xer- 
tions for obtaining assistance from England, and pers.iaded 
William Kircaldy of Grange, first to write, and afterwards to 
pay a visit, to Sir Henry Percy, who held a public situation on 
the English marches. Percy immediately transmitted his rep- 
resentations to London, and an answer was returned from Sec- 
retary Cecil, encouraging the correspondence.* 

Knox himself wrote to Cecil, requesting permission to visit 
England,! and enclosed a letter to Queen Elizabeth, in which 
he attempted to apologize for his rude attack upon female gov- 
ernment. When a man has been " overtaken in a fault," it is 
his glory to confess it ; but those who have been so unfortunate 
as to incur the resentment of princes, must, if they expect to 
appease them, condescend to very ample and humiliating apolo- 
gies. Luther involved himself more than once by attempting 
this task, and had not the lustre of his talents protected him, 
his reputation must have suffered materially from his ill success. 
He was prevailed on to write submissive apologies to Leo X. 
and Henry VIII. for the freedom with which he had treated 
them in his writings ; but, in both instances, his apologies were 
rejected with contempt, and he found himself under the neces- 
sity of retracting his retractations.! Knox was in no danger of 
committing himself in this way. He was less violent in his 
temper than the German reformer, but he was also less flexible 
and accommodating. There was nothing at which he was 
more awkward than apologies, condescensions, and civilities ; 
and on the present occasion he was placed in a very embarras- 
sing predicament, as his judgment would not permit him to re- 
tract the sentiment which had given offence to the English 
queen. In his letter to Elizabeth, he expresses deep distress 
at having incurred her displeasure, and warm attachment to her 
government ; but the grounds on which he advises her to found 
her title to the crown, and indeed the whole strain in which 

the war between Scotland and England, in 1556 and 1537. The lords of 
the Congregation mustered 8001) men in September ; but only 1000 of these 
were trained to arms. Ibid. 

* Knox, Historie, p. 207. 

| Knox, Historie, p. 209. Forbes, i. 155, 167. 

I Beausobre, Hist. Reform, i. 355—377. Macaulay's translation. Mil- 
aer's History of the Church, iv. 948 — 9. This last historian, speaking of 
Luther's apology to Henry, says, that he went "quite far enough, either for 
*he dignity of a leading reformer, or the simplicity of a follower of Christ." 
Luther himself, after receiving Henry's reply, appears to have been abun- 
dantly sensible of the ridiculous situation ir, which he had placed himself, 
and with a facetiousness which seldom forsoc \ him, asked his friends, if they 
would now advise him to write penitential epistles to the Archbishop of 
Mentz, the Archduke Ferdinand, and other princes whom 1 e had offended. 
Milner, ut sup. p. 956. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 181 

the letter is written, are such as must have aggravated, instead 
of extenuating, his offence in the opinion of that high-minded 
princess.* But, although his apology had been more ample 
and humble than it was, it is not probable that he would have 
succeeded better with Elizabeth than Luther did with her 
father. Christopher Goodman, after his return to England, was 
obliged, at two several periods, to subscribe a recantation of 
the opinion which he had given against the lawfulness of fe- 
male government, nor could all his condescensions procure for 
him the favour of his sovereign. t In fact, Elizabeth was all 
along extremely tender on the subject of her right to the throne ; 
she never failed to resent every attack that was made upon 
this, from whatever quarter it came ; and, although several his- 
torians have amused their readers with accounts of her ambi- 
tion to be thought more beautiful and accomplished than the 
Queen of Scots,! I am persuaded that she was always more 
jealous of Mary as a competitor for the crown, than as a ri- 
val in persona] charms. 

It does not, however, appear, that Elizabeth ever saw Knox's 
letter, and I have little doubt that it was suppressed by the 
sagacious secretary. § Cecil was himself friendly to the mea- 
sure of assisting the Scottish Congregation, and exerted all his 
influence to bring over the queen and her council to his opin- 
ion. Accordingly, Knox received a message, desiring him to 
meet Sir Henry Percy at Alnwick, on the 2d of August, upon 
business which required the utmost secrecy and despatch ; and 
Cecil himself came down to Stamford to hold an interview with 
him. || The confusion produced by the advance of the regent's 
army upon Edinburgh, retarded his journey ; but no sooner was 
this settled, than Knox sailed from Pittenweem to Holy Island. 
Finding that Percy was recalled from the borders, he applied 
to Sir James Croft, the Governor of Berwick. Croft, who was 
not unapprised of the design on which he came, dissuaded him 
from proceeding farther into England, and undertook to des 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 210 — 2. 

f Strype, Annals, i. 126. ii. 95—6. Life of Grindal, 170, and Life of 
Parker, 325—6. 

% See Sir James MelviFs account of his interview with Elizabeth, Me- 
moirs, pp. 49 — 51, which has been adopted, and detailed by Mr. Hume, and 
other historians. 

J Cecil was accustomed to keep back intelligence which he knew would 
be disagreeable to his mistress. A curious instance of this occurs with re- 
spect to the misfortune which happened to Cockburn of Ormiston, while 
conveying a subsidy which she had sent to the Congregation. Sadler, i. 573. 
We learn from one of his letters, that he did not usually communicate the 
epistles of our Reformer, whom he knew to be no favourite with Elizabeth. 
Ibid. p. 535. 

|| Knox, Historie, p. 212. 
16 



182 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

patch his communications to London, and to procure a speeav 
return. Alexander Whitlaw of Greenrig, who had been ban- 
ished from Scotland, having come to London .on his way from 
France, was intrusted by the English court with their answer 
to the letters of the Congregation. Arriving at Berwick, he 
delivered the despatches to Knox, who hastened with them to 
Stirling, where a meeting of the Protestant lords was to be held. 
He prudently returned by sea to Fife ; for the queen regent had 
come to the knowledge of his journey to England, and Whit- 
law, in travelling through East Lothian, being mistaken for 
Knox, was hotly pursued, and made his escape with great 
difficulty.* The irresolution or the caution of Elizabeth's cab- 
inet had led them to express themselves in such general and 
unsatisfactory terms, that the lords of the Congregation, when 
the letters were laid before them, were both disappointed and 
displeased ; and it was with some difficulty that our Reformer 
obtained permission from them to write again to London in his 
own name. The representation which he gave of the urgency 
of the case, and the danger of farther hesitation or delay, pro- 
duced a speedy reply, desiring them to send a confidential 
messenger to Berwick, who would receive a sum of money to 
assist them in prosecuting the war. About the same time, Sir 
Ralph Sadler was sent down to Berwick, to act as an accredited 
but secret agent, and the correspondence between the court of 
London and the lords of the Congregation continued afterwards 
to be carried on through him and Sir James Croft until the 
English auxiliary army entered Scotland.! 

If we reflect upon the connection which the religious and 
civil liberties of the nation had with the contest in which the 
Protestants were engaged, and upon our Reformer's zeal in 
that cause, we shall not be greatly surprised to find him at this 
time acting in the character of a politician. Extraordinary 
cases cannot be measured by ordinary rules. In a great emer- 
gency, when all that is valuable and dear to a people is at 
stake, it becomes the duty of every individual to step forward, 
and exert all his talents for the public good. Learning was at 
this time rare among the nobility ; and though there were men 
of distinguished abilities among the Protestant leaders, few of 
them had been accustomed to transact public business. Ac- 
cordingly, the management of the correspondence with England 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 59, 213. 

f Knox, Historie, pp. 212—214. The State Papers of Sir Ralph Sadler 
have been lately published in 2 vols. 4to. The first volume contains the 
greater part of the letters that passed between Sadler and the agents of the 
Congregation. They throw much light upon this interesting period of our 
national history, and ought to be consulted, in addition to the'histories which 
appeared previous to their publication. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 153 

was for a time devolved chiefly on Knox and Balnaves. But 
our Reformer submitted to the task merely from a sense of duty 
and regard to the common cause ; and when the younger Mait- 
land acceded to their party, he expressed the greatest satisfac- 
tion at the prospect of being relieved from the. burden.* 

It was not without reason that he longed for this deliverance. 
He'now felt that it was as difficult to preserve integrity and 
Christian simplicity amidst the crooked wiles of political in- 
trigue, as he had formerly found it to pursue truth through the 
perplexing mazes of scholastic sophistry. In performing a task 
foreign to his habits, and repugnant to his disposition, he met 
with a good deal of vexation, and several unpleasant rubs. 
These were owing partly to his own impetuosity, and partly to 
the grudge entertained against him by Elizabeth, but chiefly to 
the particular line of policy which the English cabinet had re- 
solved to pursue. They were convinced of the danger of 
allowing the Scottish Protestants to be suppressed; but they 
wished to confine themselves to pecuniary aid, believing that 
by such assistance the lords of the Congregation would be able 
to expel the French, and bring the contest to a successful issue, 
while, by the secrecy with which it could be conveyed, an open 
breach between France and England would be prevented. 
This plan, which originated in the personal disinclination of 
Elizabeth to the Scottish war t rather than in the judgment of 
her wisest counsellors, protracted the contest, and gave occasion 
to some angry disputes between the English agents and those 
of the Congregation. The former were continually urging the 
associated lords to attack the forces of the regent, before she re- 
ceived fresh succours from France, and blaming their slow 
operations ; they complained of the want of secrecy in the cor- 
respondence with England ; and even insinuated that the 
money, intended for the common cause, was partially applied 
to private purposes. The latter were irritated by this insinua- 
tion, and urged the necessity of military as well as pecuniary 
assistance, i 

In a letter to Sir James Croft, Knox represented the great 
importance of their being speedily assisted with troops, without 



* Keith, Append. 42. f See Note KK. 

I Sadler, i. 520, 524. Randolph mentions in one of his letters, that both 
Knox and Balnaves were discontented. Keith has inserted a letter in which 
Balnaves complains of, and vindicates himself from the charges brought 
against him. Sadler afterwards endeavoured to pacify them. Keith, 
Append. 43, 44. Sadler, i. pp. 537, 548. Notwithstanding the complaints 
against the Congregation for being too "open," there is somo reason to 
think that Sir James Croft's own secretary had informed Ue qi leen regent 
of the correspondence between England and the Congregation. Forbes, i. 
p. 137. 



1S4 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

which they would lie in much hazard of miscarrying in an at- 
tack upon the fortifications of Leith. The court of England, 
he said, ought not to hesitate at offending France, of whose 
hostile intentions against them they had the most satisfactory 
evidence. But "if ye list to craft with thame," continued he 
" the sending of a thousand or mo men to us can hreake no 
league nor point of peace contracted hetwixt you and France : 
for it is free for your subjects to serve in warr anie prince 
or nation for their wages; and if ye fear that such excuses will 
not prevail, ye may declare thame rebelles to your realme when 
ye shall be assured that thei be in our companye." No doubt 
such things have been often done ; and such " political casu- 
istry" (as Keith not improperly styles it) is not unknown at 
courts. But it must be confessed, that the measure recommend- 
ed by Knox (the morality of which must stand on the same 
grounds with the assistance which the English were at that 
time affording) was too glaring to be concealed by the excuses 
which he suggested. Croft laid hold of this opportunity to 
check the impetuosity of his correspondent, and wrote him, that 
he wondered how he, " being a wise man," would require from 
them such aid as they could not give " without breach of treaty, 
and dishonour ;" and that " the world was not so blind but that 
it could soon espy" the "devices" by which he proposed "to 
colour their doings." Knox, in his reply, apologized for his 
" unreasonable request ;" but, at the same time reminded Croft 
of the common practice of courts in such matters, and the con- 
duct of the French court towards the English in a recent in- 
stance.* He was not ignorant, he said, of the inconveniences 
which might attend an open declaration in their favour, but 
feared that they would have cause to " repent the drift of time, 
when the remedy would not be so easy." t 

This is the only instance in which I have found our Refor- 
mer recommending dissimulation, which was very foreign to 
the openness of his natural temper, and the blunt and rigid hon- 
esty that marked his general conduct. His own opinion was, 
that the English court ought from the first to have done what 
they found themselves obliged to do at last — avow their resolu- 
tion to support the Congregation. Keith praises Croft's "just 

* " See how Mr. Knox still presses his under-hand management !" says 
Keith. Quaere: Did the honest bishop never find any occasion, in the 
course of his history, to reprimand sucli management in his own friends ? or, 
did he think that intrigue was criminal, only when it was employed by Pro- 
testant cabinets and ministers? 

f Keith, Append. 40 — 42. Sadler, i. p. 523. In fact, if a storm had not 
dispersed and shattered the French fleet, which had on board the Marquis 
D'Elbeuf, and a large body of troops, destined for the reinforcement of the 
queen regent, the English, after so long delay, would have found it very diffi- 
cult to expel the French from Scotland. 



LIFF, OF JOHN KNOX. 1S5 

reprimand on M: Knox's doable fac'd proposition," and Cecil 
says, that his " audacite was well tamed." We must not, how- 
ever, imagine, that these statesmen had any scruple of con- 
science, or nice feeling of honour on this point. For, on the very 
day on which Croft reprimanded Knox, he wrote to Cecil that 
he thought the queen ought openly to take part with the Con- 
gregation. And in the same letter in which Cecil speaks of 
Knox's audacity, he advises Croft to adopt in substance the 
very measure which our Reformer had recommended, by send- 
ing five or six officers, who should " steal from thence with 
appearance of displeasure for lack of interteynment ;" and in a 
subsequent letter, he gives directions to send three or four, fit 
for being captains, who should give out, that they left Berwick, 
" as men desyrous to be exercised in the warres, rather than to 
lye idely in that towne." * 

Notwithstanding the prejudice which existed in the English 
court against our Reformer, t on account of his " audacity" in 
attacking female prerogative, they were too well acquainted 
with his integrity and influence to decline his services. Cecil 
kept up a correspondence with him ; and in the directions sent 
from London for the management of the subsidy, it was ex- 
pressly provided, that he should be one of the council for 
examining the receipts and payments, to see that it was applied 
to " the common action," and not to any private use4 

In the mean time, his zeal and activity, in the cause of the 
Congregation, exposed him to the deadly resentment of the 
queen regent and the Papists. A reward was publicly offered 
to any one who should apprehend or kill him; and not a few, 
actuated by hatred or avarice, lay in wait to seize his person. 
But this did not deter him from appearing in public, nor from 
travelling through the country in the discharge of his duty. 
His exertions at this period were incredibly great. By day he 
was employed in preaching, by night in writing letters on pub- 
lic business. He was the soul of the Congregation ; was 

* Sadler, i. 522, 534, 568. 

| The lords of the Congregation having proposed to send our Reformer 
to London as one of their commissioners, Cecil found it necessary to dis- 
courage the proposal. " Of all others, Knoxees name,- if it be not Good- 
man's, is most odious here ; and, therefore, I wish no mention of him 
(coming) hither." And in another letter he says, — " His writings (i. e. 
Knox's letters) doo no good here ; and, therefore, I doo rather suppress them, 
and yet I meane not but that ye should contynue in sending of them." 
Sadler i. 53.?, 535. The editor of Sadler supposes, without any reason, that 
Knox and Goodman were disliked by the English court on account of their 
Geneva discipline, and republican tenets. The unpardonable offence of which 
both had been guilty was different from either of these ; they had attacked 
"tlio regiment of women." 

\ Sadler, i. 540. Keith, Append. 40. 
16* Y 



186 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 



always found at the post of danger ; and by his presence, his 
public discourses, and private advices, animated the whole 
body, and defeated the schemes employed to corrupt or disunite 
them.* 

The Congregation had lately received a considerable increase 
of strength by the accession of the former regent, the Duke of 
Chastelherault. His eldest son, the Earl of Arran, who com- 
manded the Scots guard in France, had embraced the principles 
of the Reformation. Understanding that the French court, 
which was entirely under the direction of the princes of Lor- 
rain, intended to throw him into prison, he secretly retired to 
Geneva, from which he was conveyed to London by the assis- 
tance of Elizabeth's ministers. In the month of August he 
came to his father at Hamilton. The representations of his 
son, joined with those of the English cabinet, and with his own 
jealousy of the designs of the queen regent, easily gained over 
the vacillating duke, who met with the lords of the Congrega- 
tion, and subscribed their bond of confederation.t 

Our Reformer was now called to take a share in a very deli- 
cate and important measure. When they first. had recourse to 
arms in their own defence, the lords of the Congregation had 
no intention of making any alteration in the government, or 
of assuming the exercise of the supreme authority. + Even 
after they had adopted a more regular and permanent system of 
resistance to the measures of the queen regent, they continued 
to recognise the station which she held, presented petitions to her 
and listened respectfully to the proposals which she made for 
removing the grounds of variance. But finding that she was 
fully bent upon the execution of her plan for subverting the 



* " In twenty-four hours, I have not four free to natural rest, and easce 
of this wicked carcass. Remember my last request for my mother, and say 
to Mr. George (Sir George Bowes, his brother-in-law,) that I have need of a 
good and an assured horse ; for great watch is laid for my apprehension, and 

large money promised till any that shall kyll me. And this part of my 

care now poured in your bosom, I cease farther to trouble you, being trou- 
bled myself in body and spirit, for the troubles that be present, and appear 
to grow. At mydnicht. 

" Many things I have to writ, which now tym suffereth not, but after, if ye 
mak haste with this messinger, ye shall undirstand more R ryt 

I write with sleaping eis." Knox's letter to Rnvlton, 23d October, 

1559. Keith, Append. 38. Sadler, i. (.81, 682. 

This letter, written with the Reformer's own hand, is in the British 
Museum. Cotton MS. Calig. B. ix. f. 38. The conclusion of the letter, 
which is here printed in imitation of the original, is very descriptive of the 
state of the writer at the time. It also appears from this letter, that, amidst 
nis other employments, he had already begun, and made considerable pro- 
gress in his History of the Reformation. 

f Forbes, i. 117, 144, 163, 166. Sadler, i. 404, 417, 447. 

t See Note LI,. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 187 

national liberties, and that her official situation gave her groat 
advantages in carrying on this design, they" began to deliberate 
upon the propriety of adopting a different line of conduct. 
Their sovereigns were minors, in a foreign country, and under 
the management of persons to whose influence the evils of 
which they complained were principally to be ascribed. The 
queen dowager held the regency by the authority of parliament ; 
and might she not be deprived of it by the same authority? 
In the present state of the country, it was impossible for a free 
and regular parliament to meet; but the majority of the nation 
had declared their dissatisfaction with her administration; and 
was it not competent for them to provide for the public safety, 
which was exposed to such imminent danger? These were 
the questions which formed the topic of frequent conversation 
at this time. 

After much deliberation, a numerous assembly, consisting 
of nobles, barons, and representatives of boroughs, met at 
Edinburgh, on the 21st of October 1 559, to bring this important 
point to a solemn issue. To this assembly Knox and Wihock 
were called; and the question being stated to them, they were 
required to deliver their opinions as to the lawfulness of the 
proposed measure. Willock, who then officiated as minister 
of Edinburgh, being first asked, declared it to be his judgment, 
founded on reason and Scripture, that the power of rulers was 
limited; that they might be deprived of it upon valid grounds: 
and that the queen regent having, by fortifying Leith, and in- 
troducing foreign troops into the country, evinced a fixed de- 
termination to oppress and enslave the kingdom, might justly 
be divested of her authority, by the nobles and barons, as na- 
tive counsellors of the realm, whose petitions and remonstran- 
ces she had repeatedly rejected. Knox assented to the opinion 
delivered by his brother, and added, that the assembly might, 
with safe consciences, act upon it provided they attended to 
the three following things: — First, that they did not suffer the 
misconduct of the queen regent to alienate their affections from 
due allegiance to their sovereigns, Francis and Mary; second, 
that they were not actuated in the measure by private hatred 
or envy of the queen dowager, but by regard to the safety of 
the commonwealth ; and, third, that any sentence which they 
might at this time pronounce, should not preclude her re-adinis- 
sion to office, if she afterwards discovered sorrow for her con- 
duct, and a disposition to submit to the advice of the estates 
of the nation. After this, the whole assembly, having several- 
ly delivered their opinions, did, by a solemn deed, suspend the 
queen dowager from her authority as regent of the kingdom, 
until the meeting of a free parliament;* and, at the same time, 

* Dr. Robertson says, "It was the work but of one day to exau.ine and 



18S LIFE OF JOHN KXOX. 

elected a council for the management of public affairs during 
this interval.* When the council had occasion to treat of mat- 
ters connected with religion, four of the ministers were appoint- 
ed to assist in their deliberations. These were Knox, Willock. 
Goodman, and Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, who 
had embraced the Reformation.! 

It has been alleged by some writers, that the question respect- 
ing the suspension of the queen regent was altogether incompetent 
for ministers of the gospel to determine, and that Knox and 
Willock,by the advice which they gave on this occasion, exposed 
themselves unnecessarily to odium. J But it is not easy to see 
how they could have been excused in refusing to deliver their 
opinion, when required by those who had submitted to their 
ministry, upon a measure which involved a case of conscience, as 
well as a question of law and political right. The advice which 
was actually given and followed is a matter of greater conse- 
quence, than the quarter from which it came. As this rests 
upon principles very different from those which produced resis- 
tance to princes, and limitation on their authority, under feudal 
governments, and as our Reformer has been the object of much 
animadversion for inculcating these principles, I shall embrace 
the present opportunity to offer a few remarks on this interest- 
ing subject. 

Among the various causes which affected the general state of 
society and government in Europe, during the middle ages, the 
influence of religion cannot be overlooked. Debased by igno- 
rance, and fettered by superstition, the minds of men were pre- 
pared to acquiesce without examination in the claims of authority, 
and tamely to submit to every yoke. In whatever light we view 
Popery, the geniusof that singular system of religion will be found 
to be adverse to liberty. The court of Rome, while it aimed 
directly at the establishment of a spiritual despotism in the hands 
ofecclesiastics,contributedto rivet the chains of political servitude 
upon the people. In return for the support which princes yielded 
to its arrogant claims, it was content to invest them with an 
absolute authority over the bodies of their subjects. By the 
priestly unction, performed at the coronation of kings in the 
name of the holy see, a sacred character was understood to be 

resolve this nice problem, concerning the behaviour of subjects towards a 
ruler who abuses his power." But it may be observed, that this was the 
formal determination of the question. It had been discussed among the 
Protestants frequently before this meeting', and, as early as the beginning of 
September, they were nearly unanimous about it. Sadler, i. 433. It should 
also be noticed, that the queen regent was only susuended from, not abso- 
lutely "deprived of," her office. 

* Knox, 182—187. t Sadler, i. 510, 511. { Spotswood, p. 131 

Keith, p. 104. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. i&9 

imparted, which raised them to a superiority over the.r nobility 
which they did not possess according to feudal ideas, rendered 
their persons inviolable, and their office divine. Although the 
sovereign pontiffs claimed, and on different occasions exercised, 
the power of dethroning kings, and of absolving subjects from 
their allegiance ; yet any attempt of this kind, when it proceeded 
from the people themselves, was denounced as a crime deserving 
the severest punishment in this world, and damnation in the next. 
Hence sprung the doctrine of the divine right of kings to rule 
independently of their people, and of passive obedience and non- 
resistance to their will ; under the sanction of which they were 
encouraged to sport with the lives and happiness of their subjects, 
and to indulge in the most tyrannical and wanton acts of oppres- 
sion, without the dread of resistance, or of being called to an 
account by any power on earth. Even in countries where the 
people were understood to enjoy certain political privileges, trans- 
mitted from remote ages, or wrested from their princes on some 
favourable occasions, these principles were generally prevalent ; 
and, availing himself of them, it was easy for an ambitious and 
powerful monarch to violate the rights of the people with impu- 
nity, and upon a constitution, the forms of which were friendly to 
popular liberty, to establish an administration completely arbi- 
trary and despotic. 

The contest between papal sovereignty and the authority of 
general councils, which was carried on during the fifteenth cen- 
tury, elicited some of the essential principles of liberty, which 
were afterwards applied to political government. The revival of 
learning, by unfolding the principles of legislation and modes of 
government in the republics of ancient Greece and Rome, gra- 
dually led to more liberal notions on this subject. But these 
were confined to a few, and had no influence upon the general 
state of society. The spirit infused by philosophy and literature 
is too feeble and contracted to produce a radical reform of esta- 
blished abuses ; and learned men, proud of their own superior 
illumination, and satisfied with the liberty of indulging their 
speculations, have generally been too indifferent or too timid to 
attempt the improvement of the multitude. It is to the religious 
spirit excited during the sixteenth century, which spread rapidly 
through Europe, and diffused itself among all classes of men, that 
we are chiefly indebted for the propagation of the genuine prin- 
ciples of rational liberty, and the consequent amelioration of 
government. 

Civil and ecclesiastical tyranny were so closely combined, that 
it was impossible for men to emancipate themselves from the 
latter without throwing off the former; and from arguments 
which established their religious rights, the transition was easy, 
and almost unavoidable, to disquisitions about their civil privi- 



190 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

leges. In those kingdoms in which the rulers threw off tht 
Roman yoke, and introduced the Reformation by their authority, 
the influence was more imperceptible and slow ; and in some of 
them, as in England, the power taken from the ecclesiastical \va? 
thrown into the regal scale, which proved so far prejudicial tc 
popular liberty. But where the Reformation was embraced by 
the great body of a nation, while the ruling powers continued to 
oppose it, the effect was visible and immediate. The interested 
and obstinate support which rulers gave to the old system of er- 
ror and ecclesiastical tyranny, and their cruel persecution of all 
who favoured the new opinions, drove their subjects to inquire 
into the just limits of authority and obedience. Their judgments 
once informed as to the rights to which they were entitled, and 
their consciences satisfied respecting the means which they might 
employ to acquire them, the immense importance of the imme- 
diate object in view, their emancipation from religious bondage, 
and the salvation of themselves and their posterity, impelled them 
to make the attempt with an enthusiasm and perseverance which 
the mere love of civil liberty could not have inspired. 

In effecting that memorable revolution, which terminated in 
favour of religious and political liberty in so many nations of 
Europe, the public teachers of the Protestant doctrine had a 
principal influence. By their instructions and exhortations, they 
roused the people to consider their rights and exert their power ; 
they stimulated timid and wary politicians ; they encouraged and 
animated princes, nobles, and confederated states, with their ar- 
mies, against the most formidable opposition, and under the most 
overwhelming difficulties, until their exertions were ultimately 
crowned with success. These facts are now admitted, and this 
honour has at last, through the force of truth, been conceded to 
the religious leaders of the Protestant Reformation, by philoso- 
phical writers, who had too long branded them as ignorant and 
fanatical.* 

Our Reformer had caught a large portion of the spirit of civil 
liberty. We have already adverted to the circumstance in his 
education which directed his attention, at an early period, to 
some of its principles.! His subsequent studies introduced him 
to an acquaintance with the maxims and modes of governn^ent 
in the free states of antiquity ; and it is reasonable to suppose 
that his intercourse with the republics of Switzerland and Geneva 
had some influence on his political creed. Having formed his 
sentiments independently of the prejudices arising from estab- 
ished laws, long usage, and commonly received opinions, his 
zeal and intrepidity prompted him to avow and propagate them, 

* Viller's Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the Reformation of Lu- 
ther, Mill's Translation, pp. 183, 186, 321, 327. f See above, pp. 20—21. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. J 91 

when others, loss sanguine and resolute, would have been re- 
strained by fear, or by despair of success.* Extensive observa- 
tion had convinced him of the glaring perversion of government 
in the European kingdoms ; but his principles led him to desire 
their reform, not their subversion. His admiration of the polity 
of republics, ancient or modern, was not so great or indiscrimi- 
nate as to prevent him from separating the essential principles 
of equity and freedom which they contained, from others which 
were incompatible with monarchy. He was perfectly sensible of 
the necessity of regular government to the maintenance of justice 
and order, and aware of the danger of setting men loose from its 
salutary control. And he uniformly inculcated a conscientious 
obedience to the lawful commands of rulers, and respect to their 
persons as well as to their authority, even when they were charge- 
able with various mismanagements, so long as they did not break 
through all the restraints of law and justice, and cease to perform 
the great and fundamental duties of their office. 

But he held that rulers, supreme as well as subordinate, were 
invested with authority for the public good ; that obedience was 
not due to them in anything contrary to the divine law, natural 
or revealed; that, in every free and well-constituted government, 
the law of the land was superior to the will of the prince ; that 
inferior magistrates and subjects might restrain the supreme 
magistrate from particular illegal acts, without throwing off their 
allegiance, or being guilty of rebellion ; that no class of men have 
an original, inherent, and indefeasible right to rule over a people, 
independently of their will and consent ; that every nation is en- 
titled to provide and require that they shall be ruled by laws 
which are agreeable to the divine law, and calculated to promote 
their welfare ; that there is a mutual compact, tacit and implied, 
if not formal and explicit, between rulers and their subjects; and 
if the former shall flagrantly violate this, employ that power for 
the destruction of the commonwealth which was committed to 
them for its preservation and benefit, or, in one word, if they 
shall become habitual tyrants and notorious oppressors, that the 
people are absolved from allegiance, and have a right to resist 
them, formally to depose them from their place, and to elect 
others in their room. 

The real power of the Scottish kings was, indeed, always li- 
mited, and there are in our history, previous to the era of the 
Reformation, many instances of resistance to their authority. 
But, though these were pleaded as precedents on this occasion, 
it must be confessed that we cannot trace them to the principles 

* " I )rais my God," said he, " I have not learned to cry conjuration and 
treasoun at every thing that the godles multitude does condemn, neither yet 
to fear the things that they fear." Conference with Murray and Maitland 
Historie, p. 339. 



J 92 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

of* genuine liberty. They were the effects of sudden resentment 
on account of some extraordinary act of mal-administration, or 
of the ambition of some powerful baron, or of the jealousy with 
which the feudal aristocracy watched over the privileges of 
their own order. The people who followed the standards of 
their chiefs had little interest in the struggle, and derived no 
benefit from the limitations which were imposed upon the 
sovereign. But, at this time, more just and enlarged sentiments 
were diffused through the nation, and the idea of a common- 
wealth, including the mass of the people, as well as the privi- 
leged orders, began to be entertained. Our Reformer, whose 
notions of hereditary right, whether in kings or nobles, were 
not exalted, studied to repress the insolence and oppression of 
the nobility. He reminded them of the original equality of 
men, and the ends for which some were raised above others; 
and he taught the people that they had rights to preserve, as 
well as duties to perform. With respect to female government, 
he never moved any question among his countrymen, nor 
attempted to gain proselytes to his opinion. * 

Such, in substance, were the political sentiments which were 
inculcated by our Reformer, and which were more than once 
acted upon in Scotland during his lifetime. That in an age 
when the principles of political liberty were only beginning to 
be understood, such sentiments should have been regarded with 
a suspicious eye by some of the learned who had not yet thrown 
off common prejudices, and that they should have exposed 
those who maintained them to a charge of treason from despoti- 
cal rulers and their numerous satellites, is far from being matter 
of wonder. But it must excite both surprise and indignation, to 
find writers in the present enlightened age, and under the sun- 
shine of British liberty (if our sun is not fast going down), ex- 
pressing their abhorrence of these principles, and exhausting 
upon their authors all the invective and virulence of the former 
anti-monarchomachi, and advocates of passive obedience. They 
are essentially the principles upon which the free constitution 
of Britain rests ; and the most obnoxious of them were reduced 
to practice at the memorable era of the Revolution, when the 
necessity of employing them was not more urgent or unques- 
tionable, than it was at the suspension of the Queen Regent of 
Scotland, and the subsequent deposition of her daughter. 

I have said essentially : for I would not be understood 
as meaning to say, that every proposition advanced by Knox, 
on this subject, is expressed in the most guarded and unexcep- 
tionable manner, or that all the cases in which he was led to 
vindicate forcible resistance to rulers, were such as rendered it 

* The authorities for this statement of Knox's political opinions will be 
found in Note MM. 



L.IFE OF JOHN KNOX. 193 

necessary, and as may be pleaded as precedents in modern 
times. The political doctrines maintained at that period re- 
ceived a tincture from the spirit of the age, and were accommo- 
dated to a state of society and government comparatively rude 
and unsettled. The checks which have since been introduced 
into the constitution, and the influence which public opinion, 
expressed by the organ of a free press, has upon the conduct of 
rulers, are sufficient, in ordinary cases, to restrain dangerous 
encroachments, or to afford the means of correcting them in a 
peaceable way ; and have thus happily superseded the necess- 
ity of having recourse to those desperate but decisive remedies 
which were formerly applied by an oppressed and indignant 
people. But if ever the time come when these principles shaF 
be generally abjured or forgotten, the extinction of the boasted 
liberty of Britain will not be far off. 

There are objections against our Reformer's political princi- 
ples which demand consideration, from the authority to which 
they appeal, and the influence which they may have on pious 
minds. " The doctrine of resistance to civil rulers," it is 
alleged, " is repugnant to the express directions of the New 
Testament, which repeatedly enjoin Christians to be subject to 
the powers that be,' and denounce damnation against such as 
disobey oV resist them on any pretext whatever. With the 
literal and strict import of these precepts the example of the 
primitive Christians agreed ; for, even after they became very 
numerous, so as to be capable of opposing the government 
under which they lived, they never attempted to shake off the 
authority of the Roman emperors, or to employ force to protect 
themselves from the tyranny and persecutions to which they 
were exposed. Besides, granting that it is lawful for subjects 
to vindicate their civil rights and privileges by resisting arbi- 
trary rulers, to have recourse to forcible measures for promoting 
Christianity is diametrically opposite to the genius of that reli- 
gion, which was propagated at first, and is still to be defended, 
not by arms and violence, but by teaching and suffering." 

These objections are more specious than solid. The direc- 
tions and precepts on this subject, which are contained in the 
New Testament, must not be stretched beyond their evident 
scope and proper import. They do not give greater power to 
magistrates than they formerly possessed, nor do they supersede 
any of the rights or privileges to which subjects were entitled 
by the common law of nature, or by the particular statutes of 
any country. The New Testament does not give directions to 
communities respecting the original formation or subsequent 
improvement of their civil constitutions, nor prescribe the 
course which ought to be pursued in certain extraordinary 
cases, when rulers abuse the power with which they are in- 
17 Z 



194 LIFE OF J O II N K X X . 

vested, and convert their legitimate authority into an engine ot 
despotism and oppression.* It supposes magistrates to be 
acting within the proper line of their office, and discharging its 
duties to the advantage of the society over which they are 
placed. And it teaches Christians, that the liberty which Christ 
purchased, and to the enjoyment of which they are called by 
the gospel, does not exempt them from subjection and obedi- 
ence to civil authority, which is a divine ordinance for the good 
of mankind ; that they are bound to obey existing rulers, 
although they should be of a different religion from themselves ; 
and that Christianity, so far from setting them free from obliga- 
tions to this or any other relative duty, strengthens these obli- 
gations, and requires them to discharge their duties for con- 
science' sake, with fidelity, cheerfulness, patience, long-suffer- 
ing, and singleness of heart. Viewed in this light, nothing can 
be more reasonable in its own nature, or more honourable to 
the gospel, than the directions which it gives on this subject ; 
and we must perceive a peculiar propriety in the frequency and 
earnestness with which they are urged, when we consider the 
danger in which the primitive Christians were of supposing 
that they were liberated from the ordinary restraints of the rest 
of mankind. But if we shall go beyond this, and assert that 
the Scriptures have prohibited resistance to rulers in every case, 
and that the great body of a nation consisting of Christians, in 
attempting to curb the fury of their rulers, or to deprive them 
of the power which they have grossly abused, are guilty of that 
crime against which the apostle denounces damnation, we 
represent the beneficent religion of Jesus as sanctioning 
despotism, and entailing all the evils of political bondage upon 
mankind ; and we tread in the steps of those enemies to Christ- 
ianity, who, under the colour of paying a compliment to its 
pacific, submissive, tolerant, and self-denying maxims, have 
represented it as calculated to produce a passive, servile spirit, 
and to extinguish courage, patriotism, the love of civil liberty, 
the desire of self-preservation, and every kind of disposition to 
repel injuries, or to obtain the redress of the most intolerable 
grievances. 

* "Concedit autem," says Melancthon, " evangelium uti legibus politi- 
cis cum ratione congruentibus. Imo si talis defensio non esset concessa, 
transformaretur evang-elium in doctrinam politicam, et stabiliret infinitam 
tyrannidem." Comment, in Prov. xxiv. 21, 22. And again, " Non consti- 
tuit evang-elium novas politias, quare nee infinitam servitutem prsecepit." 2. 
Artie. Symbol. Nicen. sub quaestione, Utrum arinis reprimeiuii sunt tyr- 
anni ? This argument influenced Luther to retract the unlimited con- 
demnation of resistance which he had formerly published, and to approve of 
the League of Smalcald. Sleidan, Comment, lib. 8. Dean Milner has 
overlooked this fact in his statement of the political principles of that Re- 
former. 



v LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 195 

The example of the primitive Christians is not binding upon 
others any farther than it is conformable to the Scriptures ; and 
the circumstances in which they were placed were totally differ- 
ent from those of the Protestants in Scotland, and in other 
countries, at the time of the Reformation. The fathers often 
indulge in oratorical exaggerations when speaking of the num- 
bers of the Christians ; nor is there any satisfactory evidence 
that they ever approached near to a majority of the Roman 
empire, during the time that they were exposed to persecution. 

" If thou mayest be made free, use it rather," says the Apos- 
tle ; a maxim which is applicable, by just analogy, to political 
as well as domestic freedom. The Christian religion natively 
tends to cherish and diffuse a spirit favourable to civil liberty, 
and this, in its turn, has the most happy influence upon Christ- 
ianity, which never flourished extensively, and for a long peri- 
od, in any country where despotism prevailed. It must there- 
fore be the duty of every Christian to exert himself for the 
acquisition and defence of this invaluable blessing. Christiani- 
ty ought not to be propagated by force of arms ; but the ex- 
ternal liberty of professing it may be vindicated in that way 
both against foreign invaders and against domestic tyrants. 
If the free exercise of their religion, or their right to remove 
religious abuses, enter into the grounds of the struggle which 
a nation maintains against oppressive rulers, the cause becomes 
of vastly more importance, its justice is more unquestionable, 
and it is still more worthy, not only of their prayers and peti- 
tions, but of their blood and treasure, than if it had been main- 
tained solely for the purpose of securing their fortunes, or of 
acquiring some mere worldly privilege. And to those whose 
minds are not warped by prejudice, and who do not labour un- 
der a confusion of ideas on the subject, it must surely appear 
paradoxical to assert, that, while God has granted to subjects a 
right to take the sword of just defence for securing objects of 
a temporary and inferior nature, he has prohibited them from 
using this remedy, and left them at the mercy of every lawless 
despot, with respect to a concern the most important of all, 
whether it be viewed as relating to his own honour, or to the 
welfare of mankind. 

Those who judge of the propriety of any measure from the 
success with which it is accompanied, will be disposed to con- 
demn the suspension of the queen regent. Soon after this step 
was taken, the affairs of the Congregation began to wear a 
gloomy aspect. The messenger whom they sent to Berwick 
to receive a remittance from the English court was intercepted 
on his return, and rifled of the treasure ; their soldiers mutinied 
for want of pay ; they were repulsed in a premature assault 



VJQ LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

upon the fortifications of Leith, and worsted in a siciimish with 
the French troops ; the secret emissaries of the regent were 
too successful among them ; their numbers daily decreased ; 
and the remainder, disunited, dispirited, and dismayed, came 
to the resolution of abandoning Edinburgh on the evening of 
the 5th of November, and retreated with precipitation and 
disgrace to Stirling. 

Amidst the universal dejection produced by these disasters, 
the spirit of Knox remained unsubdued. On the day after 
their arrival at Stirling, he mounted the pulpit, and delivered a 
discourse, which had a wonderful effect in rekindling the zeal 
and courage of the Congregation. Their faces (he said) were 
confounded, their enemies triumphed, their hearts had quaked 
for fear, and still remained oppressed with sorrow and shame. 
Why had God thus dejected them? The situation of their 
affairs required plain language, and he would use it. In the 
present distressed state of their minds, they were in danger of 
attributing these misfortunes to a wrong cause, and of imagin- 
ing that they had offended in taking the sword of self-defence 
into their hands; just as the tribes of Israel did, when twice 
discomfited in the war which they undertook, by divine direc- 
tion, against their brethren the Benjamites. Having divided 
the Congregation into two classes, those who had been embark- 
ed in this cause from the beginning, and those who had lately 
acceded to it, he proceeded to point out what he considered as 
blamable in the conduct of each. The former (he said) had 
laid aside that humility and dependence upon Divine Provi- 
dence which they had discovered when their number was 
small ; and, since they were joined by the Hamiltons, had 
become elated, secure, and self-confident. " But wherein had 
my lord duke and his friends offended ? I am uncertain if my 
lord's grace has unfeignedly repented of his assistance to these 
murderers, unjustly pursuing us. Yea, I am uncertain if he 
has repented of that innocent blood of Christ's blessed martyrs, 
which was shed in his default. But let it be that so he has 
done (as I hear that he has confessed his fault before the lords 
and brethren of the Congregation) ; yet I am assured that 
neither he, nor yet his friends, did feel before this time the 
anguish and grief of heart which we felt, when in their blind 
fury they pursued us. And therefore God hath justly permit- 
ted both them and us to fall in this fearful confusion at once, — 
us, for that we put our trust and confidence in man, and them, 
because they should feel in their own hearts how bitter was the 
cup which they made others drink before them." After exhort- 
ing all to amendment of life, to prayers, and works of charity, 
he concluded with an animating address : — " God," he said, 
" often suffered the wicked to triumph for a while, and ex 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 197 

posed his chosen congregation to mockery, dangers, and appa- 
rent destruction, in order to abase their self-confidence, and in- 
duce them to look to himself for deliverance and victory. It 
they turned unfeignedly to the Eternal, he no more doubted 
.hat their present distress would be converted into joy, and 
followed by success, than he doubted that Israel was finally 
victorious over the Benjamites, after being twice repulsed with 
ignominy. The cause in which they were engaged would 
prevail in Scotland, in spite of all opposition. It was the eter- 
nal truth of the eternal God which they maintained ; it might 
be oppressed for a time, but would ultimately triumph."* 

The audience, who had entered the church in deep despon- 
dency, left it with renovated courage. In the afternoon the 
council met, and, after prayer by the Reformer, unanimously 
agreed to despatch William Maitland of Lethington to London, 
to supplicate more effectual assistance from Elizabeth. In the 
mean time, as they were unable to keep the field, it was agreed 
that they should divide, and that the one-half of the council 
should remain at Glasgow, and the other at St. Andrews. 
Knox was appointed to attend the latter in the double capacity 
of preacher and secretary. The French having in the begin- 
ning of the year 1560, penetrated into Fife, he encouraged that 
small band, which, under the Earl of Arran and the Prior of 
St. Andrews, bravely resisted their progress, until the appear- 
ance of the English fleet compelled the enemy to retreat with 
precipitation.! 

The disaster which obliged the Protestant army to raise the 
siege of Leith, and to evacuate Edinburgh, turned out eventu- 
ally to the advantage of their cause. It induced the English 
court to abandon the line of cautious policy which they had 
hitherto pursued. Maitland's embassy to London was success- 
ful ; and, on the 27th of February 1560, Elizabeth concluded a 
formal treaty with the lords of the Congregation, by which she 
engaged to send an army into Scotland, to assist them in expel- 
ling the French forces. Being informed of this treaty, the 
queen regent resolved to disperse the troops which were collec- 
ted at Glasgow under the Duke of Chastelherault, before the 
English army could arrive. On the 7th of March, the French, 
amounting to two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, issued 
from Leith, and proceeding by Linlithgow and Kirkintulloch, 
suddenly appeared before Glasgow. Having reduced the 
episcopal castle, they were preparing to advance to Hamilton, 



* Knox has preserved in his history (pp. 194 — 197) the principal topics 
on which he insisted in this sermon. 

i Knox, Historie, pp. 197, 201, 215. Spotswood, p. 140. MS Historie 
Df the estate of Scotland, pp. 19—22. 

17* 



L98 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

when they received a message from the queen regent, inform 
ing them that the English army had begun its march into Scot- 
land ; upon which they relinquished their design, and returned 
to Leith, carrying along with them a number of prisoners, and 
a considerable booty.* In the beginning of April, the 
English army joined the forces of the Congregation. The 
French shut themselves up within the fortifications of Leith, 
which was inverted both by sea and land ; and the queen m 
gent, who had fov some time been in a declining state of health, 
was received by Lord Erskine into the castle of Edinburgh, 
where she died during the siege of Leith. 

These proceedings were viewed with deep interest by the 
court of France. Henry II. having died in July 1559, was suc- 
ceeded by Francis II. the husband of the young Queen of 
Scots ; in consequence of which, the administration of affairs fell 
entirely into the hands of the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal 
of Lorrain. They employed every art of political intrigue to 
prevent the Queen of England from giving assistance to the 
Scottish Congregation, and to prevail on her to desert them, 
after she had undertaken their protection. Nor were they al- 
together unsuccessful in their attempts. Elizabeth, partly from 
extreme caution and parsimony, and partly from the influence 
of some of her counsellors, was induced to listen to their plausi- 
ble proposals ; she delayed the march of her army into Scotland, 
and after the siege of Leith was commenced, suspended the 
military operations, and engaged in premature negotiations for 
peace. This last step justly alarmed the Congregation ; and 
while they neglected no means to persuade the English court 
to perform the stipulations of the late treaty, they prepared for 
the worst, by renewing their covenant among themselves. 

Elizabeth at last listened to the advice of her ablest minis- 
ters, and resolved to prosecute the war with vigour. No 
sooner did she evince this determination than the French court 
yielded to all her demands The armament which they had 
lately fitted out at great expense for Scotland, had been dis- 
persed by a storm ; the Frith of Forth was blocked up by an Eng- 
lish fleet ; and a confederacy had been formed among a number 
of the nobility in France, to remove the princes of Lorrain from 
the administration of public affairs, and to free the Protestants 
in that kingdom from the severe persecutions to which they 
had hitherto been exposed.! Influenced by these circumstan- 

* A particular account of this expedition, overlooked in our common his- 
tories, is given in MS. Historie of the Estate of Scotland from 1559 to 1566, 
pp. 25 — 7. Lesley (p. 519) refers to it obscurely. Spotswood (p. 140) and 
Keith (p. 110) have confounded it with a different expedition, which was 
undertaken in November preceding. 

t Those who wish to see a particular account of the negotiations between 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 199 

ces, the French cabinet sent plenipotentiaries to Edinburgh, 
whc concluded a treaty with England, by which the Scottish 
differences were also adjusted. By this treaty it was provided, 
that the French troops should immediately be removed from 
Scotland ; that an amnesty should be granted to all who had 
been engaged in the late resistance to the queen regent ; that the 
principal grievances of which they complained in the civil ad- 
ministration should be redressed ; that a free parliament should 
be held to settle the other affairs of the kingdom ; and that, 
during the absence of their sovereigns, the government should 
be administered by a council, to be chosen partly by Francis 
and Mary, and partly by the estates of the nation. The treaty 
was signed on the 7th of July. On the 16th, the French army 
embarked at Leith, and the English troops began their march 
into their own country; and on the 19th, the Congregation as- 
sembled in St Giles's Church, to return solemn thanks to G-od 
for the restoration of peace, and the success which had crown- 
ed their exertions.* In this manner terminated the civil war 
which attended the Scottish Reformation, after it had continued 
for twelve months, with less rancour and bloodshed than have 
distingu'shed any other contest of a similar kind. 

During the continuance of the war, the Protestant preachers 
had been assiduous in disseminating knowledge through all 
parts of the kingdom, and their success was equal to their dili- 
gence. They had received a considerable accession t > their 
number from the ranks of their opponents. While we vene- 
rate those men who enlisted under the banners of truth when 
her friends were few, and who boldly took the field in her de- 
fence when the victory was yet dubious and distant, and while 
we Cheerfully award to them the highest meed of honour, — let 
us not load with heavy censure, or even deprive of all praise, 
such as, less enlightened, or less courageous, were tardy in ap- 
pearing for the cause. He who " knew what is in man," has 
taught us not to reject such disciples, in the dawn of light, and 
in perilous times. Nicodemus, who at first " came to Jesus by 
night," and Joseph of Arimathea; who was his disciple, " but 
secretly, for fear of the Jews," afterwards avouched their faith 
in him, and obtained the honour of embalming and interring 
his body, when all his early followers had forsaken him and 
fled. Several of the Scottish clergy, who were favourable to 
the Protestant doctrine, had contrived to retain their places in 

France and England, and of the motives which influenced both courts 
in their conduct towards Scotland, may consult the letters published by For- 
bes and Haynes, particularly those written from November 1559 to 
July 1560. 

* Buchanani Oper. i. 313. Knox, 229 — 231. Spotswood, pp. 147 — 9. 
Keith, pp. 130—145. 



200 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 



the Church, by concealing their sentiments, or by securing the 
favour of some powerful patron. Of this class were John Win- 
rain, subprior of the abbey of St Andrews, Adam Herriot, 
a friar of that abbey, John Spottiswood, parson of Calder, and 
John Carswell, rector of Kilmartine. In the gradual diffusion 
of knowledge through the nation, the minds of many who were 
attending the schools had been also enlightened ; among whom 
were David Lindsay, Andrew Hay, Robert Montgomery, 
Patrick Adamson, and Robert and Archibald Hamilton. Dur- 
ing the year 1559, these men came forward as auxiliaries to 
the first Protestant preachers ; and so successful were they in 
instructing the people, that the French would have found it ex- 
tremely difficult to support the ancient superstition, though they 
had proved victorious in the military contest. 

On the other hand, the exertions of the Popish clergy had 
been feeble in the extreme. Too corrupt to' think of reforming 
their manners, too illiterate to be capable of defending their 
errors, they placed their forlorn hope on the success of the 
French arms, and looked forward to the issue of the war as in- 
volving the establishment or the ruin of their religion. The 
Bishop of Amiens, who came to Scotland in the double capac- 
ity of ambassador from the French court and papal legate, was 
; ccompanied by three doctors of the Sorbonne, who gave out 
that they would confound the reformed ministers, and bring 
back the people whom they had misled, to the bosom of the 
Church, by the force of argument and persuasion. Lesley 
boasts of the success which attended their exertions: but there 
is good reason for thinking, that these foreign divines confined 
themselves to the easier task of instructing the Scottish clergy 
to perform the religious service with greater solemnity, and to 
purify the churches, in a canonical manner, from the pollution 
which they had contracted by the profane Avorship of heretics. * 
One effort, however, was made by the Popish clergy to support 
their sinking cause, which, if it had succeeded, would have 
done more to retrieve their reputation than all the arguments of 
the Sorbonnists; and, as this was the last attempt of the kind 
that ever was made in Scotland, the reader may be gratified 
with the following account of it : — 

In the neighbourhood of Musselburgh was a chapel dedica- 
ted to our Lady of Loretto, the sanctity of which was increased 
from its having been the favourite abode of the celebrated 
Thomas the Hermit. To this sacred place the inhabitants of 
Scotland, from time immemorial, had repaired in pilgrimage, to 
present their offerings to the Virgin, and to experience the 

* I esley, pp. 516—7. Spotswood, 133—4. Keith, 102. Sadler says, that 
the Bishop of Amiens came to " curse, and also to dispute with the 
Ptt testants, and to reconcile them, if it wolbe." State Papers, i. 470. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 201 

efficacy of her prayers, and the healing virtue of the wonder-- 
working " Hermit of Lareit." * In the course of the year 1559 
public notice was given by the friars, that they intended to put 
the truth of their religion to the proof, by performing a miracle 
at this chapel upon a young man who had been bora blind. 
On the day appointed, a vast concourse of spectators assembled 
from all parts of Lothian. The young man, accompanied with 
a solemn procession of monks, was conducted to a scaffold 
erected on the outside of the chapel, and was exhibited to the 
multitude. Many of them knew him to be the blind man 
whom they had often seen begging, and whose necessities they 
had relieved ; all looked on him, and pronounced him stone 
blind. The friars then proceeded to their devotions with great 
fervency, invoking the assistance of the Virgin, at whose shrine 
they stood, and that of all the saints whom they honoured ; and 
after some time spent in prayers and religious ceremonies, the 
blind man opened his eyes, to the astonishment of the specta- 
tors. Having returned thanks to the friars and their saintly 
patrons for this wonderful cure, he was allowed to go down 
from the scaffold to gratify the curiosity <af the people, and to 
receive their alms. 

It happened that there was among the crowd a gentleman 
of Fife, Robert Colville of Cleish,t who, from his romantic bra- 
very, was usually called Squire Meld rum, in allusion to a per- 
son of that name who had been celebrated by Sir David Lind- 
say. He was of Protestant principles, but his wife was a Ro- 
man Catholic, and, being pregnant at this 'ime, had sent a ser- 
vant with a present to the chapel of Loretto, to procure the 
assistance of the Virgin in her labour. The squire was too 
gallant to hurt his lady's feelings by prohibiting the present 
from being sent off, but he resolved to prevent the superstitious 
offering, and with that view had come to Musselburgh. He 
witnessed the miracle of curing the blind man with the distrust 
natural to a Protestant, and determined, if possible, to detect the 
imposition before he left the place. Wherefore, having sought 
out the young man from the crowd, 'he put a piece of money 
into his hand, and persuaded him to accompany him to his 
lodgings in Edinburgh. Taking him into a private room, and 
locking the door, he told him plainly that he was convinced he 
had engaged in a wicked conspiracy with the friars to impose on 
the credulity of the people, and at last drew from him the secret 



* The Earl of Glencairn's satirical poem against the friars is written in 
the form of an epistle from this hermit. Knox, Historie, p. 25. 

f He was the ancestor of Lord Colville' of Ochiltree (Douglas's Peerage 
p. 147), and was killed at the siege of Leith, on the 7th of Mpv 15&0 
Knox. Historie, p. S T. 

A3 



202 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

of the story. When a boy, he had been employed to .end fhe 
cattle belonging to the nuns of Sciennes, in the vicinity of Edin- 
burgh, and had attracted their attention by a peculiar faculty 
which he had of turning up the white of his eyes, and of keep 
ing them in this position, so as to appear quite blind. Certain 
friars in the city, having come to the knowledge of this fact, con- 
ceived the design of making it subservient to their purposes ; 
and having prevailed on the sisters of Sciennes to part with the 
poor boy, lodged him in one of their cells. By daily practice he 
became an adept in the art of counterfeiting blindness; anu 
after he had remained so long in concealment as not to be re- 
cognised by his former acquaintance, he was sent forth to beg 
as a blind pauper ; the friars having previously bound him, by 
a solemn vow, not to reveal the secret. To confirm his narra- 
tive, he " played his pavie" before the squire, by " flypping up 
the lid of his eyes, and casting up the white," so as to appear 
as blind as he did on the scaffold at Loretto. The gentleman 
laid before him the iniquity of his conduct, and told him that 
he must next day repeat the whole story publicly at the cross of 
Edinburgh ; and, as this would expose him to the vengeance 
of the friars, he engaged to become his protector, and to retain 
him as a servant in his house. The young man complied with 
his directions, and Cleish, with his drawn sword in his hand, 
having stood by him till he had finished his confession, placed 
him on the same horse with himself, and carried him off to 
Fife. The detection of this imposture was quickly published 
through the country, and covered the friars with confusion. 
My author does not say whether it cured Lady Cleish of her 
superstition, but I shall afterwards have occasion to notice its 
influence in opening the eyes of one who became a distinguish- 
ed promoter of the Reformation.* 

The treaty which put an end to the civil war in Scotland, 
made no particular settlement respecting the religious differ- 
ences,t but it was on that very account, the more fatal to Popery. 
The Protestants were left in the possession of authority; and 
they were now by far the most, powerful party in the nation, 

* Row's MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 356, transcribed in 1726. An ac- 
count of this pretended miracle and its detection, probably taken from the 
above MS., will be found in the Weekly Magazine for June ITT-'. 

t The English ambassadors, in a letter to Elizabeth, say: — "Two things 
have bene tow hott (too hot) for the French too meddle w'lthal ; and there- 
fore they be passed, and left as they found them. The first is the matter of 
religion, which is here as freely, and rather more earnestly (as I, the secre- 
tary, thynk,) receaved than in England : a hard thyng now to alter as it is 
planted." Haynes, p. 352. Dr. Wotton, dean of Windsor, and secretary 
Cecil, are the subscribers of this letter; but as it would have been rather too 
much for the dean to say that religion was " more earnestly received" in 
Scotland than in England, the secretary alone vouches for that fact. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 203 

ooth as to rank and numbers. With the exception ol those 
places which had been occupied by the queen regent and her 
foreign auxiliaries, the Roman Catholic worship was almost 
universally deserted throughout the kingdom, and no provision 
was made in the treaty for its restoration. The firm hold which 
it once had on the opinions and affections of the people was 
completely loosened ; it was supported by force alone ; and the 
moment that the French troops embarked, that fabric which had 
stood for ages in Scotland fell to the ground. Its feeble and 
dismayed priests ceased of their own accord from the celebra- 
tion of its rites ; and the reformed service was peaceably set 
up, wherever ministers could be found to perform it. The par- 
liament, when it entered upon the consideration of the state of 
religion, as one of the points undecided by the commissioners, 
which had been left to them,* had little else to do but to sanc- 
tion what the nation had previously done, by legally abolish- 
ing the Popish, and establishing the Protestant religion. 

When the circumstances in which they were assembled, and 
the affairs on which they were called to deliberate, are taken in- 
to consideration, this must be regarded as the most important 
meeting of the estates of the kingdom that had ever been held 
in Scotland. It engrossed the attention of the nation, and the 
eyes of Europe were fixed on its proceedings. The parliament 
met on the 10th of July, but, agreeably to the terms of the trea- 
ty, it was prorogued, without entering on business, until the first 
day of August. Although a great concourse of people resorted 
to Edinburgh on that occasion, yet no tumult or disturbance of 
the public peace occurred. Many of the lords spiritual and 
temporal, who were attached to Popery, absented themselves ; 
but the chief patrons of the old religion, as the Archbishop of 
St. Andrews, and the Bishops of Dumblane and Dunkeld, coun- 
tenanced the assembly by their presence, and were allowed to 
act with freedom as lords of parliament. There is one fact in 
its constitution and proceedings which strikingly illustrates the 
influence of the Reformation upon political liberty. In the 
reign of James I. the lesser barons had been exempted from 
personal attendance on parliament, and permitted to elect re- 
presentatives in their different shires. But a privilege which, in 
modern times, is so eagerly coveted, was then so little prized, 
that, except in a few instances no representatives from the shires 
had appeared in parliament,! and the lesser barons had almost 



* By one of the articles of the treaty, the parliament, after agreeing upon 
such things as they thought necessary for the reformation of religion, were 
to send deputies into France to represent them to their Majesties. Knox, 
Historie, p. "234. Spotsweod p 14H. 

j- Robertson's History of Scotland, p. i. Keith, pp. 147 — 8. 



204 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

forfeited their right by neglecting to exercise it. At this time, 
however, they assembled at Edinburgh, and agreed upon a pe- 
tition to the parliament, claiming to be restored to their ancient 
privilege. The petition was granted, and, in consequence of 
this, about a hundred gentlemen took their seats.* 

The business of religion was introduced by a petition pre- 
sented by a number of Protestants of different ranks, in which, 
after rehearsing their former endeavours to procure the removal 
of the corruptions which had affected the Church, they reques- 
ted parliament to use the power which Providence had now put 
into their hands for effecting this great and urgent work. They 
craved three things in general, — that the antichristian doctrine 
maintained in the Popish Church should be discarded ; that 
means should be used to restore purity of worship, and primi- 
tive discipline ; and that the ecclesiastical revenues, which had 
been engrossed by a corrupt and indolent hierarchy, should be 
applied to the support of a pious and active ministry, to the 
promotion of learning, and to the relief of the poor. They de- 
clared, that they were ready to substantiate the justice of all 
their demands, and, in particular, to prove, that those who ar- 
rogated to themselves the name of clergy were destitute of all 
right to be accounted ministers of religion; and that, from the 
tyranny which they had exercised, and their vassalage to the 
court of Rome, they could not be safely tolerated, and far less 
intrusted with power, in a reformed commonwealth, t 

In answer to the first demand, the parliament required the 
reformed ministers to lay before them a summary of doctrine 
which they could prove to be consonant with the Scriptures, 
and which they desired to have established.. The ministers 
were not unprepared for this task ; and, in the course of four 
days, they presented a Confession of Faith, as the product 
of their joint labours, and an expression of their unanimous 
judgment. It agreed with the confessions which had been 
published by other reformed churches. Professing belief in the 
common articles of Christianity respecting the divine nature, the 
trinity, the creation of the world, the origin of evil, and the per- 
son of the Saviour, which were retained by the Church of 
Rome, in opposition to the errors broached by ancient heretics, 
it condemned not only the idolatrous and superstitious tenets 
of that Church, but also its gross depravation of the doctrine of 
Scripture respecting the state of fallen man, and the method of 

* Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 525—6. Keith, 146 — 7. Robertson, i. Append. No. 
iv. In the list of members in this parliament, the names of the lesser barons, 
or gentlemen of the shires, are inserted after those of the commissioners of 
boroughs ; the roll having been made up previous to the admission of the 
former. 

t Knox Historie, pp. 237 — 8. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 205 

ids recovery. It declared, that by " original sin was the image 
of God defacit in man, and he and his posteritie of nature be- 
come enemies to God, slaifis to Sathan, and seruandis of sin;" 
that " all our saluatioun springs fra the eternall and immutabill 
decree of God, wha of meir grace electit us in Christ Jesus, his 
Sone, before the foundatione of the warld was laid ;" that it be- 
hoves us " to apprehend Christ Jesus, with his justice and satis 
factioun, wha is the end and accomplischement of the law, by 
who me we are set at this libertie, that the curse and maledic- 
tioun of God fall not upon us ;" that " as God the Father creatit 
us whan we war not, and his Sone our Lord Jesus redemit us 
whan we were enemies to him, sa alswa the Haly Gaist dois 
sanctifie and regenerat us, without all respect of ony merite pro- 
ceeding fra us, be it befoir, or be it efter our regeneration, — to 
speik this ane thing yit in mair plaine wordis, as we willinglie 
spoyle ourselfis of all honour and gloir of our awin creatioun 
and redernptioun, sa do we alswa of our regeneratioun and 
sanctificatioun, for of our selfis we ar not sufficient to think ane 
gude thocht, bot he wha hes begun the work in us is onlie he 
that continewis us in the same, to the praise and glorie of his 
undeservit grace ;" and, in fine, it declared, that although good 
works proceed " not from our fre-wil, but the Spirit of the Lord 
Jesus," and although those that boast of the merit of their own 
works, "boist themselfis of that whilk is nocht," yet " blas- 
phemie it is to say, that Christ abydis in the hartis of sic as in 
whome thair is no spirite of sanctificatioun ; and all wirkers of 
iniquitie have nouther trew faith, nouther ony portioun of the 
Spirite of the Lord Jesus, sa lang as obstinatlie they continew 
in thair wickitnes."* 

The Confession was read first before the lords of Articles, 
and afterwards before the whole parliament. The Protestant 
ministers attended in the house to defend it, if attacked, and to 
give satisfaction to the members respecting any point which 
might appear dubious. Those who had objections to it were 
formally required to state them. And the farther consideration 
of it was adjourned to a subsequent day, that none might pre- 
tend that an undue advantage had been taken of him, or that 
a matter of such importance had been concluded precipitately. 
On the 17th of August, the Parliament resumed the subject, 
and, previous to the vote, the Confession was again read, arti- 
cle by article, t The Earl of Athole, and Lords Somerville and 
Borthwick, were the only persons of the temporal estate who 

* Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 526—534. Knox, Historie, pp. 240—253. Dun- 
lop's Confessions, ii. 21 — 98. 

t In Knox's Historie, " the 17th day of July" is printed, b\ mistake 
instead of the 17th of August. Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 534. 
IS 



206 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

voted in the negative, assigning this as their reason, " We will 
beleve as our forefatheris belevit." * " The bischopis spak 
nothing." t After the vote establishing the Confession of 
Faith, the Earl Marischal rose, and declared, that the silence of 
the clergy had confirmed him in his belief of the Protestant 
doctrine ; and he protested, that if any of the ecclesiastical estate 
should afterwards oppose the doctrine which had just been re- 
ceived, they should be entitled to no credit ; seeing, after full 
knowledge of it, and ample time for deliberation, they had 
allowed it to pass without the smallest opposition or contradic- 
tion. X O 11 tne 24th of August, the parliament abolished the 
papal jurisdiction, prohibited, under certain penalties, the cele- 
bration of mass, and rescinded all the laws formerly made in 
support of the Roman Catholic Church, and against the re- 
formed faith. § 

Thus did the reformed religion advance in Scotland, from 
small beginnings, and amidst great opposition, until it attained 
a parliamentary establishment. Besides the influence of Hea- 
ven secretly accompanying the labours of the preachers and 
confessors of the truth, the serious and inquisitive reader will 
trace the wise arrangements of Providence in that concatenation 
of events which contributed to its rise, preservation, and in- 
crease, — by overruling the caprice, the ambition, the avarice, 
and the interested policy of princes and cabinets, many of whom 
had nothing less in view than to favour that cause which they 
were so instrumental in promoting. 

The breach of Henry VIII. of England with the Roman see, 
awakened the attention of the inhabitants of the northern part 
of the island to a controversy which had formerly been carried 
on at too great a distance to interest them, and led not a few to 
desire a reformation more improved than the model which that 
monarch had held out to them. The premature death of James 
V. of Scotland saved the Protestants from destruction. During 
the short period in which they received the countenance of ci- 
vil authority, at the commencement of Arran's administration, 
the seeds of the reformed doctrine were so widely spread, and 
took such deep root, as to be able to resist the violent mea- 
sures which the regent, after his recantation, employed to extir- 
pate them. Those who were driven from the country by per- 

* Knox, Historic, p. 253. 

f Keith is at a greac loss to account for, and excuse the silence of 
the Popish clergy ; (to whom he is uniformly partial ;) and he found himself 
obliged to retract one apology which he had made for them, namely, that 
they were deterred from speaking by the threatenings of their opponents. 
flistoij , pp. 149, 150, comp. 488, note (a) 

\ Knox, Historie, p, 253. 

i Act. l'arl. Scot. ii. 534 — 5. Knox, Historie, pp. 254 — 5. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 207 

sedition found an asylum in England, under the decidedly Pro 
testant government of Edward VI. After his death, the alli- 
ance of England with Spain, and of Scotland with France, the 
two great contending powers on the continent, prevented that 
concert between the two courts which might have proved fatal 
to the Protestant religion in Britain. While the cruelties of the 
English queen drove Protestant preachers into Scotland, the 
political schemes of the queen regent induced her to favour 
them, and to connive at the propagation of their opinions. At 
the critical moment when the latter had accomplished her 
favourite designs, and was preparing to crush the Reformation, 
Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, and was induced, by 
political no less than religious considerations, to support the 
Scottish reformers. The French court was no less bent on sup- 
pressing them, and, having lately concluded peace with Spain, 
was left at liberty to direct its undivided attention to the 
accomplishment of that object; but at this critical moment, 
those intestine dissensions, which continued so long to desolate 
France, broke out, and forced its ministers to accede to that 
treaty, which put an end to French influence, and the papal re- 
ligion, in Scotland. 



208 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD VII. 



FROM AUGUST 1560, WHEN KNOX WAS SETTLED AS MINISTER OF 
EDINBURGH, AT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION, TO 
DECEMBER 1563, WHEN HE WAS ACQUITTED FROM A CHARGE OF 
TREASON. 

In appointing the Protestant ministers to particular stations, 
a measure which engaged the attention of the privy council 
immediately after the conclusion of the civil war, the tempor- 
ary arrangements that had been formerly made were in general 
confirmed, and our Reformer resumed his charge as minister of 
Edinburgh.* For several months he had officiated as minister 
of St. Andrews;! but in the end of April 1560, he left that 
place, and returned to the capital, J where he preached during 
the siege of Leith, and the negotiations which issued in a 
peace. 

Although the parliament had abolished the papal jurisdiction 
and worship, and ratified the Protestant doctrine, as laid down 
in the Confession of Faith, the Reformed Church was not yet 
completely organized in Scotland. Hitherto the Book of Com- 
mon Order, used by the/English Church at Geneva, had been 
generally followed as the-rule of public worship and discipline. 
But this having been compiled for a single congregation, and 
for one that consisted chiefly of men of education, was found 
inadequate for the use of an extensive Church, composed of a 
multitude of confederate congregations. Our reformers were 
anxious to provide the means of religious instruction to the 
whole people in the kingdom ; but they were very far from ap- 
proving of the promiscuous admission of persons of all descrip- 
tions to the peculiar privileges of the Church of Christ. From 
the beginning, they were sensible of the great importance of 
ecclesiastical discipline, to the prosperity of religion, the main- 



* Knox, Historie, p. 236. 

f " Ult. Mart. 1560. Margaret Aidnam askit God and the congregatioun 
forgiveness of the adultery committed be her wt William Rantoun, publiclie 
in the paroche kirke of this town: John Knox beand at that tyme minister." 
Records of the kirk Session of St. Andrews. 

\ Records of Town-council of Edinburgh, May 8. 1560. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 209 

penance of order, and the preservation of sound doctrine and 
morals. In the petition presented to parliament in August, the 
establishment of this was specially requested.* And Knox, 
who had observed the great advantages which attended the ob- 
servance of a strict discipline at Geneva, and the manifold evils 
which resulted from the want of it in England, insisted very 
particularly on this topic, in the discourses which he delivered 
from the book of Haggai during the sitting of parliament! 
The difficulties which the reformed ministers had to surmount, 
before they could accomplish this important object, began to 
present themselves at this early stage of their progress. When 
it is considered, that Calvin was subjected to a sentence of ban- 
ishment from the senate of Geneva, and exposed to a popuku 
tumult before he could prevail on the citizens to submit to ec 
clesiastical discipline^ we need not be surprised at the opposition 
which our reformers met with in their endeavours to introduce 
it into Scotland. Knox's warm exhortations on this head weie 
at first disregarded ; he had the mortification to find his plan 
of Church polity derided as a " devout imagination," by some 
of the professors of the reformed doctrine,§ — and the parlia 
•ment dissolved without coming to any decision on this impor 
tant point. 

As the ministers, however, continued to urge the subject, and 
the reasonableness of their demands could not be denied, the 
privy council, soon after the dissolution of the parliament, gave 
a commission to Knox, and four other ministers, who had former- 
ly been employed along with him in composing the Confession, 
to draw up a plan of ecclesiastical government. || They imme- 
diately set about this task, with a diligence and care propor- 

* Knox, Historie, p. 238. t Ibid. p. 237 

| Beza, Vita Calvini. Melch. Adami Vitse Exter. Theolog. pp. 70, 88. 
Persons unfriendly to the government of the reformed churches, have re- 
presented the opposition made to Calvin and his brethren, as arising 1 from 
their attempts to have their discipline established by human laws, and sup- 
ported by civil penalties. This is an unfair representation of the case. 
" Neque enim consentaneum est," says Calvin, " ut qui monitionibus nostris 
obtemperare voluerint, eos ad magistratum deferamus." Institut. Christ. 
Relig. p. 434. Ludg. Batav. 1654. The dispute between him and his op- 
ponents turned on this question, Are ministers obliged to administer the sac- 
raments to those whom they judge unworthy 1 Or, (which amounts to the 
same thing,) Are the decisions of the church court in such matters to be 
"reviewed and reversed by the civil court? Melch. Adam, ut supra. And 
(his will be found to have been the true state of the question in Scotland, in 
ihe greater part of the dissensions between the Court and the Church, after 
the establishment of the Reformation. 

J Knox, Historie, pp. 237, 253. 

|| The names of the ministers who composed the Confession of Faith, and 
the Book of Discipline, were John Winram, John Spotswooil, Jjhn Douglas, 
John Row, and John Knox. Ibid. p. 256 
18* B2 



210 LIFE OF 70HN KNOX. 

tioned to their convictions of its importance. They '• took i o( 
their example," says Row, " from any kirk in the world, no, 
not from Geneva ; but drew their plan from the Sacred Scrip- 
tures." Having arranged the subject under different heads, 
they divided these among them ; and, after they had finished 
their several parts, they met together and examined them with 
great attention, spending much time in reading and meditation 
on the subject, and in earnest prayers for divine direction. 
When they had drawn up the whole in form, they laid it before 
the General Assembly, by whom it was approved, after they 
had caused some of its articles to be abridged.* It was also 
submitted to the privy council ; but, although many of the 
members highly approved of the plan, it was warmly opposed 
by others. This opposition did not arise from any difference 
of sentiment between them and the ministers respecting eccles- 
iastical government, but partly from aversion to the strict dis- 
cipline which it appointed to be exercised against vice, and part- 
ly from reluctance to comply with its requisition for the appro- 
priation of the revenues of the Popish Church to the support 
of the new religious and literary establishments. Though not 
formally ratified by the council, it was, however, subscribed by 
the greater part of the members ;t and as the sources of preju- 
dice against it were well known, it was submitted to by the na- 
tion; and carried into effect in most of its ecclesiastical regula- 
tions.:}: It is known in history by the name of the Book of 
Policy, or First Book of Discipline. 

Considering the activity of Knox in constructing and recom- 
mending this platform, and the importance of the subject in 
itself, it cannot be foreign to our object to take a view of the 
form and order of the Protestant Church of Scotland, as delin- 



* Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, pp. 12, 16, 17. It is probable that the 
meeting of Assembly by which the Book of Discipline was approved, was 
that which Knox calls a Convention, held on the 5th of January 1561. His- 
torie, pp. 261, 35. The first General Assembly appointed a meeting to be 
held at that time. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 3. MS. in Advocates' 
Library. But there is no account of its proceedings in that or in any other 
register which I have had access to see. In the copy of the First Book of 
Discipline, published (by Calderwood, I believe) in 1621, pp. 23, 70 : and in 
Dunlop's Confessions, vol. ii. pp. 517, 605, it is said that the order for com- 
piling it was given on the 29th of April 1560, and that it was finished by 
them on the 20th of May following. But, as the civil war was not then con- 
cluded, I have followed the account given by Knox, who says, that it was 
undertaken subsequently to the meeting of parliament in August that year. 
Historie, p. 256. 

■f In Dunlop's Collect, of Confessions, ii. 436, the approbation of it is styled 
"an act of secret council, 25th January 1560," i. e. 1561. 

% Knox, Historie, pp. 256, 257, 295, 296. Keith, 496, 497. Dunlop, ii 
606—608. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 211 

eated m the Book of Discipline, and in other authentic docu 
ments of that period. 

The ordinary and permanent office-bearers of the Church 
were of four kinds : the minister, or pastor, to whom the preach- 
ing of the gospel and administration of the sacraments belong- 
ed ; the doctor, or teacher, whose province it was to interpret 
Scripture and confute errors (including those who taught theol- 
ogy in schools and universities ;) the ruling elder who assisted 
the minister in exercising ecclesiastical discipline and govern- 
ment ; and the deacon, who had the special oversight of the 
revenues of the church and the poor. But, besides these, it 
was found necessary at this time to employ some persons in 
extraordinary and temporary charges. As there was not a suf- 
ficient number of ministers to supply the different parts of the 
country, that the people might not be left altogether destitute 
of public worship and instruction, certain pious persons, who 
had received a common education, were appointed to read the 
Scriptures and the common prayers. These were called readers. 
In large parishes, persons of this description were also employ- 
ed to relieve the ministers from a part of the public service. 
If they advanced in knowledge, they were encouraged to add 
a few plain exhortations to the reading of the Scriptures. In 
this case they were called exhorters ; but they were examined 
and admitted before entering upon this employment. 

The same cause gave rise to another temporary expedient. 
Instead of fixing all the ministers in particular charges, it was 
judged proper, after supplying the principal towns, to assign to 
the rest the superintendence of a large district, over which they 
were appointed regularly to travel, for the purpose of preaching, 
of planting churches, and inspecting the conduct of ministers, 
exhorters, and readers. These were called superintendents. 
The number originally proposed was ten ; but, owing to the 
scarcity of proper persons, or rather to the want of necessary 
funds, there were never more than five appointed.* The defi 
ciency was supplied by commissioners, or visitors, appointed 
from time to time by the G-eneral Assembly. 

None was allowed to preach, or to administer the sacraments, 
ill he was regularly called to this employment. Persons were 

* The General Assembly had, at different times, under their consideration, 
the appointment of superintendents for Jedburgh, Dumfries, Aberdeen, and 
Banff, but came to no conclusion. Those actually appointed were, John 
Erskin^ of Dun, for Angus; John Winram, for Fife; John Spots wood, for 
Lothian; John Willock, for Glasgow; and John Carswell, for Argyle. 
Keith's Hist. pp. 511, 512, 518 — 9. Carswell is not mentioned among the 
superintendents in a curious document recently printed : but it contains no 
list of the Ministers in Argyle. Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Rea- 
ders, and of their Stipends, after the period of the Reformation, pp. 1, 2 Ed- 
inburgh, 1830. 



'212 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

invested with the pastoral office in the way of being freely 
elected by the people,* examined by the ministers, and public- 
ly admitted in the presence of the congregation. On the day 
of admission, the minister who presided, after preaching a ser- 
mon suited to the occasion, put a number of questions to the 
candidate, to satisfy the Church as to his soundness in the faith, 
his willingness to undertake the charge, the purity of his 
motives, and his resolution to discharge the duties of the office 
with diligence and fidelity. Satisfactory answers having been 
given to these questions, and the people having signified their 
adherence to their former choice, the person was admitted and 
set apart by prayer, without the imposition of hands ; t and the 
service was concluded with an exhortation, the singing of a 
psalm, and the pronouncing of the blessing. Superintendents 
were admitted in the same way as other ministers. t The 
affairs of each congregation were managed by the minister, 
elders, and deacons, who constituted the kirk-session, which 
met regularly once a-week, and oftener if business required. 
There was a meeting, called the weekly exercise, or prophesy- 
ing, held in every considerable town, consisting of the ministers, 
exhorters, and learned men in the vicinity, for expounding the 
Scriptures. This was afterwards converted into the presbytery, 
or classical assembly. The superintendent met with the minis- 
ters, and delegated elders of his district twice a-year in the pro- 
vincial synod, which took cognizance of ecclesiastical affairs 
within its bounds. And the General Assembly, which was 
composed of ministers and elders commissioned from the differ- 
ent parts of the kingdom, met twice, sometimes thrice, in a year, 
and attended to the interests of the national Church. 

Public worship was conducted according to the Book of Com- 
mon Order, with a few variations adapted to the state of Scot- 
land. On Sabbath-days, the people assembled twice for public 
worship ; and to promote the instruction of the ignorant, cate- 
chising was substituted for preaching in the afternoon, hi 
towns, a sermon was regularly preached on one day of the 
week besides Sabbath ; and on almost every clay, the people had 
an opportunity of hearing public prayers and the reading of the 
Scriptures. Baptism was never dispensed unless it was 
Accompanied with preaching or catechising. The Lord's Sup- 
per was administered four times a-year in towns, and there 
were ordinarily two " ministrations," one at an early hour of 
the morning, and another later in the day. The sign of the 

* Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 524, 526, 545, 577, 638, 639. 
t Dunlop, ii. 526. Imposition of hands was afterwards appointed to be 
used by the Second Book of Discipline. Ibid. 768 — 9. 
{ Knox, Historic, pp. 263—26 >. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 213 

•cross m baptizing, and kneeling at the Lord's table, were con- 
demned and laid aside ; and anniversary holidays were wholly 
abolished. * We shall afterwards have occasion to advert to 
the discipline under which offenders were brought, 
^he compilers of the First Book of Discipline paid particular 
attention to the state of education. They required that a 
school should be erected in every parish, for the instruction of 
youth in the principles of religion, grammar, and the Latin 
tongue. They proposed that a college should be erected in every 
" notable town," in which logic and rhetoric should be taught, 
along with the learned languages. They seem to have had it 
in their eye to revive the system adopted by some of the an- 
cient republics, in which the youth were considered as the pro- 
perty of the public rather than of their parents, by obliging the 
nobility and gentry to educate their children, and by providing, 
at the public expense, for the education of the children of the 
«_poor who discovered talents for learning. Their regulations for 
the three national universities discover an enlightened regard to 
the interests of literature, and may suggest hints which deserve 
attention in the present age. t If these were not reduced 
to practice, the blame cannot be imputed to the reformed minis- 
ters, but to the nobility and gentry, whose avarice defeated the 
execution of their plans. 

To carry these important measures into effect, permanent 
funds were requisite ; and for these it was natural to look to the 
patrimony of the Church. The hierarchy had been abolished, 
and the Popish clergy excluded from all religious services, by 
the alterations which the Parliament had introduced ; and, 
whatever provision it was proper to allot for the dismissed in- 
cumbents during life, it was unreasonable that they should con- 
tinue to enjoy those emoluments which were attached to offices 
for which they had been found totally unfit. No successors 
could be appointed to them ; and there was not any individual, 
or class of men in the nation, who could justly claim a title to 
the rents of their benefices. The compilers of the Book of 
Discipline, therefore, proposed that the patrimony of the Church 
should be appropriated, in the first instance, to the support of 
the new ecclesiastical establishment. Under this head they in- 
cluded the ministry, the schools, and the poor. For the minis- 
ters they required that such " honest provision" should be 
made, as would give " neither occasion of solicitude, neither yet 
of insolencie and wantonnesse." In ordinary cases, they 
thought that forty bolls of meal, and twenty-six bolls of malt, 
w.\h ?. reasonable sum of money, to purchase other necessary 

* For an illustration of some of these facts, see Note NN. 
f First Book of Discipline, chap. vii. Dunlop, ii. 547 — 561. 



214 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



articles of provision for his family, was an adequate stipend foi 
a minister. To enable superintendents to defray the extraordi 
nary expenses of travelling in the discharge of their duty, six 
chalders of bear, nine chalders of meal, three chalders of oats, 
and six hundred merks in money, were thought necessary as an 
annual stipend. The salaries of professors were fixed from one 
to two hundred pounds; and the mode of supporting the poor 
was left undetermined, until means should be used to suppress 
"stubborne and idle beggars," and to ascertain the number of 
the really necessitous in each parish. The stipends of ministers 
were to be collected by the deacons from the tithes ; but all 
illegal exactions were to be previously abolished, and measures 
taken to relieve the labourers of the ground from the oppressive 
manner in which the tithes had been gathered by the clergy, or 
by those to whom they had farmed them. The revenues of 
bishoprics, and of cathedral and collegiate churches, with the 
rents arising from the endowments of monasteries and other re- 
ligious foundations, were to be divided, and appropriated to the 
support of the universities, or of the churches within their 
bounds. 

Nothing could be more unpalatable than doctrine of this kind 
to a considerable number of the Protestant nobility and gentry. 
They had for some time fixed a covetous eye on the rich reve- 
nues of the Popish clergy. Some of them had seized upon 
church-lands, or retained the tithes in their own hands. Others 
had taken long leases of them from the clergy for small sums 
of money, and were anxious to have these private bargains 
legalized. Hence their aversion to have the Book of Discipline 
ratified ; * hence the poverty and the complaints of the minis- 
ters, and the languishing state of the universities. The Swiss 
Reformer, by his eloquence and his firmness, enabled his coun- 
trymen to gain a conquest over their avarice, which was more 
honourable to them than any of their other victories, when he 
prevailed on them to appropriate the whole revenues of the Po- 
pish establishment to the support of the Protestant Church and 
seminaries of literature, t But it was not so easy a matter to 



* Knox mentions Lord Erskine (afterwards Earl of Mar) as one of the 
chief noblemen who refused to subscribe the Discipline, and assigns two rea- 
sons for his refusal : first, "he has a very Jesabell to his wife ;" and, second, 
" if the pure, the scullis, and the ministry of the kirk, had thair avvin, his 
kitcheing wald want twa partes and mair of that quhilk lie now unjustly 
possesses." Historie, p. 256. My Lady Mar's passion for money was well 
known at that time, and is referred to in Lord Thirlstane's " Admonitioun to 
my Lord of Mar Regent," published in Ancient Scottish Poems from Mait- 
land MS. p. 164. Lond. 1783 :— 

" Nor, to content thy marrow's covatice, 
Put not thyself in perrell for to pereis." 

f Hess, Life of Zuingle, pp. 201— -'07. Gerdes. i. 309. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 215 

manage the turbulent and powerful barons of -Scotland, as it 
was to sway the minds of the burgomasters of Zurich. When 
we consider, however, the extent of the establishments propos- 
ed by our reformers, including the support of the ministry, of 
parochial schools, of city colleges, and of national universities, 
we cannot regard the demand which they made on the funds 
devoted to the Church as extravagant or unreasonable. They 
shewed themselves disinterested by the moderate share which 
they asked for themselves ; and the least that we can say of 
their plan is, that it was worthy of a more enlightened and lib- 
eral age, in which it might have met with rulers more capable 
of appreciating it's utility, and better disposed to carry it into 
execution.* 

It is peculiarly pleasing to observe the restoration of religion 
and of letters going hand in hand, in our native country. 
Everywhere, indeed, the Reformation had the most powerful 
influence, direct and remote, on the general promotion of litera- 
ture. It aroused the human mind from the lethargy in which 
it had slumbered for ages, released it from the fetters of implicit 
faith and blind obedience to -human authority, and stimulated it 
to the exertion of its powers in the search of truth. It induced 
the learned to study with care the original languages in which 
the sacred books were written; and it .diffused knowledge 
among the illiterate, by laying open the Scriptures, and calling 
upon all to examine them for themselves. The unintelligible 
jargon which had long infested the schools began to be discard- 
ed. Controversies were now decided by appeals to Scripture 
and to common sense ; and the disputes which were eagerly 
maintained led to the improvement of the art of reasoning, and 
a more rational method of communicating knowledge. Super- 
stition and credulity being undermined, the spirit of inquiry was 
soon directed to the discovery of the true laws of nature, as 
well as the genuine doctrines of revelation. 

In the south of Europe, the revival of letters preceded the 
reformation of religion, and materially facilitated its progress. 
In the north, this order was reversed ; and Scotland, in par- 
ticular, must date the origin of her literary acquirements from 
the first introduction of the Protestant opinions. As the one 
gained ground, the other was brought forward. We have al- 
ready seen that the Greek language began to be studied almost 
as soon as the light of Reformation dawned upon this country ; 
and I have now to state, that the first school for teaching the 
Hebrew language in Scotland was opened immediately after 
the establishment of the Protestant Church. Hebrew was one 
of the branches of education appointed by the Book of Disci 

* See Note 00. 



216 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

pliue to be taught in the reformed seminaries, and Providence 
had furnished a person who was well qualified for that task 
which those who filled the chairs in our universities were 
totally unfit to undertake. 

The person to whom I refer was John Row. After finishing 
his education at St Andrews, and practising for some time as an 
advocate before the consistorial court there, he left the country 
about the year 1550, with the view of prosecuting his studies to 
greater advantage on the Continent. Within a short time he 
received the degree of Doctor of Laws from two Italian uni- 
versities. He did not. however, confine himself to one branch 
of study ; but, improving the opportunity which he enjoyed, 
made himself master of the Greek and Hebrew languages. 
His reputation as a lawyer being high, the Scottish clergy em- 
ployed him as agent to manage some of their causes before the 
court of Rome. This introduced him to the friendship of Guido 
Ascanio Sforza, Cardinal of Sancta Flora, and to the accpiaint- 
ance of two sovereign pontiffs, Julius III. and Paul IV. Had 
he remained in Italy, it is highly probable that he would soon 
have attained to honourable preferment in the Church ; but 
having lost his health, he determined, in 1558, to return to his 
native country. The reigning pope had heard, with deep con- 
cern, of the progress which the new opinions were making in 
Scotland, and, as he had great confidence in Row's talents, ap- 
pointed him his nuncio, with instructions to use his utmost ex- 
ertions to oppose them. When he came home, he endeavoured 
for some time to discharge his commission ; but despairing of 
success, and foreseeing the confusions in which the country was 
about to be involved, he resolved on returning to Italy. From 
this resolution he was diverted by the prior of St. Andrews, 
who admired his learning, and conceived good hopes of his 
conversion, from the candour which he displayed in the man- 
agement of religious controversy. His constancy was soon 
after shaken by the discovery of the imposture which the 
clergy attempted to practise at Musselburgh; * and, having held 
several conferences with Knox, he became a complete convert 
to the Protestant faith. Upon the establishment of the Refor- 
mation, he was admitted minister of Perth, and, at the recom- 
mendation of his brethren, began to give lessons in the He- 
brew language to young men who were placed under his 
tuition, t 

The interests of literature in Scotland were not a little pro- 
moted at this time by the return of Buchanan to his native 
country. That accomplished scholar, since his flight in 1538. 

See above, p. *201. 
i How's MS. Historic ut sup. pp. 308, 356, 372. See also Note PP. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 21^ 

had visited the most celebrated seminaries on the Continent, 
greatly improved his stock of learning, and given ample proof 
of those talents which, in the opinion of posterity as well as of 
his contemporaries, have placed him indisputably at the head 
of modern Latin poets. The reception which he obtained from 
his countrymen evinced that they were not incapable of esti- 
mating his merits ; and the satisfaction with which he spent the 
remainder of his life among them, after he had enjoyed the 
society of the most learned men in Europe, is a sufficient proof 
that they had already made no inconsiderable advances in the 
acquisition of polite literature.* 

We are apt to form false and exaggerated notions of the 
rudeness of our ancestors. Scotland was, indeed, at that period, 
as she is still at the present day, behind many of the southern 
countries in the cultivation of some of the fine arts, and she was 
a stranger to that refinement of manners which has oftener been 
a concealment to vice than an ornament to virtue. But that 
her inhabitants were " men unacquainted with the pleasures of 
conversation, ignorant of arts and civility, and corrupted beyond 
their usual rusticity by a dismal fanaticism, which rendered 
them incapable of all humanity or improvement," t is an asser- 
tion which argues either inexcusable ignorance or deplorable 
prejudice. Will this character apply to such men as Buchanan, 
Knox, Row, Willock, Balnaves, Erskine, Maitland, Glencairn, 
and James Stewart, not to name many others ; men who ex- 
celled in their respective ranks and professions, who had received 
a liberal education, travelled into foreign countries, conversed 
with the best company, and, in addition to their acquaintance 
with ancient learning, could speak the most polite languages of 
modern Europe ? Perhaps some of our literati, who entertain 
such a diminutive idea of the taste and learning of those times, 
might have been taken by surprise, had they been set down at 
the table.of one of our Scottish reformers, surrounded by a circle 
of his children and pupils, where the conversation was all car- 
ried on in French, and the chapter of the Bible, at family wor- 
ship, was read by the boys in French, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. 
Perhaps they might have blushed, if the book had been put into 
their hands, and they had been required to perform a part of 
the exercises. Such, hoVever, was the common practice in the 
house of John Row.i Nor was the improvement of our native 
tongue neglected at that time. David Ferguson, minister of 
Dunfermline, was celebrated for his attention to this branch of 
composition. He had not enjoyed the advantage of a univcr- 

* See Note QQ. 

f Hume, History of England, vol. v. chap. 38, p. 51. Lond. 1807. 

t B >w's MS. p. 372. 

19 C2 



218 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

sity education, but, possessing a good taste and li/ely fancy 
was very successful in refining and enriching the Scottish Ian 
guage, by his discourses and writings.* 

The first meeting of the General Assembly of the Church of 
Scotland was held at Edinburgh on the 20th of December 1 560. 
It consisted of forty members, only six of whom were ministers.! 
Knox was one of these ; and he continued to sit in most of the 
meetings of that judicatory until the time of his death. Its 
deliberations were conducted- at first with great simplicity and 
unanimity. It is a singular circumstance that there were seven 
different meetings of Assembly without a moderator or presi- 
dent. But as the number of members increased, and business 
became more complicated, a moderator was appointed to be 
chosen at every meeting ; and he was invested with authority 
to maintain order. The first person who occupied that place 
was John Willock, superintendent of Glasgow and the West. 
Regulations were also enacted concerning the constituent mem- 
bers of the court, the causes which ought to come before them, 
and the mode of procedure.! 

In the close of this year, our Reformer suffered a heavy 
domestic loss, by the death of his valuable wife, who, after 
sharing the hardships of exile along with her husband, \v;is 
removed from him just when he had obtained a comfortable 
settlement for his family.§ He was left with the charge of two 
young children, in addition to his other cares. His mother-in- 
law was still with him; but though he took pleasure in her 
religious conversation, the dejection of mind to which she was 
subject, and which all his efforts could never completely cure, 
rather increased than lightened his burden. || His acute feel- 
ings were severely wounded by this stroke ; but he endeavoured 
to moderate his grief by the consolations which he administered 
to others, and by application to public duty. He had the satis- 
faction of receiving, on this occasion, a letter from his much 
respected friend Calvin, in which expressions of great, esteem 
for his deceased partner were mingled with condolence for his 
loss.1" 

* See Note RR. 

t Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 2. MS. Adv. Lib. Keith, 498. 

\ See Note SS. $ Knox's Historic, p. 260. 

|| Preface to a Letter, added to An Answer to a Letter of a Jesuit, named 
Tyrie, be Johne Knox. — Sanctandrois — Anno Do. 1572. 

IT Calvini Epistola>, p. 150. Oper. torn. ix. " Viduitas tua mini, ut debet, 
tristis et acerba est. tlxorem nactus eras cui non reperiuntur passim 
similes," &c. In a letter to Christopher Goodman, written at the same time, 
Calvin says, " Fratrem nostrum Knoxum, etsi non parum doleo suavissima 
uxore fuissc privatum, ffuadeo tamen ejus morte non ita fuisse afflictum. nuin 
strenue operant suara Christo et eccles'ke impendat" Ibid. Calvin had lost 
nis own wife in 1549. Epistolce et Responaa, p 212—3, 225, Hancv. 1597. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 219 

I may take this opportunity' of mentioning, that Knox, with 
the consent of his brethren, consulted the Genevan reformer 
upon several difficult questions which occurred respecting the 
settlement of the Scottish Reformation, and that a number of 
letters passed between them on this subject.* 

Anxieties on a public account were felt by Knox along with 
domestic distress. The Reformation had hitherto advanced 
with a success equal to his most sanguine expectations ; and, 
at this time, no opposition was publicly made to the new estab- 
lishment. But matters were still in a very critical state. There 
were a party in the nation, by no means inconsiderable in num- 
bers and power, who remained addicted to Popery ; and, though 
they had given way to the torrent, they anxiously waited for 
an opportunity to embroil the country in another civil war, for 
the restoration of the ancient religion. Queen Mary, and her 
husband, the King of France, had refused to ratify the late 
treaty and dismissed the deputy sent by the parliament, with 
marks of the highest displeasure at the innovations which they 
had presumed to introduce. A new army was preparing in 
France for the invasion of Scotland against the spring ; emis- 
saries, were sent, in the mean time, to encourage and unite the 
Roman Catholics ; and it was doubtful if the Queen of England 
would subject herself to new expense and odium, by protecting 
them from a second attack.t 

The danger was not unperceived by our Reformer, who 
laboured to impress the minds of his countrymen with its mag- 
nitude, and to excite them speedily to complete the settlement 
of religion throughout the kingdom, which, he was persuaded, 
would prove the principal bulwark against the assaults of their 
adversaries. His admonitions were now listened to with atten- 
tion by many who had formerly treated them with indifference. + 
The threatened storm, however, blew over, in consequence of 
the death of the French king ; but this necessarily led to a mea- 
sure which involved the Scottish Protestants in a new struggle, 
and exposed the Reformed Church to dangers less obvious and 
striking, but, on that account, not less to be dreaded, than open 
violence and hostility. This was an invitation given by tne 
Protestant nobility to their young queen, who, on the 19th of 
August, 1561, arrived in Scotland, and assumed the reins of 
government into her own hands. 

The education which Mary had received in France, what- 
ever embellishments it added to her beauty, was the very worst 
which can be conceived for fitting her to rule her native country 

* See Note TT. 

f Knox, 257, 258. Buchanan, i. 328, 327. Spotswood, 150, 151. Keith 
154, 157. ' J Knox, 260, 



220 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

in the presen juncture. Of a temper naturally violent, the de 
votion which she had been accustomed to see paid to her per- 
sonal charms, rendered her extremely impatient of contradic- 
tion.* Habituated to the splendour and gallantry of the most 
luxurious and dissolute court in Europe, she could not submit 
to those restraints which the severer manners of her subjects 
imposed ; and while they took offence at the freedom of her 
behaviour, she could not conceal the antipathy and disgust 
which she felt at theirs.t Full of high notions of royal pre- 
rogative, she regarded the late proceedings in Scotland as a 
course of rebellion against her legitimate authority. Nursed 
from her infancy in a blind attachment to the Roman Catholic 
faith, every means had been employed, before she left France, 
to strengthen this prejudice, and to inspire her with aversion 
to the religion which had been embraced by her people. She 
was taught that it would be the great glory of her reign to 
reduce her kingdom to the obedience of the Roman see, and to 
co-operate with the Popish princes on the Continent in extir- 
hating heresy. If she forsook the religion in which she had 
been educated, she would forfeit their powerful friendship ; if 
she persevered in it, she might depend upon their assistance to 
enable her to chastise her rebellious subjects, and to prosecute 
her claims to the English crown against a heretical usurper. 

With these fixed prepossessions, Mary came into Scotland ; 
and she adhered to them with singular pertinacity to the end 
of her life. To examine the subjects of controversy between 
the Papists and Protestants, with the view of ascertaining on 
which side the truth lay — to hear the reformed preachers, or 
permit them to lay before her the grounds of their faith, even 
in the presence of the clergy whom she had brought along with 
her — to do any thing, in short, which might lead to a doubt in 
her mind respecting the religion in which she had been brought 
up — were compliances against which she had formed an unal- 
terable determination. As the Protestants were in possession 
of power, it was necessary for her to temporize ; but she resolved 
to withhold her ratification of the late proceedings, and to em- 
brace the first favourable opportunity to overturn them, and 
re-establish the ancient system.^ 

* Mr. Hume's letter, printed in the Life of Dr. Robertson ; History of 
Scotland, vol. i. 25. Lond. 1809. Anderson's Collections, vol. iv. part i. 
pp. 71, 72, 74, 79. 

t " How sone that ever her French fillokes, fidlars, and utheris of that 
band, gat the hous alone, thair maycht be sene skipping not veray comelie 
for honest women. Her comune talk was in secrete, that sche saw nothing 
in Scotland but gravity, quhilk repugned altogidder to her nature, for sche 
was brocht up in joyeusetie." Knox, Historie, p. 294. 

t See Note UU. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 221 

The. reception which she met with on landing in Scotland . 
was flattering ; but an occurrence that took place soon after, 
damped the joy which had been expressed, and prognosticated 
future jealousies and confusion. The deputies sent to France 
with the invitation from the nobles, could not promise her more 
than the private exercise of her religion; but her uncles, by 
whom she was accompanied, wishing to take advantage of the 
spirit of loyalty which had been displayed since their arrival, 
insisted that she should cause the Roman Catholic rites to be 
performed with all publicity. Influenced by their opinion, and 
willing to give her subjects an early proof of her firm determi- 
nation to adhere to the ancient faith, Mary directed prepara- 
tions to be made for the celebration of a solemn mass in the 
chapel of Holyroodhouse, on the first Sabbath after her arrival. 
This service had not been performed in Scotland since the con- 
clusion of the civil war, and was prohibited by an act of the 
late parliament. So great was the horror with which the Pro- 
testants viewed its restoration, and the alarm which they felt 
at finding it countenanced by their queen, that the first rumour 
of the design excited expressions of strong discontent, which 
would have burst into an open tumult, had not some of the 
leading men among the Protestants interfered, and exerted theii 
authority in repressing the zeal of the multitude. From regard 
to public tranquillity, and reluctance to offend the queen at her 
first return to her native kingdom, Knox used his influence in 
private conversation to allay the fervour of the more zealous 
reformers, who were ready to prevent the service by force. 
But he was not less alarmed at the precedent than his brethren 
were ; and, having exposed the evils of idolatry on the follow- 
ing Sabbath, he concluded his sermon by saying, that " one 
mass was more fearfull unto him, than if ten thousand armed 
enemies were landed in ony parte of the realme, of purpose to 
suppress the whole religioun." * 

At this day, we are apt to be struck with surprise at the con- 
duct of our ancestors, to treat their fears as visionary, or at least 
as highly exaggerated, and summarily to pronounce them 
guilty of the same intolerance of which they complained in their 
adversaries. Persecution for conscience' sake is so odious, and 
the least approach to it is so dangerous, that we deem it impos- 
sible to express too great detestation of any measure which 
tends to countenance or seems to encourage it. But let us be 
just as well as liberal. A little reflection upon the circum- 
stances in which our reforming fathers were p aced may serve 
to abate our astonishment, and to qualify our censures. They 
were actuated by a strong abhorrence of Popish idolatry, a 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 284—287. 
19 * 



2ii2 L.IFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

feeling which is fully justified by the spirit and precepts of 
Christianity ; and the prospect of the land being again defiled 
by the revival of its impure rites produced on their minds a 
sensation, with which, from our ignorance and lukewani-iiess, 
as much as our ideas of religious liberty, we are incapable of 
sympathizing. But they were also influenced by a proper 
regard to their own preservation ; and the fears which they 
entertained were not fanciful, nor the precautions which they 
adopted unnecessary. 

The warmest friends of toleration and liberty of conscience 
(some of whom will not readily be charged with Protestant 
prejudices) have granted, that persecution of the most san- 
guinary kind was inseparable from the system and spirit of 
Popery which was at that time dominant in Europe ; and they 
2annot deny the inference, that the profession and propagation 
of it were, on this account, justly subjected to penal restraints, 
as far, at least, as was requisite to prevent it from obtaining the 
ascendency, and from reacting the bloody scenes which it had 
already exhibited.* The Protestants of Scotland had these 
scenes before their eyes, and fresh in their recollection ; and 
infatuated and criminal indeed would they have been, if, listen- 
ing to the siren song of toleration, by which their adversaries, 
with no less impudence than artifice, now attempted to lull them 
asleep, they had suffered themselves to be thrown off their 
guard, and neglected to provide against the most distant ap- 
proaches of the danger by which they were threatened. Could 
Jiey be ignorant of the perfidious, barbarous, and unrelenting 
cruelty with which Protestants were treated in every Roman 
Catholic kingdom ? In France, where so many of their breth- 
ren had been put to death, under the influence of the house of 
Guise ; in the Netherlands, where such multitudes had been 
tortured, beheaded, hanged, drowned, or buried alive ; in Eng- 
land, where the flames of persecution were but lately extin- 
guished ; and in Spain and Italy, where they still continued to 
blaze ? Could they have forgotten what had taken place in 
their own country, or the perils from which they had themselves 
so recently and so narrowly escaped ? " God forbid !" exclaim- 
ed the lords of the privy council, in the presence of Queen 
Mary, at a time when they were not disposed to offend her, — 
" God forbid ! that the lives of the faithful stood in the power of 
the Papists; for just experience has taught us what cruelty is 
in their hearts." t 

Nor was this an event so incredible, or so unlikely to happen, 
as many seem to imagine. The rage for conquest, on the Con- 
tinent, was now converted into a rage for proselytism ; ap.d 

* See Note XX. ( Knox, Historie, p. 341. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 223 

steps had ilready been taken towards forming that league 
among the Popish princes, which had for its object the univer 
sal extermination of Protestants. The Scottish queen was pas- 
sionately addicted to the intoxicating cup of which so many of 
" the kings of the earth had drunk." There were numbers in 
the nation who were similarly disposed. The liberty taken by 
the queen would soon be demanded for all who declared them- 
selves Catholics. Many of those who had hitherto ranged un- 
der the Protestant standard were lukewarm in the cause ; the 
zeal of others had already suffered a sensible abatement since 
the arrival of their sovereign:* and it was to be feared, that the 
favours of the court, and the blandishments of an artful and ac- 
complished princess, would make proselytes of some, and lull 
others into security, while designs were carried on pregnant 
with ruin to the religion and liberties of the nation. In one 
word, the public toleration of the Popish worship was only a 
step to its re-establishment, and this would be the signal for 
kindling afresh the fires of persecution. It was in this manner 
that some of the wisest men in the kingdom reasoned at that 
time ;t and, had it not been for the uncommon spirit which then 
existed among the reformers, there is every reason to think that 
their predictions would have been realized. 

To those who accuse the Scottish Protestants of displaying 
the same spirit of intolerance by which the Roman Catholics 
were distinguished, I would recommend the following statement 
of a French author, who had formed a more just notion of these 
transactions than many of our own writers: — "Mary," says 
he, " was brought up in France, accustomed to see Protestants 
burnt to death, and instructed in the maxims of her uncles, the 
Guises, who maintained that it was necessary to exterminate, 
without mercy, the pretended reformed. With these disposi- 
tions, she arrived in Scotland, which was wholly reformed, with 
the exception of a few lords. The kingdom received her, ac- 
knowledged her as their queen, and obeyed her in all things 
according to the laws of the country. I maintain, that, in the 
state of men's spirits at that time, if a Huguenot queen had 
come to take possession of a Roman Catholic kingdom, with 
the slender retinue with which Mary went to Scotland, the first 
thing they would have done would have been to arrest her ; 
and if she had persevered in her religion, they would have pro- 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 282, 283, 285, 287. 

f Several of the above considerations, along with others, are forcibly sta- 
ted in a letter of Maitland to Cecil, written a short time before Queen Mary's 
arrival in Scotland. Keith, App. 92 — 95. That sagacious, but supple po- 
litician, was among the first to verify some of his own predictions. That 
such fears were very general in the nation appears also from a letter of Ran- 
dolph Robertson, Append. No. 5. 



224 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

cured her degradation by the pope, thrown her into the Inquisi- 
tion, and burnt her as a heretic. There is not an hoaest man 
who can deny this." * 

After all, it is surely unnecessary to apologize for the restric- 
tions which our ancestors were desirous of imposing on Queen 
Mary, to those who approve of the present constitution of Bri- 
tain, according to which every Papist is excluded from succee- 
ding to the throne, and the reigning monarch, by setting up mass 
in his chapel, would virtually forfeit his crown. Is Popery- 
more dangerous now than it was two hundred and fifty years 
ago? 

Besides his fears for the common cause, Knox had, at this 
time, grounds of apprehension as to his personal safety. The 
queen was peculiarly incensed against him on account of the 
active part which he had taken in the late revolution; the Po- 
pish clergy who left the kingdom had represented him as the 
ringleader of her factious subjects ; and she had publicly declar- 
ed, before she left France, that she was determined he should be 
punished. His book against female government was most pro- 
bably the ostensible charge on which he was to be prosecuted ; 
and, accordingly, we find him making application, through the 
English resident at Edinburgh, to secure the favour of Elizabeth ; 
reasonably suspecting that she might be induced to abet the pro- 
ceedings against him on this ground.! But whatever perils he 
apprehended, from the personal presence of the queen, either to 
the public or to himself, he used not the smallest influence to 
prevent her being invited home. On the contrary, he concurred 
with his brethren in this measure, and also in using means to de- 
feat a scheme which the Duke of Chastelherault, under the di- 

* Histoiredu Calvinisme et celle du Papisme mises en Parellele ; ou Apol- 
ogie pour les Reformateurs, pour la Reformation, et pour les Reformez, tome 
i. 334. A Rotterdam, 168 *, 4to. The affirmation of this writer is complete- 
ly supported by the well known history of Henry IV. of France (not to men- 
tion other instances), whose recantation of Calvinism, although it smoothed 
his way to the throne, could not efface the indelible stigma of his former 
heresy, secure the affections of his Roman Catholic subjects, or avert from 
his breast the consecrated poniard of the assassin. 

f Randolph to Cecil, 9th Aug. 1551, apud Robertson's Scotland, Appendix, 
No. 5, .and Keith, p. 19 >. A letter of Maitland to Cecil, of the same dati 3 
with the above, seems to refer to the same design; and I shall take the op- 
portunity of correcting (what appears to me) an error in the transcription of 
this letter. "I wish to God," says Maitland, "the iirst warre may he 
planely intended against them by Knox, for so shold it be manifest that the 
suppressing of religion was ment; but I fear more she will proceed tharunto 
by indirect means. And nothing for us so dan^erouse as temporising." 
Haynes, p. 387. This seems altogether unintelligble ; but if the words 
which I have printed in Italics be transposed, and read thus. " by them against 
Knox, "they will make sense, and correspond with the strain of the letter, 
and with the fact mentioned by Randolph, in his letter to Cecil written on 
the same day. Maitland expresses his fears that Mary would have recourse 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 225 

rection of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, had .brined to ex 
elude her from the government.* But when the Prior of St. An- 
drews was sent to France with the invitation, he urged that her 
desisting from the celebration of mass should be one of the 
conditions of her return ; and when he found him and the rest 
of the council disposed to grant her this liberty within her own 
chapel, he predicted that "her liberty would be their thral- 
dom.'"' t 

In the beginning of September,^ only a few days after her 
arrival in Scotland, the queen sent for Knox to the palace, and 
held a long conversation with him, in the presence of her bro- 
ther, the Prior of St. Andrews. Whether she did this of her 
own accord, or at the suggestion of some of her counsellors, is 
uncertain ; but she seems to have expected to awe him into sub- 
mission by her authority, if not to confound him by her argu- 
ments. The bold freedom with which he replied to all her 
charges, and vindicated his own conduct, convinced her that the 
one expectation was not. more vain than the other ; and the im- 
pression which she wished to make on him was left on her own 
mind. 

She accused him of raising her subjects against her mother 
and herself; of writing a book against her just authority, which, 
she said, she would cause the most learned in Europe to refute ; 
of being the cause of sedition and bloodshed, when he was in 
England ; and of accomplishing his purposes by magical arts. 

To these heavy charges Knox replied, that, if to teach the 
truth of God in sincerity, to rebuke idolatry, and exhort a peo- 
ple to worship God according to his word, were to excite sub- 
jects to rise against their princes, then he stood convicted of that 
crime ; for it had pleased God to employ him, among many 
others, to disclose unto that realm the vanity of the papistical 
religion, with the deceit, pride, and tyranny of the Roman anti- 
christ. But if the true knowledge of God and his right wor- 
ship were the most powerful inducements to subjects cordially 
to obey their princes (as they certainly were,) then was he inno- 
cent. Her grace, he was persuaded, had at present as unfeign- 
ed obedience from the Protestants of Scotland, as ever her father, 
or any of her ancestors, had from those called bishops. With 
respect to what had been reported to her majesty concerning 
the fruits of his preaching in England, he was glad that his ene- 
mies laid nothing to his charge but what the world knew to be 
false. If they could prove, that, in any of the places where he 

to crafty measures for undermining their cause, instead of persevering in 
the design which she had avowed of prosecuting Knox. 

* Knox, Historie, p. 269. t Ibid. p. 262 

\ Keith. 188. 

D2 



226 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

nad resided, there was either sedition or mutiny, he would confess 
himself to be a malefactor. But so far from this being the case, 
he was not ashamed to say, that in Berwick, where bloodshed 
had formerly been common among the military, God so blessed 
his weak labo .rs, that there was as great quietness, during the 
time he resided in that town, as there was at present in Edin- 
burgh. The slander of practising magic (an art which he had 
always condemned), he could more easily bear, when he recol- 
lected that his master, Jesus Christ, had been defamed as one in 
league with Beelzebub. As to the book which seemed to have 
offended her majesty so highly, he owned that he wrote it, and 
he was willing that all the learned should judge of it. He un- 
derstood that an Englishman had written against it, but he had 
not read his work. If that author had sufficiently confuted his 
arguments, and established the contrary opinion, he would con- 
fess his error ; but to that hour he continued to think himself 
able to maintain the propositions affirmed in that book against 
any ten in Europe. 

" You think, then, I have no just authority?" said the queen. 
" Please your majesty," replied he, " learned men in all ages 
have had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing 
from the common judgment of the world; such also have they 
published both with pen and tongue ; notwithstanding, they 
themselves have lived in the common society with others, and 
have borne patiently with the errors and imperfections which 
they could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his book 
on the commonwealth, in which he condemned many things 
that then were maintained in the world, and required many 
things to have been reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he 
lived under such policies as then were universally received, with- 
out farther troubling of any state. Even so, madam, am I con- 
tent to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a testimony of a 
good conscience." He added, that his sentiments on that sub- 
ject should be confined to his own breast ; and that, if she re- 
frained from persecution, her authority would not be hurt, either 
by him or his book, " which was written most especially against 
that wicked Jesabelof England." 

"But ye speak of women in general," said the queen. 
" Most true it is, madam : yet it appeareth to me, that wisdom 
should persuade your grace never to raise trouble for that which 
to this day has not troubled your majesty, neither in person nor 
in authority : for of late years many things which before were 
held stable have been called in doubt ; yea, they have been 
plainly impugned. But yet, madam, I am assured that neither 
Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove that any such ques- 
tion was at any time moved either in public or in secret. Now, 
madam, if I had ii ended to have troubled your estate, because 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 227 

ye are a woman, I would have chosen a time more convenient 
for that purpose than I can do now, when your presence is with- 
in the realm." 

Changing the subject, she charged him with having taught 
the people to receive a religion different from that which was 
allowed by their princes ; and she asked if this was not contra- 
ry to the divine command, that subjects should obey their rulers. 
He replied, that true religion derived its origin and authority 
not from princes but from God ; that princes were often most 
ignorant on this point ; and that subjects were not bound to 
frame their religious sentiments and practice according to the 
arbitrary will of their rulers, else the Hebrews ought to have 
conformed to the religion of Pharaoh, Daniel and his associates 
to that of Nebuchadnezzar and Darius, and the primitive 
Christians to that of the Roman emperors. " Yea," replied the 
queen, qualifying her assertion ; " but none of these men raised 
the sword against their princes." " Yet you cannot deny," said 
he, " that they resisted ; for those who obey not the command- 
ment given them do in some sort resist." — "But they resisted 
not with the sword," rejoined the queen, pressing home the ar- 
gument. " God, madam, had not given unto them the power 
and the means." — " Think you," said the queen, " that subjects, 
having the power, may resist their princes ?" — " If princes ex- 
ceed their bounds, madam, no doubt they may be resisted, even 
by power. For no greater honour, or greater obedience is to be 
given to kings and princes, than God has commanded to be given 
to father and mother. But the father may be struck with a fren- 
zy, in which he would slay his children. Now, madam, if the 
children arise, join together, apprehend the father, take the sword 
from him, bind his hands, and keep him in prison, till the frenzy 
be over, think you, madam, that the children do any wrong ? 
Even so, madam, is it with princes that would murder the 
children of God that are subject unto them. Their blind zeal 
is nothing but a mad frenzy ; therefore, to take the sword from 
them, to bind their hands, and to cast them into prison, till they 
be brought to a more sober mind, is no disobedience against 
princes, but just obedience, because it agreeth with the will of 
God." 

Mary, who had hitherto maintained her courage in reasoning, 
was completely overpowered by this bold answer; her counte- 
nance changed, and she remained in a silent stupoi\ Her bro- 
ther spoke to her, and inquired the cause of her uneasiness ; 
but she made no reply. Recovering herself, at length, she saM, 
" Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall obey you and 
not me, and will do what they please and not what I command • 
and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me." — " God 
forbid !" replied the Reformer, " that ever I take upon me tc 



k 22R LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

command any to obey me, or to set subjects at lit erty to dc 
whatever pleases them. But my travail is, that both prince? 
and subjects may obey God. And think not, madam, that 
wrong is done you when you are required to be subject untc 
God ; for it is he who subjects people under princes, and causes 
obedience to be given unto them. He craves of kings that they 
be as foster-fathers to his Church, and commands queens to be 
nurses to his people. And this subjection, madam, unto God 
and his Church, is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon 
the face of the earth ; for it shall raise them to everlasting 
glory." 

" But you are not the Church that I will nourish," said the 
queen ; " I will defend the Church of Rome ; for it is, I think, 
the true Church of God." — " Your tvill, madam, is no reason, 
neither doth your thought make the Roman harlot to be the 
true and immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, 
madam, that I call Rome an harlot, for that Church is altogether 
polluted with all kinds of spiritual fornication, both in doctrine 
and manners." He added, that he was ready to prove that the 
Roman Church had declined farther from the purity of religion 
taught by the apostles, than the Jewish Church had degenerated 
from the ordinances which God gave them by Moses and Aaron, 
at the time when they denied and crucified the Son of God. 
" My conscience is not so," said the queen. — " Conscience, ma- 
dam, requires knowledge, and I fear that right knowledge you 
have none." — " But I have both heard and read." — " So, 
madam, did the Jews, who crucified Christ Jesus, read the law 
and the prophets, and heard the same interpreted after their 
manner. Have you heard any teach but such as the pope and 
cardinals have allowed ? and you may be assured, that such 
will speak nothing to offend their own estate." 

" You interpret the Scriptures in one way," said the queen 
evasively, " and they in another ; whom shall I believe, and 
who shall be judge ?" — " You shall believe God, who plainly 
speaketh in his word," replied the Reformer ; " and farther than 
the word teacheth you, you shall believe neither the one nor 
the other. The word of God is plain in itself; and if there ap- 
pear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, who is never 
contrary to himself, explains the same more clearly in other 
places, so that theie can remain no doubt, but unto such as are 
obstinately ignorant." As an example, he selected one, of the 
articles in controversy between the Church of Rome and th^ 
Protestants, and was proceeding to shew, that the Popish doc- 
trine of the sacrifice of the mass was destitute of all foundation 
in Scripture, but the queen, who was determined to avoid all 
discussion of the articles of her creed, interrupted him, by say- 
ing, that she was unable to contend with him in argument, but 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 229 

if she had those present whom she had heard, they would 
answer him. « Madam," replied the Reformer, fervently, 
" would to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and he 
whom you would best believe, were present with your grace to 
sustain the argument, and that you would wait patiently to hear 
the matter reasoned to the end ! For then, I doubt not, madam, 
but you would hear the vanity of the papistical religion, and 
how little ground it hath in the word of God." — " Well," said 
she, " you may perchance get that sooner than you believe." — 
" Assuredly, if ever I get that in my life, I get it sooner than I 
believe ; for the ignorant Papist cannot patiently reason, and 
the learned and crafty Papist will never come, in your audi- 
ence, madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out. 
When you shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant myself 
to have been deceived in that point." 

The hour of dinner afforded an occasion for breaking off this 
singular conversation. At taking leave of her majesty the Re- 
former said, " I pray God, madam, that you may be as blessed 
within the commonwealth of Scotland, as ever Deborah was in 
the commonwealth of Israel."* 

I have been the more minute in the narrative of this curious 
conference, because it affords the most satisfactory refutation of 
the charge, that Knox treated Mary with- rudeness and disre- 
spect. For the same reason I shall lay before the reader a 
■circumstantial account of the subsequent interviews between 
.hem, from which we shall perceive that, though the Reformer 
Addressed her with a plainness to which crowned heads are sel- 
dom accustomed, he never lost sight of that respect which was 
due to the person of his sovereign, nor of that decorum which 
became his own character. 

The interview between the queen and the Reformer excited 
great speculation, and different conjectures were formed as to 
its probable consequences. The Catholics, whose hopes now 
depended solely on the queen, were alarmed, lest Knox's rhe- 
toric should have shaken her constancy. The Protestants 
cherished the expectation that she would be induced to attend 
the Protestant sermons, and that her religious prejudices would 
gradually abate.t Knox indulged no such flattering expecta- 
tions. He had made it his study, during the late conference, to 
discover the real character of the queen ; and when some of his 
confidential friends asked his opinion of her, he told them that 
he was very much mistaken if she was not proud, crafty, obsti- 
nately wedded to the Popish Church, and averse to all means 
zi instruction.:]: Writing to Cecil, he says, " The queen neyther 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 287—292. f Ibid. p. 292. 

t Knox, Historie, p. 29*. KeU.i, 197, 
20 



230 LIFE O l l O il N K N C i . 

is, neyther shal be of our opinion ; and, in very deed, her whoitj 
proceedings do declair that the cardinalle's lessons are so deaplic 
printed in her heart, that the substance and the qualitie are 
like to perishe together. I wold be glad to be deceaved, but 1 
fear I shal not. In communication with her, I espyed such 
craft as I have not found in such aige. Since, hath the court 
been dead to me and I to it."* 

He resolved, therefore, vigilantly to watch her proceedings. 
and to give timely warning of any danger which might result 
from them to the reformed interest; and the more that he per- 
ceived the zeal of the Protestant nobles to cool, and their jeal- 
ousy to be laid asleep by the winning arts of the queen, the 
more frequently and loudly did he sound the alarm. Vehement 
and harsn as his expressions often were — violent, seditious, and 
insufferable, as his sermons and prayers have been pronounced 
to be, — I have no hesitation in saying, that, as the public peace 
was never disturbed by them, so they were useful to the public 
safety, and a principal means of warding off for a time those 
confusions in which the country was afterwards involved, and 
which brought on the ultimate ruin of the infatuated queen. 
His uncourtly and rough manner was not, indeed, calculated to 
gain upon her mind (nor is there any reason to think that an 
opposite manner would have had this effect), and his admoni- 
tions often irritated her; but they obliged her to act with 
greater reserve and moderation ; and they operated, to an in- 
describable degree, in arousing and keeping awake the zeal and 
the fears of the nation, which, at that period, were the two 
great safeguards of the Protestant religion in Scotland. We 
may form an idea of the effect produced by his pulpit orations, 
from the account of the English ambassador, who was one of 
his constant hearers. "Where your honour," says he, in a 
letter to Cecil, " exhorteth us to stoutness, I assure you the 
voice of one man is able, in an hour, to put more life in 
us, than six hundred trumpets continually blustering in our 
ears."t 

The Reformer was not ignorant that some of his friends 



* Letter, Knox to Cecil, 7th October 1561. Haynes, State Papers,— 
p. 372. F 

t Randolph's Letter, in Keith, 188. In this letter, the ambassador states 
some circumstances as to the first interview between the queen and the Re- 
former, which are not mentioned in Knox's History. He " knocked so 
hastily upon her heart, that he made her to weep, as well you know there he 
some of that sex that will do that as well for anger as for grief; though in 
this the Lord James will disagree with me. He concluded so in the end 
with her, that he hath liberty to speak his conscience, [and] to give unto 
her such reverence as becometh the ministers of God unto the superior 
powers." 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 23L 

thought him too severe in his language, nor was he always 
disposed to vindicate the expressions which he employed. 
Still, however, he was persuaded that the times required the 
utmost plainness ; and he was afraid that snares lurked under 
the smoothness which was recommended and practised by 
courtiers. Cecil having given him an advice on this head in 
one of his letters, Knox replied, — " Men deliting to swym be- 
twix two waters have often compleaned upon my severitie. I 
do fear that that which men terme lenitie and dulceness, do 
bring upon themselves and others more fearful destruction, than 
yit hath ensewed the vehemency of any preacher within this 
realme."* 

That abatement, of zeal which he had dreaded from " the 
holy water of the court," soon began to appear among the Pro- 
testant leaders. The general assemblies of the Church were a 
great eye-sore to the queen, who was very desirous to have 
them put down. At the first General Assembly held after her 
arrival, the courtiers, through her influence, absented them- 
selves, and when challenged for this, began to dispute the pro- 
priety of such conventions without her majesty's pleasure. On 
this point there was sharp reasoning between Knox and Mait- 
land, who was now made secretary of state. " Take from us 
the liberty of assemblies, and take from us the gospel,"' said the 
Reformer. " If the liberty of the Church must depend upon 
her allowance or disallowance, we shall want not only assem- 
blies, but also the preaching of the gospel." It was proposed 
that the Book of Discipline should be ratified by the queen ; 
but this was keenly opposed by the secretary. " How many 
of those that subscribed that book will be subject to it?" said 
he scoffingly. " All the godly," it was answered. " Will the 
duke ?" said he. " If he will not," replied Lord Ochiltree, " I 
wish that his name were scraped, not only out of that book, but 
also out of our number and company ; for to what end shall 
men subsciibe, and never mean to keep word of that which 
they promise ?" Maitland said, that many subscribed it, in fide 
parentum, implicitly. Knox replied, that the scoff was as un- 
true as it was unbecoming ; for the book was publicly read, 
and its different heads discussed, for a number of days, and no 
man was required to subscribe what he did not understand. 
" Stand content," said one of the courtiers ; " that book will not 
be obtained." — " And let God require the injury which the 
commonwealth shall sustain, at the hands of those who hinder 
it," replied the Reformer.! 

* Haynes, 372. An epistolary correspondence was at this time maintain- 
ed between secretary Cecil and our Reformer. Keith, 191, 192, 194. 
Robertson, Append. No. 5. 

+ Knox, Historie, pp. 293 — 6. 



'23-2 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

He was still more indignant at their management in settling 
the provision for the ministers of the Church. Hitherto they 
had lived chiefly on the benevolence of their hearers, and many 
of them had scarcely the means of subsistence : but repeated 
complaints having obliged the privy council to take up the 
affair, they came at last to a determination, that the ecclesiasti- 
cal revenues should be divided into three parts ; that two of these 
should be given to the ejected Popish clergy ; and that the 
third part should be divided between the court and the Protes- 
tant ministry ! * The persons appointed to '• modify the sti- 
pends,"! were disposed to gratify the queen, and her demands 
were readily answered, while the sums allotted to the ministers 
were as ill paid as they were paltry and inadequate. " Weall !" 
exclaimed Knox, when he heard of this disgraceful arrange- 
ment, " if the end of this ordour, pretendit to be takin for sus- 
tentatioun of the ministers, be happie, my judgment failes me. 
I sie twa pairtis freely gevin to the devil], and the third mon be 
devyded betwix God and the devill. Who wald have thocht, 
that when Joseph reulled in Egypt, his brethren sould have 
travellit for victualles, and have returned with emptie sackes 
unto thair families? happie servands of the devill, and mis- 
erabill servants of Jesus Christ, if efter this lyf thair wer not 
liell and heavin !"i At a conference held on this subject, Mait- 
land complained of the ingratitude of the ministers, who did 
not acknowledge the queen's liberality to them. " Assuredly," 
replied Knox with a derisive smile, " such as receive any thing 
of the queen are unthankfull, if they acknowledge it not ; but 
whether the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly doubt. 
Has the queen better title to that which she usurps, be it in 

* Keith, App. 175—179. Knox, 293— ^00. 

t The privy council appointed certain persons to fix the sums which were 
to be appropriated to the court and to the ministry, and also the particular 
salaries which were to be allotted to individual ministers, according to the 
circumstances in which they were placed. The officers appointed for this 
purpose composed a board or court, under the privy council, and was called 
the court of modification. 

I "So busie," says he, "and circumspect wer the modificators (because it 
was a new office, the terme must also be new), that the ministers should not 
be over-wantoun, that an hundred merks was sufficient to an single man, 
being a commonc minister: thre hundreth merks was the hiest apoynted to 
any, except the superintendents and a few utheris." Historie, SOI. "Mr 
Knox is not at all here diminishing the sum," says Keith ; " for the original 
books of assignation to the ministers, which now ly before me, ascertain the 
truth of what he says," p. .",08. YVishart of Pittarrow, who was comptroller 
of the modification, pinched the ministers so much that it became a proverb, 
— " The gude laird of Petarro was an eruest professour of Christ, bot the 
mekill devill receave the comptroller." Sir John VVishart. of Pittarrow, 
was appointed comptroller on the 1st of March 1561. Reg. Sigi . Seer, 
ib. xxi. 5. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 233 

giving to others, or in taking to herself, than such as crucified 
Christ had to divide his garments among them ? Let the 
Papists who have the two parts, some that have their thirds 
free, and some that have gotten abbacies and feu-lands, thank 
the queen ; the poor preachers will not yet flatter for feeding 
their bellies. To your dumb dogs, formerly ten thousand was 
not enough ; but to the servants of Christ, that painfully preach 
his evangell, a thousand pound! how can that be sustained?" 
— « These words," he himself tells us, " were judged proud 
and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure to the 
speaker."* 

Knox gave vent to his feelings on this subject the more 
freely, as his complaints could not be imputed to personal mo- 
tives ; for his own stipend, though moderate, was liberal when 
compared with those of the most of his brethren. From the 
time of his last return to Scotland, until the conclusion of the 
war, he had been indebted to the liberality of individuals for 
the support of his family. After that period, he lodged in the 
house of David Forrest, a burgess of Edinburgh, from which 
he removed to the lodging which had belonged to Durie, abbot 
of Dunfermline. As soon as he began to preach statedly in 
the city, the town council assigned him an annual stipend of 
two hundred pounds, which he was entitled to receive quarter- 
ly 5 and they also paid his house-rent and his board, during the 
time that he had resided with Forrest. Subsequent to the 
settlement made by the privy council, it would seem that he 
received, at least, a part of his income from the common fund 
allotted to the ministers of the Church ; but the good town had 
still an opportunity of testifying their generosity, by supplying 
the deficiencies of the legal allowance. Indeed, the uniform 
attention of the town council to his external support and 
accommodation, was honourable to them, and deserves to be 
recorded to their commendation.t 

In the beginning of the year 1562, he went to Angus to pre- 
side in the election and admission of John Erskine of Dun, as 
superintendent of Angus and Mearns. That respectable baron 
was one of those whom the first General Assembly declared 
"apt and able to minister ;" J and having already contributed 
in different ways to the advancement of the Reformation, he 
now devoted himself to the service of the Church, in a labo- 
rious employment, at a time when she stood eminently in need 
of the assistance of all the learned and pious. Knox had for- 

* Knox Historie, pp. 201 — 2. 

t See Extracts from the Re % ords of the Town Council in Note YY. 

I Keith, p. 498. 

20* E2 



234 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

meily presided at the installation of John Spotswood as supci 
intendent of Lothian.* 

The influence of our Reformer appears from his being employ- 
ed on different occasions to act as umpire and mediator in dis- 
putes of a civil nature among the Protestants. He was frequent- 
ly requested to intercede with the town council in behalf of 
such of the inhabitants as had subjected themselves to punish- 
ment by their disorderly conduct.! Soon after his return to 
Scotland, he had composed a domestic variance between the 
Earl and Countess of Argyle.J In the year 1561, he had been 
employed as arbitrator in a difference between Archibald, Earl 
of Angus, and his brothers. § And he was now urged by the 
Earl of Both well to assist in removing a deadly feud which sub- 
sisted between him and the Earl of Arran. He was averse to 
interfere in this business, which had already baffled the author- 
ity of the privy council ;|| but at the desire of friends, he yielded, 
and, after considerable pains, had the satisfaction of bringing the 
parties to an amicable interview, at which they mutually pro- 
mised to bury their former differences. But all the fair hopes 
which he had formed from this reconciliation were speedily blas- 
ted. For, in the course of a few days, Arran came to him in 
great agitation, with the information that Bothwell had endeav- 
oured to engage him in a conspiracy, to seize upon the person 
of the queen, and to kill the Prior of St. Andrews, Maitland, 
and the rest of her counsellors. Knox does not seem to have 
given much credit to this information ; he even endeavoured to 
prevent Arran from making it public ; in this, however, he did 
not succeed, and both noblemen were imprisoned. It soon after 
became evident that Arran was lunatic, but the fears of the 
courtiers shew that they did not altogether disbelieve his accusa- 
tion, and that they suspected that Bothwell had formed a design, 
of which his future conduct proved him not incapable.f 

In the month of May, Knox had another interview with the 
queen, on the following occasion. The family of Guise were 
making the most vigorous efforts to regain that ascendency in 
the French councils, of which they had been deprived since the 
death of Francis II. ; and, as zeal for the Catholic religion was 
the cloak under which they concealed their ambitious designs. 
they began by stirring up persecution against the Protestants. 

* The form observed on that occasion, which was followed in the admission 
or ordination of all the superintendents and other ministers, is inserted at 
length in Knox's Historie, pp. 263 — 266 ; and in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 
627—636. 

f Knox, Historie, p. 270. \ Ibid. pp. 328—9. 

$ See Note ZZ. || Keith, 215 

IT Knox, Historie, 305—308, and letter to Locke, 6th May 1562, in Cald 
MS. i. 755, 756. Spotswood, 184. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 235 

The massacre of Vassy, in the beginning of March, was a pre- 
lude to this, in which the Dnke of Guise and Cardinal of Lor- 
rain attacked, with an armed force, a congregation peaceably as- 
sembled for worship, killed a number of them, and wounded 
and mutilated others, not excepting women and children.* In- 
telligence of the success which attended the measures of her 
uncles was brought to Queen Mary, who immediately after gave 
a splendid ball to her foreign servants, at which the dancing was 
prolonged to a late hour. 

Knox was advertised of the festivities in the palace, and had 
no doubt that they were occasioned by the accounts which the 
queen had received from France. He always felt a lively inter- 
est in the concerns of the French Protestants, with many of 
whom he was intimately acquainted ; and he entertained a very 
bad opinion of the princes of Lorrain. In his sermon on the 
following Sabbath, after discoursing of the dignity of magis- 
trates, and the obedience which was due to them, he proceeded to 
lament the abuse which the greater part of rulers made of their 
power, and introduced some severe strictures upon the vices to 
which they were commonly addicted, their oppression, igno- 
rance, hatred of virtue, attachment to bad company and fondness 
for foolish pleasures. Glancing at the amusements which were 
common in the palace, he said that princes were more exercised 
in dancing and music than in reading or hearing the word of 
God, and delighted more in fiddlers and flatterers than in the 
company of wise and grave men, who were capable of giving 
them wholesome counsel. As to dancing, he said, that, although 
he did not find it praised in Scripture, and profane writers had 
termed it a gesture more becoming mad than sober men, yet he 
would not utterly condemn it, provided those who practised it 
did not neglect the duties of their station, and did not dance, 
like the Philistines, from joy at the misfortunes of God's people. 
If they were guilty of such conduct, their mirth would soon be 
converted into sorrow. Information of this discourse was quick- 
ly conveyed to the queen, with many exaggerations ; and the 
preacher was next day ordered to attend at the palace. Being 
conveyed into the royal chamber, where the queen sat with her 
maids of honour and principal counsellors, he was accused of 
having spoken of her majesty irreverently, and in a manner 
calculated to bring her under the contempt and hatred of her 
subjects. 

After the queen had made a long speech on that theme, he 
was allowed to state his defence. He told her majesty, that she 
had been treated as persons usually were who refused to att^r d 
the preaching of the word of God ; she had been deceived* I y 

* Histoire des Martyrs, fol. 558, 559. Anno 1597. 



236 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

the fa se reports of flatterers. For, if she had heard the calum- 
niated discourse, he did not believe she could have been offendeu 
with any thing that he had said. She would now, therefore, 
be pleased to hear him repeat, as exactly as he could, what he 
had preached yesterday. Mary was obliged for once to listen 
to a Protestant sermon. Having finished the recapitulation of 
his discourse, he said, " If any man, madam, will say that I 
spake more, let him presently accuse me ; for I think I have not 
only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake them." 
Several of the company, who had heard the sermon, attested 
that he had given a fair and accurate account of it. After 
turning round to the informers, who were dumb, the queen told 
him, that his words, though sharp enough as related by himself, 
had been reported to her in a different way. She added, that 
she knew that her uncles and he were of a different religion, 
and therefore did not blame him for having no good opinion of 
them ; but if he heard any thing about her conduct which dis- 
pleased him, he ought to come to herself privately, and she 
would willingly listen to his admonitions. Knox easily saw 
through this proposal; and, from what he already knew of 
Mary's character, was convinced that she had no inclination to 
receive his private instructions, but wished merely to induce 
him to refrain in his sermons from every thing that might be dis- 
pleasing to the court. He replied, that he was willing to do any 
thing for her majesty's contentment, which was consistent with 
his office ; if her grace chose to attend the public sermons, she 
would have an opportunity of knowing what pleased or dis- 
pleased him in her and in others : or if she chose to appoint a 
time when she would hear the substance of the doctrine which 
he preached in public, he would most gladly wait upon her 
grace's pleasure, time, and place ; but to come and wait at her 
chamber-door, and then to have liberty only to whisper in her 
ear what people thought and said of her, that would neither his 
conscience nor his office permit him to do. " For," added he, in 
a strain which he sometimes used even on serious occasions, 
" albeit, at your grace's commandment, I am heir now, yit can 
I not tell what uther men shall judge of me, that, at this time of 
day, am absent from my buke, and waitting upon the court.' 
— " Ye will not alwayes be at your buke," said the queen, pet- 
tishly, and turned her back. As he left the room " with a 
reasonable merry countenance," he overheard one of the Popish 
attendants saying, "He is not afraid!" — "Why should the 
plesing face of a gentilwoman afray me ?" said he, regarding 
them with a sarcastic scowl ; " I have luiked in the faces of 
mony angry ?nen, and yit have not bene affrayed above meas- 
our."* 

* K >x, Historie, 30«— 311. 



LIFE OF OHN KINDX. 23? 

There was at that time but »e place of worship in the city 
of Edinburgh.* The number >f inhabitants was, indeed, small, 
when compared with its presei t population ; but they still must 
have formed a very large congregation. St. Giles's church the 
place then used for worship, was capacious ; for we learn that, 
on some occasions, three thousand persons assembled in it to 
hear sermon.t In this church, Knox had, since 1560, performed 
all the parts of ministerial duty, without any other assistant 
than John Cairns, who acted as reader.J He preached twice 
every Sabbath, and thrice on other days of the week.§ He 
met regularly once every week with his kirk-session for discip- 
line, || and with the assembly of the neighbourhood for the exer- 
cise on the Scriptures. He attended, besides, the meetings of 
the provincial Synod and General Assembly; and at almost 
every meeting of the latter, he received an appointment to visit 
and preach in some distant part of the country. These labours 
must have been oppressive to a constitution which was already 
much impaired ; especially as he did not indulge in extempo- 
raneous effusions, but devoted a part of every day to study. 
His parish was sensible of this; and, in April 1562, the town 
council came to a unanimous resolution to solicit the minister of 
Canongate to undertake the half of the charge. The ensuing 
General Assembly approved of the council's proposal, and ap- 
pointed the translation to take place.1T It was not, however, 
accomplished before June 1563, owing, as it would seem, to the 
difficulty of obtaining an additional stipend.** 

The person who was appointed colleague to our Reformer 
was John Craig. A short account of this distinguished minister 
cannot be altogether foreign to the history of one with whom 
he was so strictly associated, and it will present incidents which 
are curious in themselves, and illustrative of the singular man- 
ner in which many of the promoters of the Reformation were 
fitted by Providence for engaging in that great undertaking. 
He was born in 1512, and soon after lost his father in the bat- 
tle of Flodden, which proved fatal to so many families in Scot- 
land. After finishing his education at the university of St. 
Andrews, he went to England, and became tutor to the family 
of Lord Dacres ; but war having broken out between England 
and Scotland, he returned to his native country, and entered 

* St. Cuthberts, or the West Church, was at that time (as it is at present) 
a distinct parish, of which William Harlow was minister. There was also a 
minister in Canongate or Holyroodhouse. 

t Cald. MS. ii. 157. 

\ Records of Town Council, 26th October 1561 § Ibid. 10th April 1562. 

11 The number of elders in the session of Edinburgh was twelve, and of 
deacons sixteen. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 638. 

IF Calderwood, apud Keith, 514. ** See Note AAA. 



233 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

into the order of Dominican friars. The Scottish clergy were 
at that time eager in making inquisition for Lutherans ; and 
owing to the circumstance of his having been in England, or to 
his having dropped some expressions respecting religion which 
were deemed too free, Craig-fell under the suspicion of heresy, 
and was thrown into prison. The accusation was found to be 
groundless, and he was set at liberty. But although still at- 
tached to the Roman Catholic religion, the ignorance and bigo- 
try of the clergy gave him such a disgust at his native country, 
that, he left it in 1537, and, after remaining a short time in 
England, went to France, and from that to Italy. At the 
recommendation of the celebrated Cardinal Pole, he was ad- 
mitted among the Dominicans in the city of Bologna, and was 
soon raised to an honourable employment in that body. In the 
library of the Inquisition, which was attached to the monastery, 
he found a copy of Calvin's Institutes. Being fond of books, 
he determined to read that work ; and the consequence was, 
that he became a thorough convert to the reformed opinions. 
In the warmth of his first impressions, he could not refrain from 
imparting his change of sentiments to his associates, and must 
soon have fallen a sacrifice to the vigilant guardians of the 
faith, had not the friendship of a father in the monastery saved 
him. The old man, who was a native of Scotland, represented 
the danger to which he exposed himself by avowing such tenets 
in that place, and advised him, if he was fixed in his views, to 
retire immediately to some Protestant country. With this pru- 
dent advice he complied so far as to procure his discharge from 
the monastery. 

At an early period of the Christian era, there were converts 
to the gospel " in Caesar's household ;" and in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, the light of reformation penetrated into Italy, and even 
into the territories of the Roman pontiff. On leaving the mon- 
astery of Bologna, Craig entered as tutor into the family of a 
neighbouring nobleman, who had embraced Protestant princi- 
ples ; but he had not resided long in it, when, along with his 
host, he was delated for heresy, seized by the familiars of the 
Inquisition, and carried to Rome. After being confined nine 
months in a noisome dungeon, he was brought to trial, and con- 
demned to be burnt, along with some others, on the 20th 
of August 1559. On the evening previous to the day appoint- 
ed for their execution, the reigning pontiff, Paul IV. died; and, 
according to an accustomed practice on such occasions, the pri- 
sons in Rome were all thrown open. While those who were 
confined for debt and other civil offences were liberated, here- 
tics, after being allowed to go without the walls of their prison, 
were conveyed back to their cells. A tumult, however, having 
been raised that nkht in the city, Craig and his companions 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 239 

effected their escape, and took refuge in a house at a small dis- 
tance from Rome. They had not been long there when they 
were followed by a company of soldiers, sent to apprehend 
them. On entering the house, the captain looked Craig eagerly 
in the face, and taking him aside, asked, if he recollected of once 
relieving a poor wounded soldier in the vicinity of Bologna. 
Craig was in too great confusion to remember the circumstance. 
(t But I remember it," replied the captain, " and I am the man 
whom you relieved, and Providence has now put it in my 
power to return the kindness which you shewed to a distressed 
stranger. You are at liberty ; your companions I must take 
along with me, but, for your sake, shall shew them every 
favour in my power." He then gave him what money he had 
upon him, with directions how to make his escape. 

We are not yet done with the wonderful incidents in the life 
of Craig. " Another accident," says Archbishop Spotswood, 
"befell him, which I should scarcely relate, so incredible it 
seemeth, if to many of good place he himself had not often re- 
peated it as a singular testimony of God's care of him." In the 
course of his journey through Italy, while he avoided the pub- 
lic roads, and took a circuitous route to escape from pursuit, the 
money which he had received from the grateful soldier failed 
him. Having laid himself down by the side of a wood to 
ruminate on his condition, he perceived a dog approaching him 
with a purse in its teeth. It occurred to him that it had been 
sent by some evil-disposed person who was concealed in the 
wood, and wished to pick a quarrel with him. He therefore 
endeavoured to drive it away ; but the animal continuing 
to fawn upon him, he at last took the purse, and found in it a 
sum of money which enabled him to prosecute his journey. 
Having reached Vienna, and announced himself as a Domini- 
can, he was employed to preach before the Archduke of 
Austria, who afterwards wore the imperial crown, under the 
title of Maximilian II. That discerning prince, who was not 
unfriendly to a religious reform, was so much pleased with the 
sermon, that he was desirous of retaining Craig ; but the new 
pope Pius IV. having heard of his reception at the Austrian 
capital, applied to have him sent back to Rome as a condemned 
heretic ; upon which the archduke dismissed him with a safe- 
conduct. When he arrived in England, in 1560, and was 
informed of the establishment of the reformed religion in his 
native country, he immediately repaired to Scotland, and was 
admitted to the ministry. Having in a great measure forgotten 
his native language during an absence of twenty -four years, he 
preached for a short time in Latin to some of the learned 
in Magdalene chapel. He was afterwards appointed minister 



240 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

of the parish of Canongate, where he had not officiated long, till 
he was elected colleague to Knox.* 

The queen still persevered in the line of policy which she 
had adopted at her first arrival in Scotland, and employed none 
but Protestant counsellors. She intrusted the chief direction 
of public affairs to the Prior of St. Andrews, who, in 1562, was 
created Earl of Murray, t and married a daughter of the earl 
marischal. The marriage ceremony was performed by Knox 
publicly before the congregation according to the custom at 
that time ; and on that occasion the Reformer reminded the 
earl of the benefit which the Church had hitherto received from 
his services, and exhorted him to persevere in the same course, 
lest, if an unfavourable change was perceived, the blame should 
be imputed to his wife. + The fact, however, was, that Knox 
was more afraid that Murray would be corrupted by his con- 
nection with the court, than by his matrimonial alliance. 

Although the Protestants filled the cabinet, it was well 
known that they did not possess the affection and confidence of 
her majesty, and, in consequence of this, various plots were 
laid to displace and ruin them. During the autumn of 1562, 
the Roman Catholics in Scotland entertained great hopes of a 
change in their favour. After several unsuccessful attempts to 
cut off the principal courtiers,§ the Earl of Huntly openly took 
arms in the north, to rescue the queen from their hands ; while 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews endeavoured to unite and rouse 
the Papists of the south. On this occasion, our Reformer acted 
with his usual zeal and foresight. Being appointed by the 
General Assembly as Commissioner to visit the churches of the 
west, he persuaded the gentlemen of that quarter to enter into 
a new bond of defence. Hastening into Nithsdale and Gallo- 
way, he, by his sermons and conversation, confirmed the Pro- 
testants in these places. He employed the master of Maxwell 
to write to the Earl of Bothwell, who had escaped from con- 
finement, and meant, it was feared, to join Huntly. He him- 
self wrote the Duke of Chastelherault, warning him not to listen 
to the solicitations of his brother, the archbishop, nor accede to 
a conspiracy which would infallibly prove the ruin of his house. 

* Row, MS. Historie of the Kirk, p. 47. Spotswood, pp. 463 — 1. 1 have 
chiefly followed Row's narrative. By comparing' it with Spotswood's, the 
reader will perceive that they differ in a few unimportant circumstances. 
Row mentions that he had his information from several persons who had 
heard Craig- himself relate the story, and particularly from his widow, 
" dame Craig," who survived her husband, and lived in Edinburgh until 1630. 
Mr John Craig, minister, his wife, Marion Small, and his eldest son, 
Mr William, are mentioned, under the date 16th August 1591, in Burgh 
Sas. ix. t;0. 

f Keith, p. 226. J Knox, Historie, p. 302. 

§ Keith, 230. Knox, 321. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 241 

By these means the southern parts of the kingdom were 
preserved in a state of peace, while the vigorous measures of 
Murray crushed the rebellion in the north.* The queen 
expressed little satisfaction at the victory gained over Huntly, 
and there is every reason to think, that, if not privy to his 
rising, she expected to turn it to the advancement of her pro- 
jects.! According to Archbishop Spotswood, she scrupled not 
to say, at this time, that" she hoped, before a year was expired, 
to have the mass and Catholic profession restored through the 
whole kingdom."! 

While these hopes were indulged, the Popish clergy thought 
it necessary to gain credit to their cause, by appearing more 
openly in defence of their tenets than they had lately done. 
They began to preach publicly in different parts of the country, 
and boasted that they were ready to dispute with the Protestant 
ministers. § 

The person who stept forward as their champion was Quin 
tin Kennedy, uncle to the Earl of Cassilis,and abbot of Crossra 
guel. Though his talents were not of a superior order, the ab 
bot was certainly one of the most respectable of the Popish 
clergy in Scotland, not only in birth, but also in regularity and 
decorum of conduct. He seems to have spent the greater part 
of his life in the same neglect of professional duty which 
characterized his brethren ; but he was roused from his inactiv 
ity by the zeal and success of the Protestant preachers, who, in 
the years 1556 and 1557, attacked the Popish faith, and inveigh- 
ed against the idleness and corruption of the clergy. || At an 
age when others retire from the field, he began to rub up his 
long-neglected armour, and descended into the theological 
arena. 

His first appearance as a polemical writer was in 1558, when 
he published a short system of Catholic tactics, under the title 
oiAne Compendius Tractive, shewing "the nerrest andonlie 
way to establish the conscience of a Christian man," in all 
matters which were in debate concerning faith and religion. 
This way was no other than implicit faith in the decisions of 

* Knox, 316—318. 

f The Historian of the family of Gordon expressly says, that "her majesty 
thought, by the Earl of Huntlie his power in the north, to get herself fred 
from the hands of her bastard brother, James, Earle of Morray ;" and that 
"the Earle of Huntlie (at the quein's own desyre) did gather some forces, to 
get her out of the Earle of Murraye's power," Genealogical History 
of the Earldom of Sutherland, by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, pp. 
140, 141. 

| Spotswood, 185. \ Knox, Historie, pp. 316, 318. 

|| The Reasoning betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbote of Crossraguell, fol. 4. 
Edinburgh, 1533. 

21 F2 



242 LIFE OF JOHN K N O X . 

the Churco. or clergy. When any point of religion was contr > 
verted, the Scripture might be cited as a witness, but the 
Church was the judge, whose determinations, in general conn 
cils canonically assembled, were to be humbly received and 
, submitted to by all the faithful* It was but " a harbour say- 
ing," which the Protestants had commonly in their mouths, 
that every man ought to examine the Scriptures for himself. It 
was sufficient for those who did not occupy the place of teach- 
ers, that they had a general knowledge of the creed, the ten 
commandments, and the Lord's prayer, according to the sense 
in which these were explained by the Church. And " as to the 
sacramentis, and all other secretis of the Scripture," every 
Christian man ought to " stand to the judgment of his pastor, 
who did bear his burden in all matters doubtsome above his 
knowledge."! 

This was doubtless a very near way to stability of mind, and 
a most compendious mode of deciding every controversy which 
might arise, without having recourse to examination, reasoning, 
or debate. But as the wilful and stubborn reformers would 
not submit to this easy and short mode of decision, the abbot 
was reluctantly obliged to enter the lists of argument with 
them. Accordingly, in the beginning of 1559, he challenged 
Willock, who was preaching in his neighbourhood, to a dispute 
on the sacrifice of the mass. The challenge was accepted, the 
time and place of meeting were fixed ; but the dispute did not 
take place, as Kennedy refused to appear, unless his antagonist 
would previously engage to submit to the interpretations of 
Scripture which had been given by the ancient doctors of the 
Church.J From this time he seems to have made the mass the 
great subject of his study, and in 1561 wrote a book in its de- 
fence, which was answered by George Hay.§ 

On the 30th of August 1562, the abbot read, in his chapel of 
Kirkoswald, a number of articles respecting the mass, purga- 
tory, praying to saints, the use of images, and other points, 
which he said, he would defend against any who should 
impugn them, and he promised to declare his mind more fully 
on the following Sabbath. Knox, who was in the vicinity, 

* Kennedy, Compendius Tractive, A, iiij. f Ibid. D. vii. 

I Keith, App. 195 — 199. Kennedy, in a letter to the Archbishop of Glas- 
gow, says, " Willock, and the rest of his counsell, hibourit earnestlie to sie 
g-if I wald admitt the Scripture onlyejuge, and, be that meinos, to haif maid 
me contrarry to my awin buke ; bot thair labouris wes in waist. I held me 
evir fast at ane grounde." And he triumphs, that lie " draif the lymmar — 
to refuse the interpretation of the doctoris allegeit be him and all utheris, 
bot so far as he thocht they war agreable with the worde of God, quhilk was 
as rycht nocht." Ibid. 198, 194. 

$ See Note BBB. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 243 

came to Kirkoswald on that day, with the design of hearing the 
abbot, and granting him the disputation which he had courted. 
In the morning, he sent some gentlemen who accompanied him 
to acquaint Kennedy with the reason of his coming, and to de- 
sire him either to preach according to his promise, or to attend 
Knox's sermon, and afterwards to state his objections to the 
doctrine which might be delivered. The abbot did not-think it 
proper to appear, and Knox preached in the chapel. When he 
came down from the pnlpit a letter from Kennedy was put into 
his hand, which led to an epistolary correspondence between 
them, fully as curious as the dispute which followed. 

The abbot wrote to Knox, that he was informed he had come 
to that quarter of the country " to seik disputation," which he 
was so far from refusing, that he " earnest! ie and effectuouslie 
covated the samin," and with that view should meet him next 
Sunday in any house in Maybole that he choosed, provided not 
more than twenty persons on each side were allowed to be pre- 
sent. The reformer replied, that he had come to that quarter 
for the purpose of preaching the gospel, and not of disputing ; 
that he was under a previous engagement to be in Dumfries on 
the day mentioned by the abbot, but that he would return with 
all convenient speed, and fix a time for meeting him. To this 
letter the abbot sent an answer, to which Knox merely returned 
a verbal message at the time; but when he afterwards published 
the correspondence, affixed short notes to it by way of reply. 
The abbot proposed that they should have " familear, formall, 
and gentill ressoning." — " With my whole hart I accept the 
condition," replies the Reformer; " for assuredlie, my lord, (so 
I stile you by reason of blood, and not of office), chiding and 
brawling I utterlie abhor." To Knox's declaration that he had 
come to ft preach Jesus Christ crucified to be the only Saviour 
of the world," the abbot answers, " Praise be to God, that was 
na newings in this countrie, or ye war borne." — " I greatlie 
dout," replies the Reformer, " if ever Christ Jesus was truelie 
preached by a papistical prelat or monk." As an excuse for 
his not preaching at Kirkoswald on the day he had promised, 
the abbot says, that Knox had come to the place convoyed by 
five or six score strangers. " I lay the night before," says 
Knox, " in Mayboil, accompanied with fewer than twentie." 
Tbe abbot boasted, that Willock, at a former period, and Hay, 
more lately, had refused to dispute with him, until they consult- 
ed the council and their brethren. Maister George Hay offered 
unto your disputation, but ye fled the barrass." Knox wished 
the dispute to be conducted publicly in St. John's Church, Ayr; 
for, says he, " I wonder with what conscience ye can require 
privat conference of those artikles that ye have publicklie pro- 
poned. Y? have infentM the ears of the simple, ye have 



244 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

wounded the hartes of the godlie, and ye have spoken blasphe- 
mie in oppen audience. Let your owne conscience nowe l)e 
judge, if we be bound to answer you in the audience of twenty 
or forty, of whom the one half are alreadie persuaded in the 
treuth, and the other perchance so addicted to your error, that 
they will not be content that light be called light, and darknes, 
darknes." — « Ye said ane lytill afore," answers the abbot, " ye 
did abhor all chiding and railing, bot nature passis nurtor with 
yow." — " I will neither interchange nature nor nurtor with yow, 
for all the proffets of Crosraguell." — " Gif the victorie consist in 
calmour or crying out." says the abbot, objecting to a public 
meeting, " I wil quite you the cause but farder pley ; * and yet, 
praise be to God, I may whisper in sic manner as I will be hard 
sufficientlie in the largest house in all Carrick." — " The larger 
the house, the better for the auditor and me," replied the Re- 
former. 

The Earl of Cassilis wrote to Knox, expressing his disap- 
probation of the proposed dispute, as unlikely to do any good, 
and calculated to endanger the public peace ; to which the 
Reformer replied, by signifying, that his relation had given the 
challenge, which he was resolved not to decline, and that his 
lordship ought to encourage him to keep the appointment, from 
which no bad effects were to be dreaded. Upon this the abbot 
wrote a letter to Knox, charging him with having procured 
Cassilis's letter, to bring him into disgrace, and to advance his 
own honour ; and saying, that he would have " rancountered" 
nim the last time he was in that country, had it not been for the 
interposition of his nephew. " Ye sal be assured," adds he, " I 
sal keip day and place in Mayboill, according to my writing, 
an I haif my life, an my feit louse ;" and in another letter to 
Knox and the bailies of Ayr, he says, " Keip your promes, and 
pretex na oukrie, by my Jorde of Cassilis writing." — " To 
neither of these," says Knox, " did I answer otherwise than by 
appointing the day, and promising to keap the same. For I 
can pacientlie suffer wantone men to speak wantonlie, consid- 
ering that I had sufficiently answered my lord of Cassilis in that 
behalf." 

The conditions of the combat were now speedily settled. 
They agreed to meet on the 28th of September, at eight o'clock 
in the morning, in the house of the provost of Maybole. Forty 
persons on each side were to be admitted as witnesses of the 
dispute, with « as many mo as the house might goodly hold, at 
the sight of my lord of Cassilis." And notaries, or scribes, 
were chosen on each side to record the papers which might be 
given in by the parties, and the arguments which they advanced 

* Without further plea. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 245 

in the course of reasoning, to prevent unnecessary repetition, or 
a false report of the proceedings. These conditions were form- 
ally drawn out, and subscribed by the Abbot and the Reformer, 
on the day preceding the meeting. 

When they met, " Johne Knox addressed him to make pub- 
lict prayer, whereat the abbot wes soir offended at the first, but 
whil the said John wold in nowise be stayed, he and his gave 
audience ; which being ended, the abbote said, < Be my faith, it is 
weill said.' " The reasoning commenced by reading a paper 
presented by the abbot, in which, after rehearsing the occasion 
of his present appearance, and protesting, that his entering into 
dispute was not to be understood as implying that the points in 
question were disputable or dubious, being already determined 
by lawful general councils, he declared his readiness to defend 
the articles which he had exhibited, beginning with that con- 
cerning the sacrifice of the mass. To this paper Knox gave in 
a written answer in the course of the disputation ; and, in the 
mean time, after stating his opinion respecting general councils, 
he proceeded to the article in dispute. It was requisite, he said, 
to state clearly and distinctly the subject in controversy, and he 
thought the mass contained the four following things : the name, 
the form and action, the opinion entertained of it, and the actor, 
with the authority which he had to do what he pretended to do ; 
all of which, he was prepared to shew, were destitute of any 
foundation in Scripture. The abbot was aware of the difficul- 
ty of managing the point on such broad ground, and he had 
taken up ground of his own, which he thought he could main- 
tain against his antagonist. "As to the masse that he will 
impung," said he, " or any mannes masse, yea, an it war the 
paipes a win masse, I will mantein na thing but Jesus Christes 
masse, conforme to my article, as it is written, and diffinition 
contened in my buik, whilk he lies tane on hand to impung." 

Knox expressed his delight at hearing the abbot say, that he 
would defend nothing but the mass of Christ, for if he adhered 
to this, they were " on the verray point of an Christiane agre- 
ment," as he was ready to allow whatever could be shewn to 
have been instituted by Christ. As to his lordship's book, he 
confessed he had not read it, and (without excusing his negli- 
gence) requested the definition to be read to- him from it. The 
abbot qualified his assertion by saying, that he meant to defend 
no other mass, except that which in its " substance, institution, 
and effect," was appointed by Christ ; and he defined the mass, 
in its substance and effect, to be the sacrifice and oblation of the 
Lord's body and blood, given and offered by him in the last 
supper ; and for the first confirmation of this, he rested upon 
the oblatioj of bread and wine by Melchizedec. His argument 
was, that the Scripture declared Christ to be a priest after the 
21* 



246 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

order of Melchizedec. Melchizedec offered bread and wine to 
God; therefore Christ offered or made oblation of his body 
and blood in the last supper, which was the only instance 
in which the priesthood of Christ and Melchizedec could 
agree. 

Knox said, that the ceremonies of the mass, and the opinion 
entertained of it, (as procuring remission of sins to the quicK 
and the dead,) were viewed as important parts of it, and, having 
a strong hold of the consciences of the people, ought to be taken 
into the argument; but as the abbot declared himself willing to 
defend these afterwards, he would proceed to the substance, 
and proposed, in the first place, to fix the sense in which the 
word sacrifice or oblation was used in this question. There 
were sacrifices propitiatoriie for expiation, and eucharisticstf, 
for thanksgiving ; in which last sense the mortification of the 
body, prayer, and almsgiving were called sacrifices in Scripture. 
He wished, therefore, to know whether the abbot understood the 
word in the first or second of these senses in this dispute. 
The abbot said, that he would not at present inquire what his 
opponent meant by a sacrifice propitiatorium ; but he held the 
sacrifice on the cross to be the only sacrifice of redemption, and 
that of the mass to be the sacrifice of commemoration of the 
death and passion of Christ. Knox replied, that the chief head 
which he intended to impugn, seemed to be yielded by the 
abbot ; and he, for his part, cheerfully granted, that there was 
a commemoration of Christ's death in the right use of the ordi- 
nance of the supper. 

The abbot insisted, that Knox should proceed to impugn the 
warrant which he had taken from Scripture for his article. " Pro- 
testing," said the reformer, « that this mekle is win, that the 
sacrifice of the messe being denied by me to be a sacrifice pro- 
pitiatorie for the sins of the quick and the dead (according to 
the opinion thereof before conceaved) hath no patron at the 
present, I am content to procede." — " I protest he hes win no- 
thing of me as yit, and referres it to black and white contened 
in our writing." — " I have openlie denied the masse to be an 
sacrifice propitiatorie for the quick, &c. and the defence thereof 
is denied. And, therefore, I referre me unto the same judges 
that my lord hath clamed." — « Ye may denie what ye pleis ; 
for all that ye denie I tak not presentlie to impung ; but wliair 
I began there will I end, that is, to defend the messe conform to 
my artickle." — "Your lordship's ground," said Knox, after 
some altercation, " is, that Melchizedeck is the figure of Christe 
in that he did offer unto God bread and wine, and that it be- 
hoved Jesus Christ to offer, in his latter supper, his body and 
blude under the forms of bread and wine. I answer to' your 
ground yet againe, that Melchizedeck offered neither bread not 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 247 

wir„e unto God ; and, therefore, it that ye would thereupon 
conclude hath no assurance of your ground," — "Pi eve that," 
said the abbot. Knox replied, that, according to the rules of 
just reasoning, he could not be bound to prove a negative ; that 
it was incumbent on his opponent to bring forward some proof 
for hi-s affirmation, concerning which, the text was altogether 
silent ; and that until the abbot did this it was sufficient for him 
simply to deny. But the abbot said, he " stuck to his text," 
and insisted that his antagonist should shew for what purpose 
Melchizedec brought out the bread and the wine, if it was not 
to offer them to God. After protesting that the abbot's position 
remained destitute of support, and that he was not bound, in 
point of argument, to shew what became of the bread and 
wine, or what use was made of them, Knox consented to state 
his opinion, that they were intended by Melchizedec to refresh 
Abraham and his company. The abbot had now gained what 
he wished ; and he had a number of objections ready to start 
against this view of the words, by which he was able at least to 
protract and involve the dispute. And thus ended the first day's 
contest. 

When the company convened on the following day, the abbot 
proceeded to impugn the view which his opponent had given 
of the text. He urged, first, that Abraham and his company 
had a sufficiency of provision in the spoils which they had taken 
from the enemy in their late victory, and did not need Melchiz- 
edec's bread and wine ; and, secondly, that the text said that 
Melchizedec brought them forth, and it was improbable that 
one man, and he a king, should carry as much as would refresh 
three hundred and eighteen men. To these objections Knox 
made such replies as will occur to any person who thinks on 
the subject. And in this manner did the second day pass. 

When they met on the third day, the abbot presented a paper, 
in which he stated another objection to Knox's view of the 
text. After some more altercation on this subject, Knox desired 
his opponent to proceed, according to his promise, to establish 
the argument upon which he had rested his cause. But the ab- 
bot, being indisposed, rose up, and put into Knox's hand a book 
to which he referred him for the proof. By this time the noble- 
men and gentlemen present were completely wearied out. For, 
besides the tedious and uninteresting mode in which the dispu- 
tation had been managed, they could find entertainment neither 
for themselves nor for their retinue in Maybole ; so that if any 
person had brought in bread and wine among them, it is presu- 
mable that they would not have debated long upon the purpose 
for which it was brought. Knox proposed that they should ad- 
journ to Ayr and finish the dispute, which was refused by the 
abbot, who said he would come to Edinburgh for that purpose, 



248 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

provided he could obtain the queen's permission. Upon this 
the company dismissed. 

The dispute was never resumed, though Knox says that lie 
applied to the privy council for liberty to the abbot to come to 
Edinburgh for this purpose. Kennedy died in August 1564. 
It has been said that he was canonized as a saint after his death,* 
and Dempster makes him both a saint and a martyr.t I have 
not seen his name in the Romish calendar, but I find (what is 
of as great consequence) that the grand argument upon which 
he insisted in his disputation with the Reformer has been can- 
onized. For in the calendar, at " March 25," it is written, 
" Melchezedec sacrifeit breid and wyne in figure of ye bodie 
and bloud of our Lord, whilk is ofterit in ye messe."} Doubt- 
less those who knew the very month and day on which this 
happened, must have been better acquainted with the design of 
Melchizedec than either Moses or Paul. 

The abbot and his friends having circulated the report that 
he had the advantage in the disputation, Knox, in 1563, publish- 
ed the account of it from the records of the notaries, to which 
he added a prologue and short marginal notes. The prologue 
and his answer to the abbot's first paper, especially the latter, 
are pieces of good writing. I have been more minute in the 
narrative of this dispute than its merits deserve, because no ac- 
count of it has hitherto appeared, the tract itself being so ex- 
ceedingly rare as to have been seen by but few for a long 
period. § 

Another priest who defended the Roman Catholic cause at 
this time was Ninian Wingate. He had been schoolmaster of 
Linlithgow, from which situation he was removed by Spots- 
wood, superintendent of Lothian, on account of his devoted at- 

* Crawford's Peerage of Scotland, p. 75. 

t " Augustus 22 — Monasterio Crucis regalis obitus Beati Quintini Kenne- 
dii abbatis, Comitis Cassilii fratris, qui admiranda constantia sex annis totis, 
cum ha:resi nascente, et jam connrmataconrlixit, ad extremum lento veneno 
consumptus, corruptoque sanguine excessit." Dempsteri Menologium Scot- 
orum, p. 20. Bononias, 1622. 

I See Calendar, by " M. Adam King, profeseur of philosophic and Mathi- 
matikis at Paris," prefixed to a Scottish translation of Canisius's Catechism, 
printed in 1587. 

ij Knox gives merely a general notice of this dispute in his Historie, p. 
318. Keith, who was very industrious in collecting whatever referred to 
the ecclesiastical history of that period, could not obtain a copy of the print- 
ed disputation, and had heard of but one imperfect copy. History, App. 
255. 'Hie only copy known to exist at present is in the library of Alex- 
ander Boswell, Esq, of Auchinleck. — Since the publication of the first edi- 
tion of this Life, Mr. Boswell has printed a small impression of this unique, 
jemg an exact fac simile of the original edition for the gratification of tin 
curious. [See British Reformers, vol. IX. edition of Board of Publication. \ 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 249 

tacbment to popery. In the month of February 1562, he sent 
to Knox a writing, consisting of eighty-three questions upon the 
principal topics of dispute between the Papists and Protestants, 
which he had drawn up in the name of the inferior clergy, and 
laity, of the Catholic persuasion in Scotland. To some of these, 
particularly the questions which related to the call of the Pro- 
tf ^ant ministers, the Reformer returned an answer from the pul- 
p.iu, and Wingate addressed several letters to him, complaining 
that his answers were not satisfactory. These letters, with ad- 
dresses to the queen, nobility, bishops, and magistrates of Edin- 
burgh, Wingate committed to the press, but the impression being 
seized in the printer's house (according to Bishop Lesley), the 
author made his escape, and went to the Continent.* Knox 
intended to publish an answer to Wingate's questions, and to 
defend the validity of the Protestant ministry ; but it does not 
appear that he carried his design into execution.! 

In the beginning of 1563, Knox went to Jedburgh, by 
appointment of the General Assembly, to investigate a scandal 
which had broken out against Paul Methven, the minister of 
that place, who was suspected of adultery. Methven was found 
guilty, and excommunicated. ± Having fled to England, he 
sent a letter to the General Assembly, professing his willingness 
to submit to the discipline of the Church, but requesting that 
the account of his process should be deleted from the records of 
the Church. The Assembly declared that he might return with 
safety to his native country, and that he should be admitted to 
public repentance, but refused to erase the process from their 
minutes. § He afterwards returned to Scotland ; and a severe 
and humiliating penance was prescribed to him. He was en- 

* Lesley, apud Keith, p. 501. App. 228. Lesley speaks of a dispute be- 
tween Knox and Wingate, but that historian is often incorrect in his details. 
The dispute between the doctors of Aberdeen and the ministers, which took 
place in the beginning of 1561, is mentioned by Knox, Historie, pp. 261, 262. 
It would seem from a letter of Randolph, that there was a dispute in the end of 
1561, between some of the ministers and a Parisian divine, who had accom- 
panied the queen. Keith, 208. Wingate published at Antwerp, his " Buke 
of Fourscoir Three Questionis," in 15 i3. Keith has reprinted this, along with 
his " Tractatis," originally printed at Edinburgh. He calls them " very rare 
and much noted pieces." History, App. 203. In point of argument or senti- 
ment, they are certainly not noted ; but they contain a strong proof of the ex- 
treme corruption which prevailed among the superior popish clergy, against 
which Wingate inveighs as keenly as any reformer. His second book con- 
cludes with this exclamation, " Och, for mair paper or pennyis !" Wingate 
translated several works of the Fathers into the Scottish language, some of 
which are mentioned by him in his Tractatis. Keith, App. 226, 227. He 
was made abbot of a Scottish monastery at Ratisbon. Mackenzie's Lives, 
vol. iii. p. 149. 

t See Note CCC. J Knox, Historie, pp. 323, 324. Keith, 522. 

I Keith, p. 538. 

G2 



250 LIFE OF JOHN KNJX. 

joined to appear at the church-door of Edinburgh, when the 
second bell rang for public worship, clad in sackcloth, bare- 
headed and barefooted ; to stand there until the prayer and 
psalms were finished, when he was to be brought into the 
church to hear sermon, during which he was to be " placeit in 
the public spectakell above the peiple." This appearance he 
was to make on three several preaching-days, and on the last 
of them, being a Sabbath, he was, at the close of the sermon, to 
profess his sorrow before the congregation, and to request their 
forgiveness; upon which he was again to be "clad in his awin 
apparell," and received into the communion of the Church. 

He was to repeat this course at Dundee and at Jedburgh, 
where he had officiated as minister.* Methven went through 
a part of this humbling scene, with professions of deep sorrow ; 
but being overwhelmed with shame, and despairing to regain 
his lost reputation, he stopped in the midst of it, and again re- 
tired to England.! Prudential considerations were not wanting 
to induce the reformed Church of Scotland to stifle this affair, 
and to screen from public ignominy a man who had acted a 
distinguished part in the late reformation of religion. But they 
refused to listen to these ; and by instituting a strict scrutiny 
into the fact, and inflicting an exemplary punishment upon the 
criminal, they "approved themselves to be clear in this matter," 
and effectually shut the mouths of their Popish adversaries. 

The mode of public repentance enjoined on this occasion was 
appointed to be afterwards used in all cases of aggravated im- 
morality.;]: There was nothing in which the Scottish reformers 
approached nearer to the primitive Church than in the rigorous 
and impartial exercise of ecclesiastical discipline, the relaxation 
of which, under the Papacy, they justly regarded as one great 
cause of the universal corruption of religion. While they 
rejected many of the ceremonies which were introduced into 
the worship of the Christian Church during the first three cen- 
turies, they, from detestation of vice, and a desire to restrain it, 
did not scruple to conform to a number of their penitential re- 
gulations. In some instances they might carry their rigoui 
against offenders to an extreme ; but it was a virtuous extreme, 
compared with the dangerous laxity, or rather total disuse of 
discipline, which has gradually crept into almost all the 
Churches which retain the name of reformed ; even as the 
scrupulous delicacy with which our forefathers shunned the 
society of those who had transgressed the rules of morality is to 
be preferred to modern manners, by which the vicious obtain 
easy admission into the company of the virtuous. 

* Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 23. Keith, 559, 530. 

t Knox. Historie, p. 398. \ See Note DDD. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNCX. 251 

'Twas hard, perhaps, on here and there a wai ' 

Desirous to return, and not received: 

But was an wholesome rigour in the main, 

And taught the unblemished to preserve with care 

That purity, whose loss was loss of all. 

But now — yes, now, 

We are become so candid and so fair, 

So liberal in construction, and so rich 

In Christian charity, (good-natured age !) 

That they are safe, sinners of either sex, 

Transgress what laws they may. Cowper's Task. B. h; 

In the month of May the queen sent for Knox to Locnleven. 
The Popish priests, presuming upon her avowed partiality to 
them, and her secret promises of protection, had of late become 
more bold ; and, during the late Easter, masses had been openly 
celebrated in different parts of the kingdom. Repeated procla- 
mations had been issued against this practice by the queen in 
council, but none of them were carried into execution. The 
gentlemen of the west country, who were the most zealous 
Protestants, perceiving that the laws were eluded, came to the 
resolution of executing them, without making any application 
to the court, and apprehended some of the offenders by way of 
example. These decided proceedings, which were calculated 
to defeat the scheme of policy which she had formed, gave 
great offence to her majesty ; but finding that the signification 
of her displeasure had not the effect of stopping them, she 
wished to avail herself of the Reformer's influence for accom- 
plishing her purpose. 

She dealt with him very earnestly for two hours before sup- 
per, to persuade the western gentlemen to desist from all inter- 
ruption of the Catholic worship. He told her majesty, that if 
she would exert her authority in executing the laws of the 
land, he could promise for the peaceable behaviour of the Pro- 
testants ; but if she thought to elude them, he feared there were 
some who would let the Papists understand that they should 
not offend with impunity. " Will ye allow, that they shall take 
my sword in their hands ?" said the queen. " The sword of jus- 
tice is God's ," replied the Reformer with equal firmness, " and 
is given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they trans- 
gress, sparing the wicked and oppressing the innocent, they 
who, in the fear of God, execute judgment where God has 
commanded, offend not God, although kings do it not." 
Having produced some examples from Scripture to shew that 
criminals might be punished by persons who did not occupy the 
place of supreme rulers, he added, that the gentlemen of the 
West were acting strictly according to law ; for the act of par 
liament gave power to all judges within their bounds, to search 
for and punish those who should transgress its enactments. He 
concluded with inculcating a doctrine which has seldom been 



252 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

very pleasing to pi i ices : " It shall be profitable to your majesty 
to consider what is the thing your grace's subjects look to re- 
ceive of your majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do unto 
them by mutual contract. They are bound to obey you, and 
that not' but in God : ye are bound to keep laws to them. Ye 
crave of them service : they crave of you protection and 
defence against wicked doers. Now, madam, if you shall deny 
your duty unto them (which especially craves that ye punish 
malefactors), think ye to receive full obedience of them ? I 
fear, madam, ye shall not." The queen broke off the conver- 
sation with evident marks of displeasure. 

Having imparted the substance of what had passed between 
them to the Earl of Murray, Knox meant to return to Edin- 
burgh next day without waiting for any further communica- 
tions with the queen. But a message was delivered to him at 
an early hour in the morning, desiring him not to depart until 
he had again spoken with her majesty. He accordingly met 
her at a place in the neighbourhood of Kinross, where she took 
the amusement of hawking. This interview was very different 
from that of the preceding evening. Waiving entirely the sub- 
ject on which they had differed, she conversed with him upon 
a variety of topics, with the greatest familiarity and apparent 
confidence. Lord Ruthven (she said) had offered her a ring ; 
but she could not love that nobleman. She knew that he used 
enchantment ; * yet he had been made a member of her privy 
council ; and she blamed secretary Lethington for procuring his 
admission into that body. Knox excused himself from saying 
any thing of the secretary in his absence. " I understand," 
said she, introducing another subject of discourse, " that ye are 
appointed to go to Dumfries, for the election of a superintendent 
to be established in these countries." He answered in the 
affirmative. u But I understand the Bishop of Athens! would 
be superintendent." " He is one, madam, that is put in elec- 
tion." " If you knew him as well as I do, you would not pro- 
mote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your 
kirk." Knox said that the bishop deceived many, if he did not 
fear God. " Well, do as you will ; but that man is a dangerous 
man." 

* Comp. Knox, Historie, 327. with Keith, Append. 125. 

+ In Knox's Historie, it is printed Cathenis, by mistake, instead of 
At/it nis. The person referred to is Alexander Gordon, brother to George, 
Earl of Huntly, who was slain at Corrichie in 1562. Scarcely any Scottish 
prelate ever occupied so many different sees, or occupied them for so short a 
time. He was Bishop of Caithness, Archbishop of Glasgow, Bishop of the 
Isles, and Bishop of Galloway. When he was deprived of the see of Glas- 
gow, the pope, as a recompense, created him titular Archbishop of Athens. 
Gordon's Genealogical History of the Earldon of Sutherland, pp. Ill — 1?, 
137, -J90. Keith's Scottish Bishops, pp. 128, 153* 166, 175. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 253 

Knox wished to take his leave of her majesty, but she 
pressed him to stay. " I have one of the greatest matters that 
have touched me, since I came into this realm, to open to you, 
and I must have your help in it," said she, with an air of con- 
descension and confidence as enchanting as if she had put 
a ring on his finger. She then entered into a long discourse 
with him concerning a domestic difference between the Earl 
and Countess of Argyle. Her ladyship, had not, she said, been 
so circumspect in every thing as could have been wished, but 
still she was of opinion that his lordship had not treated her in 
an honest and godly manner. Knox said that he was not un- 
acquainted with the disagreeable variance which had subsisted 
between that honourable couple, and, before her majesty's ar- 
rival in this country, had effected a reconciliation between them. 
On that occasion, the countess had promised not to complain to 
any creature before acquainting him ; and having never heard 
from her on that subject, he had concluded that there was nothing 
but concord between her and his lordship. " Well," said the 
queen, " it is worse than ye believe. But do this much /or my 
sake, as once again to put them at unity, and if she behave not 
herself as she ought to do, she shall find no favour of me ; 
but in any wise let not my lord know that I have request- 
ed you in this matter." Then introducing the subject of their 
reasoning on the preceding evening, she said, " I promise to do 
as ye required : I shall cause summon all offenders ; and ye 
shall know that I shall minister justice." " I am assured, 
then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and 
tranquillity within your realm, which to your majesty is more 
profitable than all the pope's power can be." Upon this he 
took his leave of the queen.* 

This interview exhibits one part of Mary's character in 
a very striking light. It shews how far she was capable of 
dissembling, what artifice she could employ, and what con- 
descensions she could make, when she was bent on accomplish- 
ing a favourite object. She had 'formerly attacked the Refor- 
mer on another quarter without success, and was convinced 
that it was vain to think of working on his fears ; she now 
resolved to try if she could soothe his stern temper by flattering 
his vanity, and disarm his jealousy by strong marks of confi- 
dence. There is reason to think that she partly succeeded in her 
design. For, though he was not very susceptible of flattery, 
and must have been struck with the sudden change in the 
queen's views and behaviour, there are few minds that can 
altogether resist the impression made by the condescending 
familiarity of persons of superior rank ; and our feelings, on 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 326—328. 
22 






254 LIFE OF J O H N KNOX. 

such occasions, chide as uncharitable the cold suspicions 
suggested by our judgment. In obedience to her majesty's 
request, he wrote a letter to the Earl of Argyle, which was 
not very pleasing to that nobleman. From deference to the 
opinion 'which she had expressed, he inquired more narrowly 
.nto the conduct of the Bishop of Galloway, and finding some 
grounds of suspicion, postponed the election. And the report 
which he gave of the queen's gracious answer operated in her 
favour on the public mind.* 

But if his zeal suffered a temporary intermission, it soon 
kindled with fresh ardour. On the 19th of May, the Arch- 
bishop of St. Andrews, and a number of the principal Papists, 
were arraigned, by the queen's orders, before the Lord Just ire 
General, for transgressing the laws ; and, having come in her 
majesty's will, were committed to ward. But this was merely 
a stroke of policy, to enable her the more easily to cany her 
measures in the parliament which met on the following day ; 
and, accordingly, the prisoners were set at liberty as soon as it 
was dissolved.-)- 

This was the first parliament which had been held since the 
queen's arrival in Scotland ; and it was natural to expect that 
their first business would be to ratify the treaty of peace made 
in July 1560, and the establishment of the Protestant religion. 
If the acts of the former parliament were invalid, as the queen 
had repeatedly declared, the Protestants had no law on their 
side ; they held their religion at the mercy of their sovereign, 
and might be required at her pleasure, to submit to Popery, as 
the religion which still possessed the legal establishment. But 
so well had she laid her plans, such was the effect of her insin- 
uating address, and, above all, so powerful was the temptation 
of self-interest on the minds of the Protestant leaders, that, by 
general consent, they passed from this demand, and lost the 
only favourable opportunity which presented itself, during the 
reign of Mary, for giving a legal security to the reformed reli- 
gion, and thereby removing one principal source of national 
fears and jealousies. An act of oblivion, securing indemnity to 
those who had been engaged in the late civil war, was indeed 
passed ; but the mode of its enactment virtually implied the in- 
validity of the treaty in which it had been originally embodied ; 
and the Protestants, on their bended knees.J supplicated, as a 
toon from their sovereign, what they had formerly won with 
their swords, and repeatedly demanded as their right. The 
other acts made to please the more zealous reformers were 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 327—429. f Ibid. 330—334. 

I Spotsu->^d, 188. " We are very much obliged to the information of 
Archbishop ^potswood " for this, says honest Keith. History, 240. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 255 

expressed with such studied and glaring ambiguity, as to offer 
an insult to their understandings.* 

Our Reformer was thunderstruck when first informed of the 
measures which were in agitation, and could scarcely believe 
that it was seriously intended to carry them into execution. 
He immediately procured an interview with some of the lead- 
ing members of parliament, to whom he represented the danger 
of allowing that meeting to dissolve without obtaining the rati- 
fication of the acts of the preceding parliament, or at least those 
acts which established the Reformation. They alleged, that the 
queen would never have agreed to call them together, if they had 
persisted in these demands ; but that there was a prospect of 
her being soon married, and on that occasion they would ob- 
tain all their wishes. In vain he reminded them that poets and 
painters had represented Occasion with a bald hind-head ; in 
vain he urged, that the event to which they looked forward 
would be accompanied with difficulties of its own, which would 
require all their skill and circumspection. Their determination 
was fixed. He now perceived the full extent of the queen's 
dissimulation ; and the selfishness and servility of the Protestant 
leaders affected him deeply. 

So hot was the altercation between him and the Earl of Mur- 
ray on this subject, that an open rupture ensued. Knox had 
long looked upon that nobleman as one of the most sincere and 
steady adherents of the reformed cause ; and therefore felt the 
greater disappointment at his conduct. Under his first irritation 
he wrote a letter to Murray, in which, after reminding him of 
his condition when they first became acquainted in London, t 
and the honours to which he had been raised by Providence, 
he solemnly renounced friendship with him, as one who prefer- 
red his own interest and the pleasure of his sister to the advance- 
ment of religion, left him to the guidance of the new counsellors 

* Act. Pari. Scot. ii. 536—8. Knox, 331. Keith,' 240. 

f I have not been able to ascertain the time at which the acquaintance 
between the Earl of Murray and the Reformer commenced. It was prob- 
ably soon after Knox came into England, in the reign of Edward VI. A 
Popish writer has mentioned their meeting and grafted upon it the calumny, 
current among the party, that the earl had formed the ambitious project of 
wresting the crown from his sister, and placing it on his own head. " Jo- 
hann Kmnox deceavit him," says he, "in S. Paules kirk in Londone, bring- 
and him in consait, that God had chosen him extraordinarilie as ane Josias, 
to be king of Scotland, to rute out idolatrie, and to plant the licht of the new 
evangel : quhair they convenit in this manner, That the prior of St. Androis, 
Erl of Murray, sould mentene the new Elias againis the priestes of Bael 
(for sua blasphemouslie he namitthe priestes of Christ Jesus). And theneu 
Elias sould fortifie the new Josias, be procuring the favour of the people 
ao-ainis lesabel, blaspheming maist impudentlie the quenis M." Nicol 
Bume's Disputation, p. 156. Knox was at. least better acquainted with 
Scripture history than to make Josias contemporary with Elias and Jesabel 



'256 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

whom he had chosen, and exonerated him from all future con- 
cern in his affairs. This variance, which continued nearly two 
years, was very gratifying to the queen, and to others who dis- 
liked their former familiarity, and who failed not (as Knox in- 
forms us) to "cast oil into the flame, until God did quench it bv 
the water of affliction."* 

Before the dissolution of the parliament, the Reformer em- 
braced an opportunity of disburdening his mind in the presence 
of the greater part of the members assembled in his church. 
After discoursing of the great mercy of God shewn to Scotland, 
in marvellously delivering them from bondage of soul and body, 
and of the deep ingratitude which he perceived in all ranks of 
persons, he addressed himself particularly to the nobility He 
praised God that he had an opportunity of pouring out the sor- 
rows of his heart in the presence of those who could attest the 
truth of all that he said. He appealed to their consciences, if 
he had not, in their greatest extremities, exhorted them to de- 
pend upon God, and assured them of preservation and victory, 
provided they preferred the divine glory to their own lives and 
secular interests. " I have been with you in your most despe- 
rate temptations (continued he, in a strain of impassioned elo- 
quence) ; in your most extreme dangers I have been with you. 
St. Johnston, Cupar-moor, and the Craggs of Edinburgh.! arc 
yet recent in my heart ; yea, that dark and dolorous night where- 
in all ye, my lords, with shame and fear, left this town, is yet in 
my mind ; t and God forbid that ever I forget it ! What was. I 
say, my exhortation to you, and what has fallen in vain of all 
that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye yourselves 
yet live to testify. There is not one of you, against whom was 
death and destruction threatened, perished : and how many of 
your enemies has God plagued before your eyes ! Shall this 
be the thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God, to 
betray his cause when you have it in your hands to establish it 
as you please ?" He saw nothing (he said) but a cowardly de- 
sertion of Christ's standard. Some had even the effrontery to 
say that they had neither law nor parliament for their religion. 
They had the authority of God for their religion, and its truth 
was independent of human laws ; but it was also accepted 
within this realm in public parliament, and that parliament he 
would maintain to have been as lawful and as free as any par- 
liament that had ever been held within the kingdom of Scotland. 



* Knox, Historie, p. 331. 

t Referring to the critical circumstance in which the lords of the Congre- 
gation had been situated at these places, when the queen regent threatened 
to attack them with superior forces. See above, pp. 167, 170, 177. 

J See above, p. 196. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 257 

Iq the conclusion of his discourse, he adverted to the r< ports 
of her majesty's marriage, and of the princes who courted her 
hand; and (desiring the audience to mark his words) he predic- 
ted the consequences which would ensue, if ever the nobility 
consented that their sovereign should marry a Papist. 

Protestants, as well as Papists, were offended with the free 
dom of this sermon, and some who had been most familiar with 
the preacher now shunned his company. Flatterers were not 
wanting to run to the queen, and inform her that John Knox had 
preached against her marriage. After surmounting all opposi- 
tion to her measures, and managing so successfully the haughty 
and independent barons of her kingdom, Mary was incensed to 
think that there should yet be one man of obscure condition 
who ventured to condemn her proceedings; and as she could 
not tame his stubbornness, she determined to punish his teme 
rity. He was ordered instantly to appear before her. Lord 
Ochiltree, with several gentlemen, accompanied him to the 
palace ; but the superintendent, of Angus, Erskine of Dun, was 
the only person allowed to go with him into the royal pres- 
ence. 

Her majesty received him in a very different manner from 
what she had done at Lochleven. Never had prince been han- 
dled (she passionately exclaimed) as she was; she had borne 
with him in all his rigorous speeches against herself and her 
uncles — she had sought his favour by all means — she had offer- 
ed unto him audience whenever he pleased to admonish her : 
" and yet," said she, " I cannot be quit of yon. I vow to God 
I shall be once revenged !" On pronouncing these words with 
great violence, she burst into a flood of tears, which interrupt- 
ed her speech. When the queen had composed herself, Knox 
proceeded calmly to make his defence. Her grace and he had 
(he said) at different times been engaged in controversy, and 
he never before had perceived her offended with him. When 
it should please God to deliver her from the bondage of error 
in which she had been trained up, through want of instruction 
in the truth, he trusted that her majesty would not find the lib- 
erty of his tongue offensive. Out of the pulpit, he believed, 
few had occasion to complain of him ; but there he was not 
his own master, but was bound to obey Him who commanded 
him to speak plainly, and to flatter no flesh on the face of the 
earth. 

"But what have you to do with my marriage?" demanded 
the queen. He was proceeding to state the extent of his com- 
mission as a preacher, and the reasons which led him to touch 
on that delicate subject ; but she interrupted him ty repeating 
her question, " What have you to do with my marriage ? Or 
what are you in this commonwealth ?" — " A subject born with- 
22* H2 



258 L I F E O F J H N K N O X . 

in the same, madam," replied the Reformer, piqued by the last 
question, and bv the contemptuous tone in which it was proposed. 
" And albeit I be neither earl, lord, nor baron in it, yet has God 
made me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable 
member within the same. Yea, madam, to me it appertains no 
less to forwarn of such things as may hurt it, if I forsee them, 
than it doth to any of the nobility ; for both my vocation and 
conscience require plainness of me. And, therefore, madam, 
to yourself I say that which I spake in public place. Whenso- 
ever the nobility of this realm shall consent that ye be subject 
to an unfaithful husband, they do as much as in them lieth to 
renounce Christ, to banish his truth from them, to betray the 
freedom of this realm, and perchance shall in the end do small 
comfort to yourself." At these words, Mary began again to 
sob and weep with great bitterness. The superintendent, who 
was a man of mild and gentle spirit, tried to mitigate her grief 
and resentment ; he praised her beauty and her accomplishments; 
and told her that there was not a prince in Europe who would 
not reckon himself happy in gaining her hand. During this 
scene, the severe and inflexible mind of the Reformer displayed 
itself. He continued silent, and with unaltered countenance, 
until the queen had given vent to her feelings. He then pro- 
tested, that he never took delight in the distress of any creature ; 
it was with great difficulty that he could see his own boys weep 
when he corrected them for their faults, and far less could he 
rejoice in her majesty's tears ; but seeing he had given her no 
just reason of offence, and had only discharged his duty, he 
was constrained, though unwillingly, to sustain her tears, rather 
than hurt his conscience, and betray the commonwealth by his 
silence. 

This apology inflamed the queen still more ; she ordered him 
instantly to leave her presence, and to wait the signification of 
her pleasure in the adjoining room. There he stood as " one 
whom men had never seen ;" all his friends, Lord Ochiltree ex- 
cepted, being afraid to shew him the smallest countenance. 
In this situation he addressed himself to the court ladies, who 
sat in their richest dress in the chamber : " fair ladies, how 
plesing war this lyfe of yours, if it sould ever abyde, and then, 
in the end, that ye might pas to hevin with all this gay gear ! 
But fye upon that knave Death, that will come widder we will 
3r not !" Having engaged them in conversation by a mixture 
of seriousness and raillery, he passed the time, till the superin- 
tendent came, and informed him that he was allowed to go 
home until her majesty had taken farther advice. The queen 
insisted to have the judgment of the Lords of Articles, whether 
the words he had used in the pulpit were not actionable ; but 
«he was persuaded by her counsellors to abandon the idea of a 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 259 

prosecution. " And so that storme quietit in appearance, bot 
nevir in the hart."* 

No expressions are sufficiently strong to describe the horror 
which many feel at the monstrous inhumanity of Knox, in re- 
maining unmoved, while " youth, beauty, and royal dignity ,"t 
were dissolved in tears before him. Enchanting, surely, must 
the charms of the Queen o . Scots have been, and iron-hearted 
the Reformer, who could resist the impression of them, when 
they continue to this day to exercise such a sway over the 
hearts of men, that even grave and serious authors, not addicted 
to the language of gallantry and romance, protest, that they 
cannot read of the tears which she shed on this occasion, with- 
out feeling an irresistible inclination to weep along with her. 
There may be some, however, who, knowing how much real 
misery there is in the world, are not disposed to waste their 
feelings unnecessarily, and who are of opinion, that there was 
not much to commiserate in the condition of the queen, nor to 
reprobate in the conduct of the Reformer. Considering that she 
had been so fortunate in her measures, and had found the no- 
bility so ready to gratify all her wishes, the passion by which 
she suffered herself to be transported was extravagant, and her 
tears must have been those of anger more than of grief. On 
the other hand, when we consider that Knox was at this time 
deserted by his friends, and stood almost alone in resisting the 
will of a princess, who accomplished her measures chiefly by 
caresses and tears, we may be disposed to form a more favour- 
able idea of his conduct and motives. We behold not, indeed, 
the enthusiastic lover, mingling his tears with those of his mis- 
tress, and vowing to revenge her wrongs ; nor the man of nice 
sensibility, who loses every other consideration in the gratifica- 
tion of his feelings ; but we behold, what is more rare, the stern 
patriot — the rigid reformer — who, in the discharge of his duty, 
and in a public cause, can withstand the tide of tenderness as 
well as the storm of passion. There have been times when 
such conduct, was regarded as the proof of a superior mind ; and 
the man who, from such motives, "hearkened not to the wife of 
his bosom, nor knew his own children," has been the object, not 
of censure, but of admiration, in pagan as well as sacred story. 

Fertur pudicae conjugis osculum, 
Parvosque natos, ut capitis minor, 
Ab se removisse, et virilem 
Torvus humi posuisse vultum. 

* Knox Historie, pp. 332—334. 

f These are the words of Mr. Hume, who holds a distinguished place 
among the writers who have excited prejudices against our Reformer on the 
score of cruelty to Mary. The reader will find some remarks on the state- 
ments of that able but artful historian in Note EEE. 



t>60 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

While Knox lay under the displeasure of the court, and had 
lost the confidence of his principal friends, his enemies judged it 
a favourable opportunity for attacking him in (what had been 
universally allowed to be irreproachable) his moral conduct. 
At the very time that he was engaged in scrutinizing the 
scandal against Methven, and inflicting upon him the highest 
censure of the Church, it was alleged that he was himself guilty 
of the same crime. Euphemia Dundas, an inhabitant of Edin- 
burgh, inveighing one day, in the presence of a circle of her 
acquaintance, against the Protestant doctrine and ministers, 
said, among other things, that John Knox had been a common 
whoremonger all his life, and that, within a few days past, he 
" was apprehendit and tane furth of ane killogie with ane com- 
mon hure." This might have been passed over by Knox and 
the Church, as an effusion of Popish spleen or female scandal ; 
but the recent occurrence at Jedburgh, the situation in which 
the Reformer at present stood with the court, the public manner 
in which the charge had been brought, and the specification of 
a particular instance, seemed to them to justify and call for a 
legal investigation. Accordingly, the clerk of the General 
Assembly, on the 18th of June, gave in a formal representation 
and petition to the town council, praying, that the woman 
might be brought before them, and the matter examined ; that, 
if the accusation was found true, the accused might be punished 
with every degree of merited rigour ; and that, if false, the 
accuser might be dealt with according to the demerit of her 
offence. She was called, and, appearing before the council, 
flatly denied that she had ever used any such words ; although 
Knox's procurator afterwards produced respectable witnesses 
to prove that she had spoken them.* 

This convicted calumny, which never gained the smallest 
credit at the time, would not have deserved notice, had it not 
been revived, after the Reformer's death, by the Popish writers, 
who, having caught hold of the report, and dressed it out in all 
the horrid colours which malice or credulity could suggest, cir- 
culated it industriously, by their publications, through the Con- 
tinent. Though I had not been able to trace their slanders to 
this source, the atrocity of the imputed crimes, the unspotted re- 
putation which Knox uniformly maintained among all his con- 
temporaries, the glaring, self-contradictions of the accusers, and, 
above all, the notorious spirit of slander and defamation of 
which they have long stood convicted in the learned world, 
would have been grounds sufficient for rejecting such charges 



See Note FFF. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 261 

with detestation. Those who are acquainted with the wri- 
tings of that period will not think that I speak too strongly ; 
such as are ignorant of them may be satisfied by looking into 
the notes.* 

The queen flattered herself that she had at last caught the 
Reformer in an offence, which would infallibly subject him to 
punishment. During her residence at Stirling, in the month of 
August, the domestics whom she left behind her in Holyrood- 
house, celebrated the Popish worship with greater publicity 
than had been usual when she was present ; and, at the time 
when the sacrament of the supper was dispensed in Edinburgh, 
they revived certain superstitious practices which had been laid 
aside by the Roman Catholics, since the establishment of the 
Reformation. This boldness offended the Protestants, and 
some of them went down to the palace to mark the inhabitants 
who repaired to, the service. Perceiving numbers entering, 
they burst into the chapel, and presenting themselves at the 
altar, which was prepared for mass, asked the priest how he 
" durst be so malapert" as to proceed in that manner, when the 
queen was absent. Alarmed at this intrusion, the mistress of 
the household despatched a messenger to the comptroller, who 
was attending sermon in St Giles's Church, desiring him to come 
instantly to save her life and the palace. Having hurried down, 
accompanied with the magistrates and a guard, the comptroller 
found every thing quiet, and no appearance of tumult except 
what was occasioned by the retinue which he brought along 
with him.t When the report of this affair was conveyed to the 
•queen, she declared her determination not to return to Edin- 
burgh until this riot was punished, and indicted two of the 
Protestants, who had entered the chapel, to stand trial " for 
forethought felony, hamesucken, and invasion of the palace.'" 
Fearing an intention to proceed to extremities against these men, 
and that their condemnation would be a preparative to some 
hostile attempt against their religion, the Protestants in Edin- 
burgh resolved that Knox, agreeably to a commission which he 

* See Note GGG. 

f Spotswood gives a different account of this affair, which has been adopt- 
ed by several writers. He not only says that the Protestants " forced the 
gates, but that some [of the Papists] were taken and carried to prison, many 
escaped the back way with the priest himself." Historie, p. 188. But he 
could not have the opportunity of being so well acquainted with the circum- 
stances as Knox, whose account is totally irreconcilable with the archbish- 
op's. Knox expressly says, that, besides entering the chapel, and address- 
ing the priest as above mentioned, " no farther was done or said." Historie, 
pp. 335, 333. Had some of the Papists been carried to prison, he never could 
have given such an account as he has done, not only in his History, but also 
in his circular letter which was produced at his trial, without any allegation 
that it contained an nfair or partial statement of facts. 



262 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

had received from the Church, should write a chcular letter to 
the principal gentlemen of their persuasion, informing them of 
the circumstances, and requesting their presence on the day of 
trial. He wrote the letter according to their request* A copy 
of it having come into the hands of Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and 
president of the Court of Session, who was a great personal 
enemy to Knox, he conveyed it immediately to the queen at 
Stirling. She communicated it to the privy council, who, to her 
great satisfaction, pronounced it treasonable ; but to give the 
greater solemnity to the proceedings, it was resolved that an ex- 
traordinary meeting of the counsellors, assisted by other noble- 
men, should be held at Edinburgh, in the end of December, to 
try the cause ; and the Reformer was summoned to appear be- 
fore this convention.! 

Previously to the day of trial, great influence was used in 
private to persuade him to acknowledge a fault, and to throw 
himself on the queen's mercy. This he peremptorily refused 
to do. The master of Maxwell (afterwards Lord Hemes,) with 
whom he had long been intimate, threatened him with the loss 
of his friendship, and told him that he would repent, if he did 
not submit to the queen, for men would not bear with him as 
they had hitherto done. He replied, that he did not understand 
such language. He had never opposed her majesty except in 
the article of religion, and surely it was not meant that he should 
bow to her in that matter ; if God stood by him (which he 
would do as long as he confided in him, and preferred his glory 
to his own life) he regarded little how men should behave to- 
wards him ; nor did he know wherein they had borne with him, 
unless in hearing the word of God from his mouth, which, if 
they should reject, he would lament it, but the injury would be 
their own. 

The Earl of Murray, and Secretary Maitland, sent for him 
to the clerk register's house, and had a long conversation with 
him to the same purpose. They represented the pains which 
they had taken to mitigate the queen's resentment, and intimated 
that nothing could save him but. a timely submission. His re- 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 336, 337. 

t It has been doubted, whether this meeting acted as a court of Judicature 
in trying Knox, or was called to determine whether he should be brought to 
a judicial trial. Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems, vol. 
i. p. 72. The justice-general, the lord-advocate, and the other law lords, 
were present ; but they had seats in the privy council. Upon the whole, I 
am inclined to think that this was an extraordinary meeting of the privy 
council, to which other noblemen, besides the counsellors were called, to 
give the proceedings greater weight with the public. The object of the 
queen was, in the first place, to procure the imprisonment of Knox, after 
which she might proceed against him as she thought most prudent. Knox, 
Historie, p. 339, 340. Spotewood, p. 188. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. *263 

p y was similar to that which he had given to Maxwe 11, that 
he never would confess a fault when he was conscious of none, 
and had not learned to " cry treason at every thing which the 
multitude called treason, nor to fear what they feared." The 
wily secretary, finding him determined to abide the consequen- 
ces of a trial, endeavoured to bring on a dispute on the subject, 
with the view of ascertaining the grounds on which he meant 
to defend himself; but Knox, aware of his craft, declined the 
conversation, and told him it would be foolish to intrust with 
his defence one who had already prejudged his cause, and pro- 
nounced him guilty. 

On the day appointed for the trial, the public anxiety was 
raised to a high pitch, and the palace-yard and avenues were 
crowded with people, who waited to learn the result. The Re- 
former was conducted to the chamber in which the lords were 
already assembled, and engaged in consultation. When the 
queen had taken her seat, and perceived Knox standing un- 
covered at the foot of the table, she burst into a loud fit of 
laughter. " That man," said she, " made me weep, and shed 
never a tear himself; I will now see if I can make him weep." 
The secretary opened the proceedings with greater gravity, by 
stating, in a speech addressed to the Reformer, the reasons why 
the queen had convened him before her nobility. " Let him 
acknowledge his own handwriting," said the queen, " and then 
we shall judge of the contents of the letter." A copy of the 
circular letter being handed to him, he looked at the subscrip- 
tion, and owned that it was his ; adding, that though he had 
subscribed a number of blanks, he had such confidence in the 
fidelity of the scribe, that he was ready to acknowledge the con- 
tents as well as the subscription. " You have done more than 
I would have done," said Maitland. " Charity is not suspi- 
cious," replied the Reformer. " Well, well," said the queen, 
" read your own letter, and then answer to such things as shall 
be demanded of you.'"' — " I will do the best I can," said 
he ; and having read the letter with an audible voice, re- 
turned it to the queen's advocate, who was commanded to ac- 
cuse him. 

" Heard you ever, my lords, a more despiteful and treason- 
able letter?" said the queen looking round the table. "Mr. 
Knox, are you not sorry from your heart, and do you not re- 
pent that such a letter has passed your pen, and from you has 
come to the knowledge of others ?" said Maitland. " My lord 
secretary, before I repent, I must be taught my offence." — ■ 
"Offence! if there were no more but the convocation of the 
queen's lieges, the offence cannot be denied." — " Remember 
yourself, my lord; there is a difference between a lawfm con- 



264 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

vocation and an unlawful. If I have been guilty in this, I of- 
lended oft since I came last into Scotland ; for what convocation 
of the brethren has ever been to this hour, unto which my pen 
served not?" — "Then was then, and now is now," said the 
secretary ; " we have no need of such convocations as some- 
times we have had." — "The time that has been is even now 
before my eyes," rejoined the Reformer ; " for I see the poor 
flock in no less danger than it has been at any time before, ex- 
cept that the devil has got a vizor upon his face. Before, he 
came in with his own face, discovered by open tyranny, seeking 
the destruction of all that refused idolatry ; and then, I think, 
you will confess the brethren lawfully assembled themselves 
for defence of their lives; and now the devil comes under the 
cloak of justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to 

do by strength." 

"What is this?" interrupted her majesty, who was offended 
that he should be allowed such liberty of speech, and thought 
that she could bring him more closely to the question than 
any of her counsellors. " What is this ? Methinks you trifle 
with him. Who gave him authority to make convocation of 
my lieges ? Is not that treason ?" — " No, madam," replied 
Lord Ruthven, displeased at the keenness which the queen 
shewed in the cause ; " for he makes convocation of the people 
to hear prayers and sermon almost daily ; and whatever your 
grace or others will think thereof, we think it no treason." — 
" Hold your peace," said the queen, " and let him make answer 
tor himself." — " I began, madam," resumed Knox, "to reason 
with the secretary (whom I take to be a better dialectician than 
your grace) that all convocations are not unlawful ; and now 
my Lord Ruthven has given the instance." — " I will say no- 
thing against your religion, nor against your convening to your 
sermons ; but what authority have you to convocate my subjects 
when you will, without my commandment ?" He answered, 
that at his own will he had never convened four persons in 
Scotland, but at the orders of his brethren he had given many 
advertisements, and great multitudes had assembled in conse- 
quence of them ; and if her grace complained that this had 
been done without her command, he begged leave to answer, 
that the same objection might be made to all that had been done 
respecting the reformation of religion in this kingdom. He had 
never, he said, loved to stir up tumults — never been a preacher 
of rebellion; on the contrary, he had always taught the people 
to obey princes and magistrates in all their lawful commands. If 
he had been more active than the rest of his brethren in calling 
extraordinary assemblies of the Protestants, it was owing to a 
charge which he had received from the Church to do so, as 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 265 

often as he saw a necessity for such meetings, and especially 
when religion was exposed to danger ; and he had repeatedly 
requested to be exonerated from this irksome and invidious 
charge, but could not obtain his wish. He must therefore be 
convicted by a just law, before he would profess sorrow for what 
he had done : he thought he had done no wrong. 

" You shall not escape so," said the queen. " Is it not treason, 
my lords, to accuse a prince of cruelty ? I think there be acts 
of parliament against such whisperers." Several of their lord- 
ships said that there were such laws. " But wherein can I be 
accused of this ? asked Knox. " Read this part of your own 
bill," said the queen, who shewed herself an acute prosecutor. 
She then ordered the following sentence to be read from his letter : 
— " This fearful summons is directed against them [the two 
persons who were indicted], to make no doubt a preparative on 
a few, that a door may be opened to execute cruelty upon a 
greater multitude." " Lo !" exclaimed the queen exultingly ; 
" what say you to that ?" The eyes of the assembly were fixed 
on the Reformer, and all were anxious to know what answer 
he would make to this charge. 

" Is it lawful for me, madam, to answer for myself? or, shall 
I be condemned unheard ?" — " Say what you can ; for I think 
you have enough to do," said the queen. " I will first then de- 
sire of your grace, madam, and of this most honourable audi- 
ence, whether your grace knows not, that the obstinate Papists 
are deadly enemies to all such as profess the gospel of Jesus 
Christ, and that they most earnestly desire the extermination of 
them, and of the true doctrine that is taught within this realm ?" 
Mary was silent ; but the Lords, with one voice, exclaimed, 
" God forbid, that ever the lives of the faithful, or yet the stay- 
ing of the doctrine, stood in the power of the Papists ! for just 
experience has taught us what cruelty lies in their hearts." — • 
" I must proceed, then," said the Reformer. " Seeing that I 
perceive that all will grant, that it was a barbarous thing to de- 
stroy such a multitude as profess the gospel of Christ within 
this realm, which oftener than once or twice they have attempt- 
ed to do by force —they, by God and by his providence being 
disappointed, have invented more crafty and dangerous prac- 
tices, to wit, to make the prince a party under colour of law ; 
and so what they could not do by open force, they shall perform 
by crafty deceit. For who thinks, my lords, that the insatiable 
cruelty of the Papists (within this realm I mean) shall end in 
the murdering of these two brethren, now unjustly summoned 
and more unjustly to be accused ? And therefore, madam, cast 
up, when you list, the acts of your parliament, I have offended 
nothing against them ; for I accuse not, in my letter, your grace, 

23 12 



266 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

nor yet your nature, of cruelty. But I affirm y< t again, that 
the pestilent Papists, who have inflamed your grace against 
those poor men at this present, are the sons of the devil, and 
therefore must obey the desires of their father, who has been a 
liar and manslayer from the beginning." '''You forget your- 
self! you are not now in the pulpit," said the chancellor. " , 
am in a place where I am demanded of conscience to speak the 
truth ; and therefore the truth I speak, impugn it whoso list." 
He added, again addressing the queen, that persons who appear- 
ed to be of honest, gentle, and meek natures, had often been 
corrupted by wicked counsel ; and that the Papists, who had 
her ear, were dangerous counsellors, and such her mother had 
found them to be. 

Mary, perceiving that nothing was to be gained by rea- 
soning, began now to upbraid him with his harsh behaviour 
to her, at their last interview. He spake " fair enough" at 
present before the lords, she said ; but on that occasion he 
caused her to shed many salt tears, and said, " he set not by 
her weeping." This drew from him a vindication of his 
conduct, in the course of which he gave a narrative of that 
conference. After this, the secretary, having spoken with the 
queen, told Knox that he was at liberty to return home for 
that night. " I thank God and the queen's majesty," said he, 
and retired. 

When Knox had withdrawn, the judgment of the nobility 
was taken respecting his conduct. All of them, with the excep- 
tion of the immediate dependents of the court, gave it as their 
opinion, that he had not been guilty of any breach of the laws. 
The secretary, who had assured the queen of his condemnation, 
was enraged at this decision. He brought her majesty, who 
had retired, again into the room, and proceeded to call the votes 
a second time. This attempt to overawe them incensed the 
nobility. " What !" said they, " shall the laird of Lethington 
have power to control us ? or, shall the presence of a woman 
cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent man, 
against our consciences ?" They then repeated the vote which 
they had already given, absolving him from all offence, and, at 
the same time, praising his modest appearance, and the judicious 
manner in which he had conducted his defence. 

Mary was unable to conceal the mortification and dis- 
pleasure which she felt at this unexpected acquittal. When 
the Bishop of Ross, who had been the informer, gave his vote 
on the same side with the rest, she taunted him openly in 
the presence of the court. " Trouble not the child !" said she ; 
" I pray you trouble him not ! for he is newly wakened out 
of his sleep. Why should not the old fool follow the foot- 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 267 

steps of those that have passed before him?" The bishop 
replied coldly, that her majesty might easily know, that 
his vote was not influenced by partiality to the person ac- 
cused. "That nicht was nyther dancing nor fiddeling in 
the court ; for madam was disappoynted of hir purpose, 
whilk was to have had Johne Knox in hir will, by vote of 
her nobility."* 

* Knox, Historie, pp. 238 — 343. Spotswood, p. 188. The account of the 
trial given by Calderwood, in his MS. has been compared with that of Knox, 
and exactly agrees with it 



268 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 



PERIOD VIII. 



FROM DECEMBER 1563, WHEN HE WAS ACQUITTED FROM A CHARGE 
OF TREASON, TO THE YEAR 1570, WHEN HE WAS STRUCK WITH 

APOPLEXY. 

The indignation of the queen at the Reformer's escape from 
punishment did not soon abate ; * and the effects of it fell upon 
the courtiers who had voted for his exculpation, and upon those 
who had been unsuccessful in opposing it. The Earl of Murray 
was among the former/!" Maitland among the latter. In order 
to appease her wrath, they again attempted to persuade Knox 
to soothe her by some voluntary submission ; and they engaged 
that, if he would only agree to go within the walls of the castle, 
he should be allowed to return immediately to his own house. 
To this he refused to yield, being convinced, that by such a 
compliance, he would throw discredit on the judgment of the 
nobility who had acquitted him, and confess himself to have 
been a mover of sedition. Disappointed in their object, they 
endeavoured to injure him by whispers and detraction ; circu- 
lating that he had no authority from his brethren for what lie 
had done, and that he arrogated a papal power over the Scot- 
tish Church, by issuing his letters at pleasure, and exacting an 
implicit obedience to them. These charges were very ground- 
less and unjust ; for there never was, perhaps, an individual who 
possessed as much influence, and at the same time was so care- 
ful to avoid all appearance of assuming superiority over his 
brethren, or of acting by his own private authority, in matters 
of public and common concern. 

At the meeting of the General Assembly, held in the close of 
this year, he declined taking any share in the deliberations; but 
after the public business had been disposed of, he requested lib- 
erty to speak on an affair which concerned himself. He stated 
what he had done in writing the late circular letter, the pro- 
ceedings to which it had given rise, and the surmises which 

* Keith, 248, 251. 

t .Sir Thomas Randolph, in a letter dated 27th Feb. 1564, mentions " some 
lnkindness between Murray and the Queen, about Knox, whose parte he 
-aketh." Keith, 249. 



LIFE LF JOHN KNOX. 2f>9 

were still circulating to his prejudice ; and he insisted that the 
Church should now examine his conduct in that matter, and 
particularly that they should declare whether or not they had 
given him a commission to advertise the brethren, when he 
foresaw any danger threatening their religion, or any difficult 
case which required their advice. The courtiers strenuously 
opposed the discussion of this question ; but it was taken up, 
and the Assembly, by a great majority, found that he had been 
charged with such a commission, and that, in the advertisement 
which he had lately given, he had not exceeded his powers. * 

Knox had remained a Vidower upwards of three years. 
But in March 1564, he contracted a second marriage with Mar- 
garet Stewart, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, a nobleman of 
amiable dispositions, who had been long familiar with our Re- 
former, and had steadily adhered to him when he was deserted 
by his other friends.t She continued to discharge the duties of 
a Avife to him with the most pious and affectionate assiduity 
until the time of his death. The Popish writers, who envied 
the honours of the Scottish Reformer, have represented this 
marriage as a proof of his great ambition, and, in the excess of 
their spleen, have ridiculously imputed to him the project of 
aiming to raise his progeny to the throne of Scotland, because 
the family of Ochiltree was of the blood royal ! They are quite 
clear, too, that he gained the heart of the young lady by means 
of sorcery, and the assistance of the devil ! But it seems that, 
powerfully as he was seconded, he could not succeed in another 
attempt which he had previously made ; for the same writers 
inform us, that he paid his addresses to Lady Barbara Hamil- 
ton, eldest daughter of the Duke of Chastelherault, and widow 
of Lord Fleming, by whom he was repulsed. The account of 
the appearance that he made at the time of his marriage, which 
shall be inserted in the notes, the reader will receive according 



* Keith, 527, 528. Knox, 344, 345. 

f Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 18th March, 1563—4, says : — " Knox askt 
in church to be marryed to Margarett Steward, the daughter of the Lord 
Ochiltree ;" referring to the proclamation of banns. Keith, 251. Lord Och- 
iltree was descended from Robert duke of Albany, second son of King Ro- 
bert. II. His father exchanged the lands and title of E vandal e for those of 
Ochiltree. Douglas's Peerage, 522. Crawfurd's Renfrew and Royal 
House of Stewart, by Semple, part i. pp. 92 — 94. The second son of Lord 
Ochiltree, and brother-in-law of the Reformer, was Sir James Stewart of 
Bothwell-muir, afterwards the infamous favourite of James VI. who created 
him Earl of Arran. Crawfurd, in his Officers of State (p. 488), has pub- 
lished a protestation which Arran made of his lineage and title of priority 
to the Duke of Lennox, his rival in James's favour. The reformer's father- 
in-law was usually called the good Lord Ochiltree; and was "a man 
rather borne to mak peace than to brag upon the calsey." Knox's Historie, 
p. 301. 

23 * 



270 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

to the degree of its probability, and the credit he may thin* 
due to the authorities upon which it rests.* 

The country continued in a state of quietness during the year 
1564 ; but the same jealousies still subsisted between the Court 
and the Church.t Her majesty's prejudices against the reform- 
ed religion were unabated, and she maintained a correspond- 
ence with its sworn enemies on the Continent, which could not 
altogether escape the vigilance of her Protestant subjects.:): 
The preachers, on their side, did not relax in their zealous 
warnings against Popery, and as to the dangers which they 
apprehended ; while they complained of the beggary to which 
the greater part of their own number was reduced, and of the 
growing lukewarmness of the Protestant courtiers. The latter 
felt uneasy under these reproaches, and, in concert with the 
queen, were anxious to restrain the license of the pulpit. They 
began by addressing themselves privately to the more moderate 
and complying of the ministers, whom they gained over, by 
their persuasions, to a partial approbation of their measures ; 
and having so far succeeded, they ventured to propose the mat- 
ter in public, and to request the sanction of the leading members 
o the General Assembly. 

Without intending to vindicate the latitude which was taken 
oy particular preachers at. that time, it may be said, in general, 
•.hat a systematic attempt to restrain the liberty of speech in the 
pulpit, farther than the correction of occasional excesses might 
require, would have been a measure fraught with danger to 
the Protestant interest. The reformed preachers were the 
most vigilant and incorrupt guardians of national liberty ; an 
honourable distinction which their successors maintained during 
the remainder of that century. It is better to be awaked with 
rudeness, or even by a false alarm, than to be allowed to sleep 
on in the midst of dangers. Who would muzzle the mouth of 
the wakeful animal which guards the house against thieves, 
because the inmates are sometimes disturbed by his nocturnal 

* See Note HHH. 

t Robertson's History of Scotland, vol. ii. 108. Lond. 1809. 

t In a letter to the Council of Trent, dated 18th March 1563—4, Mary la- 
ments " that the situation of her affairs — hujus temporis tanta injuria," did 
not permit her to send some of her prelates to that council ; and assures 
them of her great and unalterable devotion to the Apostolic see — " nostra 
perpetua mente ac voluntate, in ejusdem sedis observantia et submissione." 
In a letter, written Jan. 3d of the same year, she entreats the Cardinal of 
Lorrain to assure the pope of her resolution to live and die a Catholic. And 
on the last day of the same month, she writes to his holiness himself, lament- 
ing the damnable errors— " damnabili errori," in which she found her sub- 
jects plunged, and informing him that her intention, from the time she left 
France, had uniformly been tore-establish the ancient religion. MS. Let- 
ters, extracted from the Barberini Library, in Advoc. Lib. A. 2. 11. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 271 

vociferation ? or substitute in his place a " dumb dog, that can- 
not bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to slumber ?" 

Knox, the freedom and sharpness of whose censures the 
courtiers felt most deeply, was the person whom they chiefly 
wished to restrain ; but it was no easy matter either to overawe 
him by authority, or by reasoning to procure his acquiescence 
in their proposals. In the month of June, a conference was 
held between the principal statesmen and ministers of the 
Church, when this subject was discussed ; and in an elaborate 
debate with Maitland, Knox defended the leading points of his 
doctrine which had given offence to the court. This debate 
" admirably displays the talents and character of both the dispu- 
tants ; the acuteness of the former, embellished with learning, 
but prone to subtlety ; the vigorous understanding of the 
latter, delighting in bold sentiments, and superior to all fear."* 

Maitland opened the conference with a plausible speech. 
He set forth the benefits which they had enjoyed under her 
majesty's government, and dwelt on the liberty which she had 
granted them in religious matters ; he urged the great import- 
ance of the ministers of the Church cultivating her friendship 
by every good office in their power, and endeavouring to inspire 
the people with a favourable opinion of her person and adminis- 
tration ; and pointed out the hurtful effects of their being 
observed to disagree in their form of prayer for her, and in their 
doctrine concerning the duty of subjects. Addressing himself 
particularly to Knox, he told him, with much politeness and 
address, that it was the earnest wish of the council that he 
should study greater caution when he had occasion to speak of 
her majesty from the pulpit ; not that they were afraid of his 
saying any thing very improper, but because the liberty which 
he used would be taken by persons less modest and prudent. 
Knox replied to the secretary's speech. He drew a very 
different picture of the state of affairs since the queen came to 
the country ; stated the grievances under which the Church 
ktboured, and which were daily increasing, instead of being 
redressed ; and added, that in these circumstances, the courtiers 
ought not to be surprised at the complaints of the ministers, and 
the liberties which they took in rebuking sins which were 
openly committed and persisted in notwithstanding all due 
admonition. At the same time, he professed his readiness to 
account for any part of his own conduct which had given 
offence, and to listen to the objections which might be urged 
against it. 

Maitland specified the mode in which the Reformer usually 
prayed foi her majesty, as one thing which gave offence to him 

* Rtbertson, Hist, of Scotland, vol. ". p. 109. 



272 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

and his colleagues. Prayers and tears, it lias often been 
alleged, are the only arms which Christians ought to employ 
against injuries. But those who have deprived them of other 
weapons have usually envied them the use of these also ; and 
if their prayers have been smoothed down to the temper of their 
adversaries, so as to become mere compliments to princes under 
colour of an address to the Almighty, they have often been pro- 
nounced to be seditious and treasonable.* Knox repeated his 
common form of prayer for the queen, and requested to be in- 
formed in what respects it was deserving of reprehension. 
" Ye pray for the queen's majesty with a condition," replied 
Maitland, " saying, ' Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure 
be.' Where have ye example of such prayer ?" — " Wherever 
the examples are," rejoined Knox, " I am assured of the rule, 
' If we shall ask any thing according to his will, he will hear 
us ;' and Christ commanded us to pray, ' Thy will be done.' " 
— " But in so doing ye put a doubt in the people's head of her 
conversion," said Maitland. — " Not I. my lord ; but her own 
obstinate rebellion causes more than me to doubt of her conver- 
sion." — "Wherein rebels she against God?" — '-In all the 
actions of her life, but in these two heads especially : that she 
will not hear the preaching of the blessed evangel of Jesus 
Christ, and that she maintains that idol the mass." — " She 
thinks not that rebellion, but good religion." — " So thought they 
who offered their children to Moloch, and yet the Spirit of God 
affirms that they offered them unto devils, and not unto God." 
— " But yet ye can produce the example of none that has so 
prayed before you," said the secretary, pressing his former 
objection. — "Well, then," said Knox, " Peter said these words 
to Simon Magus, ' Repent of this thy wickedness, and pray to 
God, that, if it be possible, the thought of thine heart may be 
forgiven thee.' And think ye not, my lord secretary, that the 
same doubt may touch my heart as touching the queen's con- 
version, that then touched the heart of the apostle ?" — •< I would 
never hear you or any other call that in doubt," replied Mait- 
land. — " But your will is no assurance to my conscience." — 
" Why say ye that she refuses admonitions ?" said Maitland ; 
" she will gladly hear any man." — " But what obedience 
ensues ? Or, when shall she be seen to give her presence to 
the public preaching ?" — " I think never, so long as she is thus 
entreated," replied the secretary. — " And so long," rejoined the 

* During the reign of Mary of England, the manner in which the Pro- 
testants prayed for her in their conventicles was declared high treason. 
Act. Pari. 1 and 2, Philip and Mary, cap. 9. Nor did the Psalms and pray- 
ers of the primitive Christians escape punishment under the " tolerant" Em- 
peror Julian. Works of the Reverend Samuel Johnston, p. 20 — '22. Lon- 
don, 1713. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 273 

Reformer, " ye and all others must be content that 1 pray so as 
I may be assured to be heard of my God, either in 1 laking her 
comfortable to his Church, or, if he has appointed her to be a 
scourge to the same, that we may have patience, and she may 
be bridled." 

" Well, then," said the secretary, " let us come to the second 
head. Where find ye that the Scripture calls any ' the bond 
slaves of Satan ?' or that the prophets spake so irreverently of 
kings and princes ?" — " If the sharpness of the term offend 
you," replied the Reformer, " I have not invented that phrase 
of speaking, but have learned it out of God's Scriptures ; for 
these words I find spoken unto Paul, ' Behold, I send thee unto 
the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they may turn from dark- 
ness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God.' Mark 
thir words, my lord, and stur not at the speaking of the Holy 
Ghost," 

The secretary, who, during the greater part of the dispute, 
had leaned on the Master of Maxwell's breast, said that he was 
fatigued, and desired some other person to reason with Knox 
on the point which remained to be discussed, respecting the au- 
thority of magistrates and the duty of subjects. Chancellor 
Morton ordered George Hay to perform this part. Knox was 
aware that the object of the Court was, if possible, to divide 
the ministers, and that they would improve any appearance of 
diversity of opinion among them to the prejudice of the com- 
mon cause. He therefore told Hay that he had no objections 
to reason, with him, knowing him to be a man of learning and 
modesty ; but he should be sorry to think that they opposed each 
other, like two scholars of Pythagoras, to shew the quickness 
of their parts by supporting either side of a question; and as 
he, for his own part, protested that he durst no more support a 
proposition which he knew to be untrue, than he durst teach 
false doctrine in the pulpit, so he hoped that his brother would, 
on the present occasion, advance or maintain nothing but what 
he was persuaded of in his conscience. This caution had 
the desired effect, and Hay declared, before the whole assembly, 
that his judgment exactly coincided with Knox's on the subject 
proposed for discussion. " Marry," said the disappointed sec- 
retary, " ye are the well worst of the two ; for I remember our 
reasoning when the queen was in Carrick." 

Perceiving that none of the company was disposed to enter 
the lists with the Reformer, Maitland again returned to the 
charge, and engaged to defend the uncontrolable authority of 
rulers. " Well," said he, " I am somewhat better provided in 
this last head, than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox, yester- 
day we heard your judgment upon the 13th to the Romans; 
we heard the mind of the apostle well opened; we heard the 
K2 



274 LIFE OF .10 H N K X O X . 

causes why God has established powers upon earth ; we heard 
the necessity that mankind has of the same ; and we heard the 
duty of magistrates sufficiently declared. But in two things 
I was offended, and I think some more of my lords that then 
were present : The one was, ye made difference betwixt the 
ordinance of God, and the persons that are placed in authority ; 
and ye affirmed, that men might resist the persons, and yet not 
offend God's ordinance. The other was, that subjects were not 
bound to obey their princes if they commanded unlawful things, 
but that they might resist their princes, and were not ever bound 
to suffer." Knox said that the secretary had given a correct 
statement of his sentiments. " How will you prove your di- 
vision and difference," said Maitl,and, "and that the person 
placed in authority may be resisted, and God's ordinance not 
transgressed, seeing that the apostle says, ' He that resists the 
power, resists the ordinance of God ?' " Knox replied, that the 
difference was evident from the words of the apostle, and that 
his affirmative was supported by approved examples. For the 
apostle asserts, that the powers ordained of God are for the pre- 
servation of quiet and peaceable men, and for the punishment of 
malefactors ; whence it is plain, that God's ordinance is wholly 
intended for the preservation of mankind, the punishment of 
vice, and the maintenance of virtue; but the persons placed in 
authority are often corrupt, unjust, and oppressive. Having re- 
ferred to the conduct of the people of Israel in rescuing Jona- 
than from the hands of Saul, which is recorded with approba- 
tion, and to the conduct of Doeg, in putting to death the priests 
at the command of that monarch, which is recorded with dis- 
approbation in Scripture, he proceeded thus : " And now, my 
lord, in answer to the place of the apostle, I say, that ' the pow- 
er' in that place is not to be understood of the unjust com- 
mandment of men, but of the just power wherewith God has 
armed his magistrates to punish sin and to maintain virtue. As 
if any man should enterprise to take from the hands of a law- 
ful judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that 
by God's law deserved the death, this same man resisted God's 
ordinance, and procured to himself vengeance and damnation, 
because that he stayeth God's sword to strike. But so it is 
not, if that men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the 
fury and blind rage of princes ; for so they resist not God, but 
the devil, who abuses the sword and authority of God." — " I 
understand sufficiently," said Maitland, " what you mean ; and 
unto the one part I will not oppose myself, but I doubt of the 
other. For if the queen would command me to slay John 
Knox, because she is offended at him, I would not obey her ; 
but if she would command others to do it, or yet by a colour 
>f. iustire tak \ his life from him, I caniot tell if I be bound to 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 275 

defend him against the queen, and against her officers." — • 
« Undei protestation," replied the Reformer, " that the auditory 
think not that I speak in favours of myself, I say, my lord, that 
if ye be persuaded of my innocence, and if God hath given 
you such power or credit as might deliver me, and yet ye suffer 
me to perish, that in so doing ye should be criminal, and guilty 
of my blood." — " Prove that, and win the plea," said Maitland. 
" Well, my lord," answered Knox, " remember your promise, 
and I shall be short in my probation." He then produced the 
example of Jeremiah, who, when accused by the priests and 
false prophets, said to the princes, " Know ye for certain, that 
if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon 
yourselves, and upon this city, and upon the inhabitants thereof." 
— " The cases are not like," said Maitland. " And I would 
learn," said Knox, " wherein the dissimilitude stands." — 
" First," replied Maitland, " the king had not condemned him 
to death. And next, the false prophets, the priests, and the 
people, accused him without a cause, and therefore they could 
not but be guilty of his blood." — " Neither of these fights with 
my argument," said Knox; "for, albeit neither the king was 
present, nor yet had condemned him, yet were the princes and 
chief councillors there sitting in judgment, who represented 
the king's person and authority. And if ye think that they 
should all have been criminal only because they all accused him, 
the plain text witnesses the contrary ; for the princes defended 
him, and so, no doubt, did a great part of the people, and yet 
he boldly affirms that they should be all guilty of his blood, if 
that he should be put to death." — " Then will ye," said the 
secretary, " make subjects to control their princes and rulers ?" 
— "And what harm," asked the Reformer, "should the com- 
monwealth receive, if the corrupt affections of ignorant rulers 
were moderated, and so bridled, by the wisdom and discretion 
of godly subjects, that they should do wrong or violence to no 
man ?" 

The secretary, finding himself hard pushed, said that they 
had wandered from the argument ; and he professed that if the 
queen should become a persecutor, he would be as ready as 
any within the realm to adopt the doctrine of the Reformer. 
" But our question," said he, " is, whether that we may, and 
ought, suppress the queen's mass. Or, whether that her idolatry 
should be laid to our charge." — " Idolatry ought not only to be 
suppressed," said Knox, " but the idolater ought to die the 
death." — "I know," answered Maitland, "that the idolater 
ought to die the death; but by whom!" — "By the people," 
rejoined the Reformer ; " for the commandment was made to 
Israel \s ye may read, ' Hear, Israel, saith the Lord, the stat- 
utes- and commandments of the Lord thv God.' " — " But there 



276 LIFE OF JOHN KNi X. 

is no commandment given to the people to punish their king 
if he be an idolater."—" I find no privilege granted unto kings,'* 
said Knox, " more than unto the people, to offend God's majes- 
ty." "I grant," said the secretary ; "but yet the people may 

not be judge unto their king, to punish him albeit he be an 
idolater. The people may not execute God's judgment, but 
must leave it unto himself, who will either punish it by death, 
by war, by imprisonment, or by some other kind of plagues." 

u I know," replied Knox, " the last part of your reason to be 

true ; but, for the first, I am assured ye have no other warrant 
except your own imagination, and the opinion of such as more 
fear to offend princes than God." 

« Why say you so ?" said Maitland. " I have the judgments 
of the most famous men within Europe, and of such as ye your- 
self will confess both godly and learned." Upon which he 
produced a bundle of papers, and read extracts from the writ- 
ings of the principal reformed divines against resistance to 
rulers ; adding, that he had bestowed more labour on the collec- 
tion of these authorities than on the reading of commentaries 
for seven years. Knox replied, that it was a pity he had given 
himself so' much labour, for none of the extracts which he had 
read bore upon the question under discussion ; some of them 
being directed against the Anabaptists, who denied that Chris- 
tians should be subject to magistrates, or that it was lawful for 
them to hold the office of magistracy ; and the rest referring to 
the case of a small number of Christians scattered through 
heathen and infidel countries, which was the situation of the 
primitive church. In this last case, he said, he perfectly agreed 
with the writers whom Maitland had quoted ; but when the 
majority of a nation were professors of the true religion, the 
case was very different. While the posterity of Abraham were 
few in number, and while they sojourned in different countries, 
they were merely required to avoid all participation in the 
idolatrous rites of the heathen ; but as soon as they " prospered 
into a kingdom," and obtained possession of Canaan, they were 
strictly charged to suppress idolatry, and to destroy all its mon- 
uments and incentives. The same duty was now incumbent 
on the professors of the true religion in Scotland, whose release 
from bondage, temporal and spiritual, was no less wondei r ul 
than the redemption of the Israelites from Egypt. Formerly, 
when not more than ten persons in a country were enlightened, 
and when these were called to seal their testimony to the truth, 
by giving their bodies to the flames, it would have been foolish- 
ness to have demanded of the nobility the suppression of idola- 
try. But now, when knowledge had increased, and God had 
given such a signal victory to the truth, that it had been public 
ly embraced by the realm, if they suffered the land to be again 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 277 

defiled, both they and their queen should drink of the cup of 
divine indignation. She, because, amidst the great light of the 
Gospel, she continued obstinately addicted to idolatry, and they, 
because they tolerated, and even countenanced her in such 
conduct. 

Maitland challenged his opponent to prove that the apostles 
or prophets ever taught that subjects might suppress the idola- 
try of their rulers. Knox appealed to the conduct of the pro- 
phet Elisha in anointing Jehu, and giving him a charge to pun- 
ish the idolatry and bloodshed of the royal family of Ahab. 
" Jehu was a king before he put any thing in execution," said 
the secretary. " My lord, he was a mere subject, and no king, 
when the prophet's servant came to him ; yea, and albeit that 
his fellow captains, hearing of the message, blew the trumpet, 
and said, < Jehu is king,' yet I doubt not but Jezebel both 
thought and said he was a traitor, and so did many others in 
Israel and Samaria." — " Besides this," said Maitland, " the 
fact is extraordinary, and ought not to be imitated." — " It had 
the ground of God's ordinary judgment, which commands the 
idolater to die the death," answered Knox. — " We are not 
bound to imitate extraordinary examples," rejoined Maitland, 
" unless we have like commandment and assurance." Knox 
granted that this was true when the example .was repugnant to 
the ordinary precept of the law, as in the case of the Israelites 
borrowing from the Egyptians without repayment. But when 
the example agreed with the law, he insisted that it was imita- 
ble ; and of this kind was the instances to which he had appeal- 
ed. But, said Maitland, " whatsoever they did, was done at 
God's commandment." — « That fortifies my argument," retort- 
ed the Reformer ; " for God, by his commandment, has approved 
that subjects punish their princes for idolatry and wickedness 
by thern committed." — " We have not the like commandment," 
said the secretary. " That I deny ; for the commandment, that 
the idolater shall die the death, is perpetual, as ye yourself have 
granted ; ye doubted only who should be the executioner, and 
I have sufficiently proven that God has raised up the people, 
and by his prophet has anointed a king, to take vengeance upon 
the king and his posterity, which fact God since that time has 
never retracted." — " Ye have produced but one example," said 
Maitland. " One sufhceth ; but yet, God be praised, we lack 
not others, for the whole people conspired against Amaziah, 
king of Judah, after he had turned away from the Lord." — " I 
doubt whether they did well, or not," said Maitland. " God 
gave sufficient approbation of their fact, for he blessed them 
with victory, peace, and prosperity, the space of fifty-two years 
after." — « But prosperity does not always prove that God 
approves the fa'3ts of men." — " Yes, when the facts of men 
£4 



278 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

agree with the law of God, and are rewarded according to his 
promise, I say that the prosperity succeeding the fact is a most 
infallible assurance that God has approved the fact. And now, 
my lord, I have but one example to produce, and then I will 
put an end to my reasoning, because I weary longer to stand. " r 
The lords desired him to take a chair ; but he declined it, say- 
ing, " that melancholic reasons needed some mirth to be inter- 
mixed with them." After a short dispute on the resistance of 
the priests to Uzziah, the Reformer recapitulated the proposi- 
tions which he thought had been established in the course of 
the debate. " Well," said Maitland, " I think ye shall not have 
many learned men of your opinion." Knox replied, that the 
truth ceased not to be the truth, because men misunderstood or 
opposed it, and yet he did not want the suffrages of learned 
men to his opinions. Upon which he presented a copy of the 
Apology of Magdeburgh, desiring the secretary to look at the 
names of the ministers who had approved of the defence of that 
city against the emperor, and subscribed the proposition, that 
to resist a tyrant is not to resist the ordinance of God. " Hom- 
ines obscuri !"* said Maitland, slightingly, after perusing the 
list. " Dei tamen servi !"t replied the Reformer. 

The secretary now insisted that the questions which they had 
discussed should be put to the vote, and that the determination 
of the meeting should fix a rule for uniformity of doctrine 
among the ministers. Knox protested against this motion, and 
reminded their lordships that the General Assembly had agreed 
to the present conference upon the express condition that noth- 
ing should be voted or decided at it. At last it was agreed, that 
the opinions of those who were present should be taken, but 
that they should not be considered as decisive. Winram, sup- 
erintendent of Fife, and Douglas, rector of the university of St. 
Andrews, were the principal persons among the ministers, who 
agreed in sentiment with the courtiers. Knox's colleague, in 
delivering his opinion, took occasion to give an account of a 
public dispute at which he had been present in Bologna, upon 
the question, Whether subjects have a right to control and re- 
form their rulers, when they have been guilty of violating their 
oaths of office. Thomas de Finola, rector of the University, 
and Vincentius de Placentia, persons celebrated for their 
learning, maintained the affirmative on this question, and their 
opinion was adopted after long discussion. " Ye tell us what 
was done in Bologna," exclaimed one of the courtiers ; " we 
are in a kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth." — " My 
lord," replied Craig, " my judgment is, that every kingdom is- 
a commonwealth, or at least should be, albeit that every com- 

* Men of no note. f Servants of God, however. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 279 

monwealth is not a kingdom ; and therefore I thinA .hat in a 
kingdom no less diligence ought to be taken that laws be not 
violated than in a commonwealth, because the tyranny of 
princes who continually reign in a kingdom, is more hurtful to 
the subjects than the misgovernment of those that from year to 
year are changed in free commonwealths." He added, that the 
dispute to which he had referred was conducted on general 
principles, applicable equally to monarchies and republics ; and 
that one of the conclusions adopted was, that, although laws 
contrary to the law of God, and to the true principles of 
government, had been introduced, through the negligence of 
the people or the tyranny of princes, yet the same people, or 
their posterity, had a right to demand that all things should be 
reformed according to the original institution of kings and com- 
monwealths.* 

The speech of Craig alarmed the courtiers as to the issue of 
the vote ; and the clerk register took occasion to observe that, 
at a former conference, it had been agreed that Knox should 
write to Calvin to obtain his opinion on this question. Knox 
corrected this statement, by saying that the secretary had 
undertaken to consult that reformer, but although repeatedly 
reminded of his promise, had never fulfilled it. Maitlzmd 
acknowledged this, and said that upon mature deliberation he 
durst not, considering his station, ask advice respecting any 
controversy between the queen and her subjects, without her 
majesty's consent. It was now proposed that Knox should 
write to Calvin ; but he refused to be employed in the business. 
Before he returned to the kingdom, he said, he had obtained 
the judgment of the most eminent foreign divines on that ques- 
tion, and he could not renew his application to them, without 
exposing himself to the charge of forgetfulness or inconsistency. 
The proper coarse was for them to write, complaining that lie 
had taught such doctrines as he had now defended, and reques- 
ting Calvin to communicate his judgment respecting them. 
This proposal was thought reasonable, but none would under- 
take the task ; and the conference broke up without any deter- 
minate resolution being adopted.t 

The reader must be struck with the difference between this 
dispute, and that which Knox formerly maintained with the 

* Craig, who was rather facile in his disposition, and apt to be moulded by 
those who were about him, seems afterwards to have recanted the principle 
which he maintained on this occasion. For I suppose he is the person who 
preached the sermon at Linlithgow, mentioned by Hume of Godscroft, in his 
History of the House of Douglas and Angus, ii. 383, 385. That historian 
has inserted some very ingenious observations on the subject, by way of 
strictures on the sermon. 

f Knox, Historie, pp. 348—363. 



280 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

abbot of Crossraguel. Although long, it was kept up by the 
disputants with great spirit ; nor did they take refuge under 
those ambiguities of speech, or those sophistical forms of argu- 
ment, of which persons trained to wrangle in the schools were 
ever ready to avail themselves, to perplex an adversary, or to 
conceal their own defeat. Few secretaries of state in modern 
times would, it is presumed, be able to acquit themselves so well 
as Maitland did, on questions which were decided chiefly by an 
appeal to the Scriptures. But learned and acute as he was, 
Knox was fully a match for him, and, on the greater part of the 
topics introduced into the debate, evidently had the advantage, 
according to the principles held, and the concessions made, by 
his opponent. For both parties maintained, that idolatry ought 
to be punished by death ; a sentiment which they were led to 
adopt in consequence of their holding the untenable opinion, 
that Christian nations are bound to enact the same penalties 
against all breaches of the moral law, which were enjoined by 
the judicial laws of Moses.* This being taken for granted, the 
dispute between them resolved itself entirely into a question 
respecting the prerogatives of princes and the rights and duties 
of subjects. It may be questioned, too, whether Knox's rea- 
soning from extraordinary examples, qualified as it was by him, 
is sufficiently guarded and correct ; for the instances in which 
punishment was inflicted in an extraordinary way on criminals, 
although the punishment itself was merited and agreeable to 
law, cannot be pleaded as precedents in ordinary cases. But 
even when we cannot approve of his reasonings, we are com- 
pelled to admire the openness with which he avowed, and the 
boldness with which he defended, sentiments so opposite to 
those which were generally received in that age. 

In the month of August, Knox went, by appointment of the 
General Assembly, as visiter of the churches, to Aberdeen and 



* This was an opinion generally entertained among- the Reformers ; and 
it was one ground (though not the only one, as we have seen, pp. 221 — 22), 
upon which they vindicated the penal statutes against the mass and image 
worship. At the same time, while they laboured to restrain these evils, 
they discovered no disposition to proceed to capital punishment, even when 
it was completely in their power. I never read nor heard of an instance, 
in the time of our Reformer, of a person being put to death for performing 
any part of the Roman Catholic worship. If the reason of this discontinuity 
between their opinion and their practice be asked. 1 can only answer, — then- 
aversion to blood. " God, 1 ' says our Reformer, addressing the Popish princes 
who persecuted the Protestants, " will not use his saintes and chosen chil- 
dren to punish you. For with them is alwaies mercie, yea, even althogh God 
have pronounced acur.se and malediction ; as in the history of Josua is plaine. 
But as ye have pronounced wrong and cruel judgment without mercie, so 
will lie punish you by such as in whom there is no mercie." Answer to the 
Cavitations of an Anabaptist, p. 449. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 281 

other parts of the north, where he remained six or seven weeks.* 
At the subsequent meeting of Assembly, he received a similar 
appointment to Fife and Perthshire.t 

Our Reformer's predictions at the last meeting of parliament 
were now fully realized. Another parliament was held in the 
end of l$$l£but nothing was done for securing the Protestant 
religion-?* ..-The queen's marriage had long engaged the anxious 
attenj$£>n of her ministers, and had been the subject of much 
negotiation with England and at foreign courts ; but the vari- 
ous proposals which had been made with a view to it, and the 
political intrigues to which they gave rise, were all thwarted by 
the sudden and strong passion which Mary conceived for Hen- 
ry, Lord Darnley, the son of the Earl of Lennox. As this 
young nobleman, so far as he had discovered any religious sen- 
timents, was inclined to Popery,§ the match could not be very 
agreeable to the great body of the nation, who had already 
testified the strongest jealousy at the queen's attachment to that 
religion. It was, therefore, natural for the nobility, in the 
prospect of this event, to provide additional securities for the 
Protestant Church, and to insist that the royal sanction hitherto 
withheld, should now be granted to its legal establishment. 
Upon this condition, they promised their consent to the mar- 
riage. || The queen agreed to summon a parliament to settle this 
important affair, but she found some pretext for proroguing its 
meeting ;% and, having gained a number of the nobility by 
favours and promises, she proceeded, in July 1565, not only to 
solemnize the nuptials, but to proclaim her husband king, with- 
out the consent of the estates of the kingdom. 

The dissatisfaction produced by these precipitate and illegal 
steps was heightened by the conduct of Darnley. Naturally 
vain, rash, and vindictive, his unexpected prosperity rendered 
him insolent and overbearing ; and it required all the prudence 
of the queen to preserve him from falling into contempt, even 
before their marriage.** Although he could not have come to 
Scotland, and his father could not have been restored to his 
honours and possessions, considering the opposition made by the 
house of Hamilton, without the concurrence and interest of the 
Earl of Murray ; yet he no sooner found himself sealed in the 

* The magistrates of Edinburgh, understanding that, Mr. Christopher 
Goodman was appointed to preach during the absence of their own ministers, 
directed a committee of their number to wait upon him, and to " offer him, 
in their names, all honourabill entertenment, and cause the stewart of 
Jlioim j Knox house to keep table to him upoun the town's expensis." Re- 
cords of Town Council for 23d August 1564. 

t Keith, 535, 537, 540. J Knox, Historic, p. 3<T8. 

5 Keith, p. 278, note (a). || Knox, p. 373. 

H Keith, 279 Knox, 374, 378. ** Keith, 329. Robertson, ii. 125. 

24 * L2 



'292 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

affections of Mary, than he exerted his influence to deprive that 
nobleman of her favour, represented the honours which she har 1 
conferred on him as excessive, and leagued with those who 
were hostile to him and to the reformed religion. Lennox, 
Athole and David Rizzio, a low-bred Italian, who had insinua- 
ted himself into the good graces of Mary, now rJfc^ho court, 
to the exclusion of the most able counsellors.* ^^^ray had 
been urged in private to sign an approbation of the^^ndfd 
marriage, but refused to do it until the nobility were con^ted.t 
His refusal to gratify the queen, by forwarding a match on 
which she was passionately bent, obliterated the memory of all 
his past services, and drew upon him the furious resentment of 
Darnley. Having declined to attend a convention at Perth, 
from just apprehensions of personal danger, he was summoned 
to court by the queen. The summons was repeated three days 
after her marriage, and because he refused to intrust his person, 
on her safe-conduct, to a court where the influence of his de- 
clared enemies prevailed, he was immediately proclaimed an 
outlaw.! In the mean time, the persons who had discovered 
the greatest hostility to him were openly encouraged. Bothwell 
was invited to return ; Lord George Gordon was set at liberty, 
and the earldom of Huntly restored to him ; and the Earl of 
Sutherland was recalled from banishment. § The lords who 
were dissatisfied with the late proceedings, assembled at Stir- 
ling, and, after agreeing to request the protection of Elizabeth, 
retired to their houses ;|| but the queen taking the field with all 
the forces which she could collect, they were at last compelled 
to arm in their own defence.!! Even after they were driven 
to this extremity, they neglected no means of conciliation. 
They professed their steadfast loyalty to the queen. They de- 
clared that their sole desire was, that the reformed religion 
should be secured against the dangers to which it was exposed, 
and that the administration of public affairs should be put into 
the hands of those whom the nation could trust. And they 
offered to submit their own cause to be tried by the laws of 
their country.** But the queen spurned all their offers of sub- 
mission, refused to listen to any intercession in their favour, and, 
advancing against them with an army, obliged them to take 
refuge in England.!!" 

* Knox, 372, 374. Robertson, ii. 114, 120. f Knox, 872. 

X Ibid. 379. Keitb, 309, 310. Append. 108—110. 
\ Knox, 308, 379, 386. Keith, 309, 310. Gordon's Senealog. Hist of 
'.he Earldom of Sutherland, 14:3 — 4. 
|| Keith, 300. 304, 306. 

11 Robertson, ii. 131. Laing, History of Scotland. 
** Knox, Historie, 382, 381, 38 i. tt Ibid. 388. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 2S3 

While her marriage with Darnley was in depenc : nee, and 
she laboured to surmount the opposition made to it by the no- 
bility, Mary had condesended to court the Protestant ministers. 
Having sent for the superintendents of Lothian, Glasgow, and 
Fife (for Knox could not now be admitted to her presence), she 
amused t^fc with fair words. She was not yel persuaded she 
said, ofjBm'uth of their religion, but was willing to hear con- 
ferenaprand reasoning on the subject ; she was also content to 
attenn the public sermons of some of them; and, "above all 
others, she would gladly hear the superintendent of Angus, for 
he was a mild and sweet-natured man, with true honesty and 
uprightness, Sir John Erskine of Dun."* She even went so 
far as to be present at a sermon preached by one of the minis- 
ters in Callender house, at the baptism of a child of Lord Liv- 
ingston.! But as soon as her marriage was accomplished, she 
told the commissioners of the Church, in very plain and de- 
termined language, " her majesty neither will nor may leave the 
religion wherein she has been nourished and brought up."± 
And there was no farther proposals of attending either sermon 
or conference. 

The friendship between the Earl of Murray and the Refor- 
mer had been renewed in the beginning of 1565. Knox was 
placed in a very delicate predicament by the insurrection under 
Murray, and the other lords who opposed the queen's marriage. 
His father-in-law was one of their number. They professed 
that the security of the Protestant religion was the principal 
ground of their taking arms ; and they came to Edinburgh 
to collect men to their standard. But whatever favour he 
might have for them, he kept himself clear from any engage- 
ment^ If he had taken part in this unsuccessful revolt, we 
need not doubt that her majesty would have embraced the op- 
portunity of punishing him for it, when his principal friends 
had fled the kingdom. 

We find, in fact, that she immediately proceeded against hirr 
on a different, but far more slender ground. The young king, 
who could be either Papist or Protestant, as it suited him, went 
sometimes to mass with the queen, and sometimes attended the 
reformed sermons. || To silence the suspicions of his alienation 
from the Protestant religion, circulated by the insurgent lords, 
he, on the 19th of August, made a solemn appearance in St. 
Giles's Church, sitting on a throne which had been prepared for 

* Knox, Historie, 373, 374. f Ibid. 377. J Id. 376. 

§ Goodall says, that Knox was engaged with the Earl of Murray in a plot 
for seizing Darnley ; but he has produced no evidence of his assertion. Life 
of Queen Mary, i. 207— 2(A 

|| Keith, 301—2. 



284 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

his reception. Knox preached that day, and happened to pro- 
long the service beyond his usual time. In one part of the ser- 
mon, he quoted these words of Scripture, « I will give children 
to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them; — in another 
part of it, he mentioned that God punished Ahab.. because he 
did not correct his idolatrous wife Jezebel.* Though no par- 
ticular application was made by the preacher, ;.Jhe king 
applied these passages to himself and the queen, and, returning 
to the palace in great wrath, refused to taste dinner. The Papists 
who had accompanied him to church, inflamed his resent- 
ment and that of the queen by their representations. 

That very afternoon Knox was taken from bed,t and carried 
before the privy council. Some respectable inhabitants of the 
city, understanding his citation, accompanied him to the palace. 
He was told that he had offended the king, and must desist from 
preaching as long as their majesties were in Edinburgh. He 
replied, that "he had spoken nothing but according to his text; 
and if the Church should command him to speak or abstain, he 
would obey, so far as the word of God would permit him."l 
Spotswood says, that he not only stood to what he had said in 
the pulpit, but added, " That as the king, for the queen's plea- 
sure, had gone to mass, and dishonoured the Lord God, so 
should He in his justice make her the instrument of his over- 
throw. This speech," continues the archbishop's manuscript, 
' esteemed too bold at the time, came afterwards to be remem- 
bered, and was reckoned among other his prophetical sayings, 



* Sermon on Isa. xxvi. 13, 14. History of the Reformation, Edin. 1644, 
•Ito. App. pp. 120, 128. Spotswood says, that Knox, in his sermon (either 
doubting the king's sincerity, or favouring the faction of the noblemen), " fell 
upon him with a bitter reproof." History, 191. But the archbishop does 
not seem to have read the sermon, which contains no reproof of the king, 
aither bitter or mild. Indeed, the preacher appears, on that occasion, to have 
used less freedom than ordinary in the application. Strype, Annals, i. 527, 
23d August 1565. 

f Preface to the Sermon, ut supra. 

J: Ibid. Records of Town Council. Knox, Historie, p. £81. Being call- 
ed before the privy council, he wrote out the sermon, as exactly according 
to what he had preached as possible, and sent it to the press, to let the im- 
partial see, " upon how small occasions great offence is now taken." At the 
end of it is this postscript : — " Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit ; for 
the terrible roaring of gunnes, and the noise of armour, do so pierce my 
heart, that my soul thirsteth to depart." On the margin are these words': 
— "The castle of Edinburgh was shooting against the exiled for Christ 
Jesus' sake." Then follows the date at which the writing was finished. 
" The last day of August 1565, at four of the clock in the afternoon, written 
•jdigestly, but yet truly, so farre as memory would serve, of those things 
tnat in publike I spake on Sunday August 19, for the which I was dis- 
charged to p-each for a time. Be merciful] to thy flock. O Lord, and at thy 
pleasure pit >nd to my misery. John Knox." 



LIFE OF JO.IN KNO(. ,80 

which certainty were marvellous. The queen, enraged at this 
answer, burst forth into tears."* 

The report of the inhibition laid upon the Reformer created 
great agitation in the city. His colleague, who was appointed 
to supply his place during his suspension, threatened to desist 
entirely from preaching. The town council met, and appointed 
a deputation to wait on their majesties, and request the reversal 
of the sentence ; and at a second meeting held on the same day, 
they came to a unanimous resolution, that they would " in no 
manner of way consent or grant that -his mouth be closed," but 
that he should be desired, " at his pleasure, and as God should 
move his heart, to proceed forward to true doctrine as before, 
which doctrine they would approve and abide at to their life's 
end."t 

It does not appear that he continued any time suspended from 
preaching. For the king and queen left Edinburgh before next 
Sabbath,:); and the prohibition extended only to the time of their 
residence in the city. Upon their return, it is probable that 
they judged it advisable not to enforce an order which had al 
ready created much discontent, and might alienate the minds of 
the people still farther from the present administration. Ac- 
cordingly, we find him exercising his ministry in Edinburgh 
with the same boldness as formerly. Complaints were made 
to the council of the manner in which he prayed for the exiled 
noblemen ; but secretary Maitland, who had formerly found so 
much fault with his prayers, defended them on the present oc- 
casion, saying, that he had heard them, and they were such as 
nobody could blame. § 

Christopher Goodman had officiated, with much approbation, 
as minister of St. Andrews, since the year 1560; but he was 
prevailed on, by the solicitations of his friends in England, to 
return about this time to his native country. || The commission- 
ers from St. Andrews were instructed to petition the General 
Assembly, which met in December this year, that Knox should 

* Spotswood, 191, 192. Keith, 546, 547. Keith calls in question the 
archbishop's narrative ; because Knox, in his History, does not say that the 
queen was present, and does not mention the prediction, although " fond 
enough to catch at and force such things upon his readers." But Knox did 
not write this part of the History ; the fifth book having been compiled after 
his death, and not being found in old MSS. See Advertisement, prefixed to 
the edition of his Historie, Edin. 1732. It must be confessed, however, that 
Spotswood's account of this affair is inaccurate in a number of particulars. 
David Buchanan says, that the king had " cast the psalme book in the fire," 
which was the cause of Knox's denunciation against him. Life of Knox 
prefixed to History of the Reformation. 

I Records of Town Council, 23d August 1565. Keith, 547. 
t Knox, Historie, p. 381. § Ibid. p. 389. 

II See Note III. 



236 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

be translated from Edinburgh to their city. They claimed a 
right to him, as he had commenced his ministry among them : 
and they might think that the dissensions in which he was in- 
volved with the court would induce him to prefer a more 
retired situation. But their petition was refused.* 

This Assembly imposed on him several important services. 
He was commissioned to visit the churches in the south of Scot- 
land, and appointed to write " a comfortable letter" to encou- 
rage the ministers, exhorters, and readers," throughout the king- 
dom, to persevere in the discharge of their functions, which 
many of them were threatening to abandon, on account of the 
non-payment of their stipends ; and to excite the people among 
whom they laboured to relieve their necessities.! He had for- 
merly received an appointment to draw up the Form of 
Excommunication and of Public Repentance.^ And he was 
now required to compose a Treatise of Fasting. The Assem- 
bly, having taken into consideration the troubles of the country, 
and the dangers which threatened the whole Protestant interest, 
had appointed a general fast to be kept through the kingdom. 
The form and order to be observed on that occasion they left 
to be drawn out by Knox and his colleague ; and as nothing 
had been hitherto published expressly on this subject, they were 
authorized to explain the duty, as well as to state the reasons, 
which at that period called for this solemn exercise. This 
treatise does credit to the compilers, both as to matter and form. 
It is written in a perspicuous and nervous style. In the 
grounds assigned for fasting, the critical state of all reformed 
churches, the late decree of the council of Trent for the extirpa- 
tion of the Protestant name, the combination of the Popish 
princes for carrying it into execution, and the persecutions 
suffered by their brethren in different countries, are all held 
forth as a warning to the Protestants of Scotland, and urged as 
calls to repentance and prayer. 

The following may serve as a specimen : — " Supposing, we 
say, that wee had none of these foresaid causes to moove us, yet 
is there one which, if it moove us not to humiliation, wee show 
ourselves more than insensible. For now is Satan so enlarged 
against Jesus Christ, and so odious is the light of his gospel unto 

* Keith, 562. f Keith, 538. 

\ This appointment was laid upon him in June 1583. Keith, 525. He 
does not seem to have executed it till 1587, which is the date subjoined to a 
prayer at the end of the treatise. Then follows a postscript : " This booke 
is thought necessary and profit-ible for the Church, and commanded to be 
printed by the Generall Asseinblie." The order for printing It seems to 
have been first given by the Assembly in 1568, and renewed in 1571. 
Psalms in meeter, &( (commonly called Knox's Liturgy,) printed by Audio 
Hart. A. V 11, pp. 26 <>7. Dnnlop's Confessions, ii. 70), 7 !?. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 287 

tne Romaine antichrist, that to suppresse it in one province, 
realme, or nation, he thinketh it nothing, unlesse that, in all Eu- 
rope the godly, and such as abhorre the papisticall impietie, be 
therewith also utterlie destroyed, and so rased from the face of 
the earth, that no memory of them shal after remaine. If any 
thinks that suche crueltie cannot fall into the hearts of men, we 
send them to be resolved of those fathers of the last, councel of 
Trent, who, in one of their sessions, have thus concluded : All 
Lutherans, Calvinists, and such as are of the new religion, shall 
utterly be rooted out. The beginning shall be in France, by con- 
ducting of the Catholike king, Philip of Spaine, and by some 
of the nobilitie of France ; which matter (they say) put in exe- 
cution, the whole power of both, together with the pope's armie, 
and force of the Duke of Savoy and Ferrar, shall assault 
Geneva, and shall not leave it till that they have put it to sacke, 
saving in it no living creature. And with the same mercie 
shall so many of P"rance as have tasted of the new religion be 
served. From thence expedition shall be made against the 
Germanes, to reduce them to the obedience of the apostolike 
seate. And so shall they proceed to other realmes and nations, 
never ceasing till that all be rooted out that will not make 
homage to that Romane idoll. How fearefull a beginning this 
conclusion and determination had, France will remember moe 
ages than one. For how manie, above a hundredth thousand 
men, women, babes, virgines, matrones, and aged fathers suffer- 
ed, some by sworde, some by water, some by fire, and other 
torments, the verie enemies themselves are compelled to acknow- 
ledge. And albeit that God of his mercie in part disappoynted 
their cruell enterprises, yet let us not thinke that their will is 
changed, or their malice asswaged. No ; let us be assured, that 
they abide but opportunitie to finish the worke that cruell le 
against God, against his trueth, and the true professors of the 
same, they have begunne, the whisperings whereof are not se- 
creete, neither yet the tokens obscure. For the trarfike of that 
dragon now with the princes of the earth, his promises and 
nattering enticements, tende to none other ende, but to inflame 
them against Jesus Christ, and against the true professours of 
his- gospel. For who can thinke that the pope, cardinals, and 
horned bishops, will offer the greatest portion of their rents, for 
sustaining of a warre, whereof no commoditie should redound 
(as they suppose) to themselves?" Having quoted that part of 
the decree of the council which relates to the assessment imposed 
on the clergy, for carrying on this holy war, the compilers of the 
treatise add : " But let us hear their conclusion : France and Ger- 
manie (say they) being by these meanes so chastised, abased, 
and brought to the obedience of the holy Romane Church, the 
fathers doubt not but time shall provide both counsell and 



288 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

commoditie, that the rest of the realmes about may be reduced 
to one flocke, and one apostolike govemour and pastour. — 
But some shall say, they are yet far from the end of their pur- 
pose, and therefore wee neede not be so fearefull nor so 
troubled. We answere, the danger may be nearer than we 
beleeve, yea, perchance a part of it hath bene nearer to our 
neckes than we have considered. But how so ever it be 
seeing that God of his mercie hath brought foorth to light their 
cruell and bloodie counsell, in which we neede not to doubt but 
still they continue, it becummeth us not to be negligent or 
slouthful."* 

Strong as their apprehensions were, the danger was nearer 
to them than they imagined. The most zealous and powerful 
of the Protestant nobles being exiled, the queen determined to 
carry into execution the design of which she had never lost 
sight ; and while she amused the nation with proclamations 
against altering the received religion, and tantalized the minis- 
ters with offers of more adequate support, was preparing for 
the speedy restoration of the Roman Catholic worship. No 
means were left unattempted for gaining over the nobility to 
the ancient religion. The king openly professed himself a con- 
vert to it, and officiated in some of its most superstitious rites. 
The Earls of Lennox, Cassilis, and Caithness, with Lords 
Montgomery and Seton, followed his example.! The friars 
were employed to preach at Holyroodhouse, and, to gain the 
favour of the people, endeavoured to imitate the popular 
method of the Protestant preachers.l In the beginning of 
February 1566, a messenger arrived from the Cardinal of 
Lorraine, with a copy of the Catholic league for extirpating the 
Protestants, and instructions to obtain the queen's subscription 
to it, and to urge the propriety of adopting the most rigorous 
measures against the exiled noblemen. Mary scrupled not to 
set her hand to the league.§ Previous to this, it is said that she 
was inclined to yield to the intercessions made in behalf of the 
exiles ; but if ever she felt such a disposition, it is certain that, 

* Treatise of Fasting', in Knox's Liturgy, p. 157 — 160. edit. 1611 ; and in 
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 661 — 664. 

r Robertson, Append. No. 14. Keith, Append, pp. 165, 167. Knox, 889 
—391. 

I The friars were so little esteemed, that they soon wearied of preaching. 
They boasted that they would dispute with the Protestant ministers; but 
when the commissioners of the General Assembly waited on their majesties, 
and requested that this might be granted in their presence, the qu sen re- 
plied, that " sche wald not jeopard her religioun upon sick as were tbare 
present ; for sche knew weill enouch, that the Protestants wer more learn- 
ed." Knox, Historic, p. 391. 

$ Keith, p. 326. Append. 167. Melvil's Memoires, 63, 64. Robertson, 
Append. No. 14. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 289 

f t>m the arrival of this embassy, the door of mercy was shut. 
Murray and his associates were immediately summoned to ap- 
pear before the parliament which was to meet on the twelfth 
of March. The lords of the Articles were chosen according to 
the queen's pleasure ; the Popish ecclesiastics were restored to 
their place in parliament ; and the altars to be erected in St. 
Giles's Church, for the celebration of the Roman Catholic wor- 
ship, were already prepared.* 

But these measures, when ripe for execution, were blasted, 
in consequence of a secret engagement which the king had en- 
tered into with some of the Protestant nobles. The first effect 
produced by this engagement was the well known assassination 
of Rizzio, the unworthy favourite of the queen, who was the 
principal instigator of the measures against the Protestant reli 
gion and the banished lords, and had now incurred the jealousy 
of the king, as well as the contempt of the nobility and the hat- 
red of the people. To have removed this minion from her 
majesty's counsels and presence by legitimate means would 
have been meritorious ; but the manner in which it was accom- 
plished was equally inconsistent with law and humanity, and 
fixes a deep stigma on the characters of those who perpetrated 
the deed.t 

A complete change on the state of the court succeeded this 
event. The Popish counsellors fled from the palace ; the exiled 
lords returned out of England ; and the parliament was pro- 
rogued, without accomplishing any of the objects for which it 
had been assembled. But Mary soon persuaded the weak and 
uxorious king to desert the noblemen whom he had made the 
instruments of his revenge, to retire with her to Dunbar, and to 
issue a proclamation, disowning his consent to the late attempt ; 
by which he exposed himself to the contempt of the nation, 
without regaining her affection. Having collected an army, 
she returned to Edinburgh, threatening to inflict the most ex- 

* Knox, 392, 394. Keith, Append. 126. The queen's letter to the Arch- 
bishop of Glasgow, apud Keith, 331. Goodall and Blackwood, apud Robert- 
son, ii. 145. Lond. 1809. 

f The noblemen wished to bring' Rizzio to a public trial ; but the king 
would not wait for this, and determined that he should be seized in the 
queen's presence, although she was big with child, that he might upbraid 
her for the wrongs which he had suffered. Keith, App. 121, 122. Robert- 
son, iii. 318. App. No. 15. Douglas of Lochleven, who was engaged in the 
combination against Rizzio, says, that it was their purpose to have " punist 
him be order of justice ; bot men proponit and God disponit udir wais, be sic 
extraordinar means, quhilk truly my aune hart aborit quhan I saw him ; for 
I never consentit that he suld haiff been usit by [beside] justice, nather was 
it in ony nobellman his mind." Speaking of Rizzio's influence, Douglas 
says, " 1 causit offer to him, gif he wald stay the Erie of Murray's forfaltour, 
he suld haiff 5 thowsand pundis Scottis ; his answer was, 20 thowsand an«' 
that wer all alik ; it wald not be." MS. papers of the Laird of Lochleven. 
25 M2 



290 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

emplary vengeance on all who had been accessory to the mur- 
der of her secretary, and the indignity shown to her person. 
She found herself, however, unable to resume her former plans ; 
and, while the conspirators against Rizzio were forced to flee 
to England, the Earl of Murray, and the other lords who had 
opposed her marriage, were allowed to remain in the country, 
and soon after pardoned. 

When the queen returned to Edinburgh, Knox left it, and 
retired to Kyle. There is no reason to think that he was privy 
to the conspiracy which proved fatal to Rizzio. But it is pro- 
bable that he had expressed his satisfaction at an event which 
contributed to the safety of religion and the commonwealth, if 
not also his approbation of the object of the conspiracy.* At 
any rate, he was sufficiently obnoxious to the queen on other 
grounds ; and as her resentment, on the present occasion, 
was exceedingly inflamed, it was deemed prudent for him to 
withdraw.t 

Having, at last, " got quit" of one who had so long been 
troublesome to her, Mary was determined to prevent his return 
to the capital. The town council and inhabitants, who had 
formerly refused to acquiesce in his suspension from preaching 
for a short time, exerted themselves to obtain his restoration ; 
and powerful intercession was made in his behalf by many of 
the nobility and gentry. But the queen was deaf to all entreat- 
ies. She was even unwilling that he should find a refuge with- 
in the kingdom, and wrote to a nobleman in the west country, 
with whom he resided, to banish him from his house. J- It does 
not appear that he returned to Edinburgh, or, at least, that he 
resumed his ministry in it, until the queen was deprived of 
the government. 

Being banished from his flock, he judged this a favourable 
opportunity for paying a visit to England. Parental affection 
increased the desire which he had long felt to accomplish this 
journey. His two sous had been lately sent by him into that 

* King James VI. having- found great fault with Knox for approving of the 
assassination of Rizzio, one of the ministers said, " that the slaughter of 
David (Rizzio), so far as it was the work of God, was allowed hy Mr. Knox, 
and not otherwise." Cald. MS. ad. ann. 1591. Knox himself does not, 
however, state this qualification, when he mentions the subject incidentally. 
Historie, 85. Robertson, ii. 161 — 2. 

t Knox, Historie, 395. Answer to Tyrie, A. iiij. 

I Letter from Archbishop Grindal to Bullinger, 17th August 1566 : 
Strype's Grindal, Append. 20. Letter from Bishop Parkburst, written in 
December 1566: Burnet's Hist, of Reform, iii. Append. No. 91. In the 
Assembly which met in June this year, Craig desired that " John Carnes, 
who had read prayers and exhorted four years and more in Edinburgh, and 
had weill profited, misjht be joyned with him as colleague in the kirk of 
Edinburgh, in respect he was lone." Keith, 560. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 291 

kingdom, to reside with some of their mother's relations, and to 
obtain their education in the English seminaries. Having pro- 
cured the safe-conduct of Elizabeth, he applied to the General 
Assembly, which met in December 1566, for their permission 
to remove. This was readily granted by them, upon condition 
of his returning against the time of their next meeting in June. 
The Assembly likewise gave him a most ample and honourable 
testimonial, in which they describe him as " a true and faithful 
minister, in doctrine pure and sincere, in life and conversation 
in our sight inculpable," and one who " has so fruitfully used 
that talent granted to him by the Eternal, to the advancement 
of the glory of his godly name, to the propagation of the king- 
dom of Jesus Christ, and edifying of them who heard his 
preaching, that of duty we must heartily praise His godly name, 
for that so great a benefit granted unto him for our utility and 
profit."* 

Knox was charged with a letter from the General Assembly 
to the bishops and ministers of England, interceding for lenity 
to such of their brethren as scrupled to use the sacerdotal dress 
enjoined by the laws. The controversy on that subject was at 
this time carried on with great heat among the English clergy. 
It is not improbable that the Assembly interfered in this busi- 
ness at the desire of Knox, to whom the composition of the 
letter was committed.! He could not have forgotten the trou- 
ble which he had himself suffered on a similar ground, and he 
had a high regard for many of the scruplers. This interposi- 
tion did not procure them any relief. Though the superior 
clergy had been more zealous to obtain it than they were, Eliza- 
beth was inflexible, and would listen neither to the supplications 
of her bishops, nor to the advice of her counsellors. Knox's good 
opinion of the English queen does not seem to have been im- 
proved by this visit4 

He performed one important piece of public service before 
undertaking this journey to England. On the 23d of Decem- 
ber, the queen granted a commission, under the privy seal, to 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews, restoring him to his ancient 
jurisdiction, which had been abolished in 1560, by act of par- 

* Keith, 56. 

f Ibid. 535, 536. K iox, 402, 403. Spotswood, 198, 199. The letter was 
subscribed by "John Dividson, for James Nicoldson, writer and clarke of 
the church of Edinborc ugh." Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker, Append. 
p. 88. . 

\ Speaking of Engk nd, he says, " And yet is sche that now rigneth over 
thame nether gude Pmtestant, nor yet resolute Papist; let the world juge 
quhilk is the third." Historie, p. 277. By comparing this with p. 2li9, it 
appears that it was w itten by him in 1567, and consequently after his re- 
turn from England. 



292 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

hament.* This step was taken, partly to prepare fu the re- 
storation of the Popish religion, and partly to facilitate another 
dark design which was soon after disclosed. The Protestants 
could not fail to be both alarmed and enraged at this daring 
measure. Moved by his own zeal no less than by the advice 
of his brethren, the Reformer addressed a circular letter to the 
principal Protestants in the kingdom, requesting their immediate 
advice on the measures most proper to be adopted on this occa- 
sion, and enclosing a copy of a proposed supplication to the 
queen. This letter discovers all the ardour of the writer's spirit, 
called forth by such an alarming occurrence. After mentioning 
the late acts for the provision of the ministry,! by which the 
queen attempted to blind them, he says, " How that any such 
assignation, or any promise made thereof, can stand in any sta- 
ble assurance, when that Roman antichrist, by just laws once 
banished from this realm, shall be intrusted above us, we can 
no ways understand. Yea, farther, we cannot see what assu- 
rance can any within this realm, that hath professed the Lord 
Jesus, have of life, or inheritance, if the head of that odious 
beast be cured among us. As from the beginning we have 
neither spared substance nor life, so mind we not to faint unto 
the end, to maintain the same, so long as we can find the con- 
currence of brethren ; of whom (as God forbid) if we be desti- 
tute, yet we are determined never to be subject to the Roman 
antichrist, neither yet to his usurped tyranny ; but when we can 
do no farther to suppress that odious beast, we mind to seal it 
with our blood to our posterity, that the bright knowledge of 
Jesus Christ hath banished that Man of Sin, and his venomous 
doctrine, from our hearts and consciences. Let this our letter 
and request bear witness before God, before his Church, before 
the world, and before your own consciences."! The suppli- 
cation of the General Assembly to the lords of the privy coun- 
cil, on the same subject, also bears marks of the Reformer's 
pen.§ 

During the time that Knox was in England, that tragedy, so 
well known in Scottish history, was acted, which led to a com- 
plete revolution in the government of the kingdom, and, con- 
trary to the designs of the principal actors, threw the power 
wholly into the hands of the Protestants. Mary's affection for 

* Reg. Seer. Sig. lib. xxxv. f. 99. Laing's History of Scotland, vol. i. 
75, 7(i, 2d edit. This historian has refuted the charges of forgery which 
Whitaker had brought against Knox and Calderwood on this head. Ibid. pp. 
78,79. VV 

t Keith, pp. 561, 562. The occurrence which had taken place helps to ex- 
plain the coldness with which the Assembly receive the infornation of 
these acts in their favour. Ibid. p. 503. 

t Cald. MS. apud Keith, 550—7. { Ibid. 567—8. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 293 

her husband, which had cooled soon after their marriage, was, 
from the time of Rizzio's assassination, converted into a fixed 
hatred, which she was at little pains to conceal. The birth of 
an heir to the crown produced no reconciliation between the 
royal parents ; the king was not allowed to be present at the 
baptism of his own son, and was treated with such marked dis- 
respect, even by the servants, that he abandoned the court, and 
shut himself up in his father's house. In proportion as the 
queen's mind was alienated from her husband, the unprincipled 
Earl of Bothwell grew in her favour. He engrossed the whole 
management of public affairs, was loaded with honours, and 
treated by her majesty with every mark of personal regard and 
affection. In these circumstances, the neglected, unhappy king, 
was decoyed to Edinburgh, lodged in a solitary dwelling at the 
extremity of the city, and murdered on the morning of the 10th 
of February 1567; the house in which he lay being blown up 
with gunpowder. 

It would be unsuitable to the nature of the present work to 
enter into the controversy respecting the authors of this mur- 
der, which has been agitated with uncommon keenness from 
that day to the present time. The accusation of the Earl of 
Murray as a party to the deed, is destitute of all proof, and 
utterly incredible. It was at first circulated with the evident de- 
sign of turning away the public mind from the real perpetra- 
tors ; it was insinuated, and afterwards directly brought forward, 
in the conferences at York and Westminster, as a retaliation 
upon him for the charge which he exhibited against the queen; 
and it is now kept up only by the most blind and bigoted of her 
.partisans. That Bothwell was the prime contriver and agent 
in the murder, cannot admit of a doubt with any impartial and 
judicious inquirer. And that Mary was privy to the design, 
and accessory to its execution by permission and approbation, 
there is, I think, all the evidence, moral and legal, which could 
reasonably be expected in a case of this kind. The whole of 
her behaviour towards the king, from the time that she brought 
him from Glasgow till she left him on the fatal night ; the re- 
missness which she discovered in inquiring into the murder ; the 
shameful manner in which she suffered the farce of Bothwell 's 
trial to be conducted ; the glaring act (which struck the whole 
of Europe, and even her own friends, with horror) of taking to 
her bed, with indecent haste, the man who was stigmatized as 
the murderer of her husband ; and the manner in which she 
refused to defend herself, and broke off the conference to which 
she had agreed, as soon as the charge of accession to the mur- 
der was brought against her, — afford the strongest presumptions 
of her guilt ; and, when taken in connexion with the direct ev- 
idence arising from letters and depositi ns, would have been 
25* 



294 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

sufficient long ago to shut the mouths f any but the defenders 
of Mary Queen of Scots.* 

Knox was absent from Edinburgh at the time of the queen's 
marriage with Bothwell ; but his colleague ably supported the 
honour of his place and order on that occasion, when the whole 
nobility of Scotland preserved a passive and disgraceful silence. 
Being required by both the parties to publish the banns, Craig 
reluctantly complied, after taking the advice of his session ; but, 
at the same time, he protested from the pulpit, on three several 
days, and took heaven and earth to witness, that he abhorred 
and detested the intended marriage as unlawful and scandalous, 
and solemnly charged the nobility to use their influence to pre- 
vent the queen from taking a step, which would inevitably cover 
her with infamy, and involve her in ruin. Being called befoie 
the council, and accused of having exceeded the bounds of his 
commission, he boldly replied, that the bounds of his commis- 
sion were the word of God, good laws, and natural reason, to 
all of which the proposed marriage was contrary. And Both- 
well being present he charged him with the crime of adultery, 
the precipitancy with which the process of divorce had been 
carried through, and the suspicions entertained of collusion 
between him and his wife, of his having murdered the king, 
and ravished the queen, all of which would be confirmed if 
they carried their purpose into execution.! 

The events which followed in rapid succession upon this in- 
famous marriage — the confederation of the nobility for reveng- 
ing the king's death, and preserving the person of the infant 
prince; the flight of Bothwell; the surrender and imprison 
ment of Mary ; her resignation of the government ; the coro 
nation of her son ; and the appointment of the Earl of Murray 

* Those who wish to see the proof of these assertions, may consult Mr. 
Hume's History of the period, with the Notes; Dr. Robertson's, with his 
Dissertation ; and especially Mr. Laing's Dissertation on the subject. This 
last writer has examined the point with great calmness, accuracy, and acute- 
ness, has established the genuineness of the letters to Bothwell, and cleared 
the whole evidence from the objections and cavils of the fantastical W I ma- 
ker, a late author, who has equalled any of his predecessors in prejudice, and 
exceeded all of them in the illiberal and virulent abuse with which he has 
treated the most respectable of his opponents. The principal writers who in 
modern times have undertaken the defence of Mary, are Goodall, Tvtler, 
Stuart, and Whitaker. 

| Buik of the Universal Kirk, pp. 8"), 87, 103. Anderson's Collections, ii. 
278—283. Knox, 405, 408. Spotswood, 202, 203. Craig gave in a narra- 
tive and defence of his conduct to the General Assembly, 30th Dec. 1567 ; 
but it was not until the 6th July 1569, that the Assembly overtook the for- 
mal consideration of that affair, when they declared that " he had done the 
dewtie of a faith full minister." 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 295 

as regent during his minority, are all veil known to the readers 
of Scottish history. 

Knox seems to have returned to his charge at the time that 
the queen fled with Bothwell to Dunbar. He was present in 
the Genera] Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the 25th of 
June, and was delegated by them to go to the west country, and 
endeavour to persuade the Hamiltons, and others who stood 
aloot from the confederated lords to join with them in settling 
the distracted affairs of the country, and to attend a general 
convention of the delegates of the churches, to be held on the 
20th of July following.* In this negotiation he was unsuccess- 
ful. But the convention was held, and the nobles, barons, and 
commissioners of boroughs, who were present, subscribed a 
number of important articles, with reference to religion and the 
state of the nation.! 

t On the 29th of July 1567, the Reformer preached the sermon 
at the coronation of James VI. in the parish church of Stir- 
ling.:}: He objected to the ceremony of unction, as a Jewish 
rite abused under ihe Papacy ; but it was deemed inexpedient, 
on the present occasion, to depart from the accustomed ceremo- 
nial. It was therefore performed by the bishop of Orkney; 
the superintendents of Lothian and Angus assisting him to place 
the crown on the king's head.§ After the coronation, Knox, 
along with some others, took instruments, and craved extracts 
of the proceedings.|| 

When the queen was confined by the lords in the castle of 
Lochleven, they had not resolved in what manner they should 
dispose of her person for the future. Some proposed that she 
should be allowed to leave the kingdom ; some that she should 
be imprisoned during life ; while others insisted that she ought 
to be capitally arraigned. Of this last opinion was Knox, with 
almost all the ministers, and the great body of the people. 

* Keith, 574, 577. Knox, 410. 

f Keith, 58 L— 583. Knox, 411. Spotsvvood, 209, 210. 

\ Knox, 412. Buchanan calls it luculentam concionem. Hist. lib. xviii. 
Oper. torn. i. p. 366. 

\ Cald. MS. ii. 67, 68. Anderson's Collections, ii. 249. One author says 
that Knox was employed in putting the crown on the king's head. " Diade- 
ma Joannis Knoxii manibus capiti regio impositum." Archibaldus Simso- 
nus, Annates Eccles. Scotican. p. 9. MS. in the possession of Thomas 
Thomson, Esq, 

|| Keith, 439. Keith expresses his surprise at Knox's taking instruments 
in the name of the estates, as he " could properly belong to no estate at all." 
Hist. p. 440. But the record does not say that, he took instruments in the 
name of the estates. It is evident that he acted in the name of the Church, 
which was considered as having an interest in the transaction, as, by one 
clause of the coronation oath, the king engaged to maintain the reformed 
religion, and the privileges of the Protestant Church. Ibid. p. 438. 



296 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

The chief grouud upon which they insisted for thus, was not 
her maladministration in the government, or the mere safety 
and peace of the commonwealth ; which were the reasons upon 
which the parliament of England, in the following century, 
proceeded to the execution of her grandson. But they founded 
their opinion upon the personal crimes with which Mary was 
charged. Murder and adultery, they reasoned, were crimes to 
which the punishment of death was allotted by the law of God 
and of nations. From this penally persons of no rank could 
plead exception. The ordinary forms of judicial procedure 
made no provision for the trial of a supreme magistrate, be- 
cause the laws did not suppose that such enormous crimes could 
be committed by him ; but extraordinary cases required ex- 
traordinary remedies, and new offences gave birth to new laws. 
There are examples in Scripture of the capital punishment 
of princes, nor are precedents of it wanting in the history <jf 
Scotland.* 

Upon these grounds, Knox scrupled not publicly to maintain, 
that the estates of the kingdom ought to bring Mary to a trial ; 
and, if she was found guilty of the murder of her husband, and 
an adulterous connection with Bothwell, that she ought to be 
put to death. Throkmorton, the English ambassador, held a 
conference with him, with the view of mitigating the rigour of 
this judgment ; but though he acquiesced in the resolution 
adopted by the nobility to detain her in prison, he retained his 
own sentiments, and, after the civil war was kindled by her 
escape from confinement, repeatedly said, that he considered the 
nation as suffering for their criminal lenity.t 

Though the Earl of Murray, after his return from banish- 
ment, had been pardoned, and re-admitted to his place in the 
privy council, he did not regain the confidence of her majesty. 
Perceiving the ruinous tendency of the course on which she 
was bent, and despairing of being able to prevent it by his ad- 
vice, he declined taking any active part in the management of 
public affairs, and appeared very seldom at court. Soon after 
the king was murdered, he obtained liberty to leave the king- 
dom, and retired to France, where he remained till recalled by 
a message from the confederated lords, after Mary had sub- 
scribed the instruments by which she resigned the crown, and 
appointed him regent during the minority of her son. Having 
arrived in Scotland, he was formally invested with the regency, 
on the 22d of August 1567. No sooner was he confirmed in 
the government, than he exerted himself with great zeal and 

* Keith, 421, 422, 423. Throkmorton's Letters, 14th and 18th July. Rob- 
ertson, Append. No. 21. " The women," says the ambassador, " be most 
furious and impudent against the ]ucen, and yet the men be mad enougb." 

f Cald. MS. ii. 73. Bannatvne s Journal, p. 113. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 297 

prudence to secure the peace of the kingdom, and settle the 
affairs of the Church. A parliament being summoned to meet 
in the middle of December, he, with the advice of the privy 
council, previously nominated certain barons, and commission- 
ers of boroughs, to consult upon and digest such overtures as 
were proper to be laid before that assembly. With these he 
joined Knox, and four other ministers, to assist in matters 
which related to the Church. This committee met in the be- 
ginning of December, and sat until the opening of the parlia- 
ment. The record of their proceedings, both as to civil and 
ecclesiastical affairs, has been preserved ; and, as many of their 
propositions were not adopted by the parliament, it is valuable 
as a declaration of the sentiments of a number of the most able 
men in the kingdom.* 

On the 15th of December, Knox preached at the opening of 
the parliament, and exhorted them to begin with the affairs of 
religion, in which case they would find better success in their 
other business. The parliament ratified all the acts which had 
been passed in 1560, in favour of the Protestant religion and 
against Popery. New statutes of a similar kind were added. 
It was provided, that no prince should afterwards be admitted 
to the exercise of authority in the kingdom, without taking an 
oath to maintain the Protestant religion ; and that none but 
Protestants should be admitted to any office, with the exception 
of those that were hereditary or held for life. The ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, exercised by the assemblies of the Church, was 
formally ratified, and commissioners appointed to define more 
exactly the causes which came within the sphere of their judg- 
ment. The thirds of benefices were appointed to be paid at 
first hand to collectors nominated by the Church, who, after 
paying the stipends of the ministers, were to account to the ex- 
chequer for the surplus. And the funds of provostries, pre- 
bendaries, and chaplainries, were appropriated to maintain bur- 
sars in colleges.t 

In the act ratifying the jurisdiction of the Church, Knox was 
appointed one of the commissioners for drawing out the parti- 
cular points which pertained to ecclesiastical judgment, to be 
presented to next meeting of parliament. The General Assem- 
bly, which met about the same time, gave him a commission, 
along with some others, to act for them in this matter, and, in 
general, to consult with the regent and council on such ecclesi- 
astical questions as might occur after their dissolution. He was 
also appointed to assist the superintendent of Lothian in his 



* See Note KKK. 

+ Act. Pari. Scot, i i. pp. 14—25. Cald. MS. ad ann. 1567. 

N2 



'298 LIFE OF JOHN K N O X . 

visitation, and afterward to visit the churches in Kyle, Carnck, 
and Cunningham.* 

During the regency of Murray there were no jars between 
the Church and the Court, nor any of those unpleasant com- 
plaints which had been made at every meeting of the General 
Assembly before that period, and which were renewed under 
the succeeding regents.t All the grievances of which they 
complained were not, indeed, redressed ; and the provision made 
by law was still inadequate for the support of such an ecclesias- 
tical establishment as the nation required, including the semina- 
ries of education. But the regent not only received the ad- 
dresses of the General Assemblies in a " manner very different 
from that to which they had been accustomed ;" but shewed a 
disposition to grant their petitions, whenever it was in his 
power. It was chiefly through his influence that the favour- 
able arrangement concerning the thirds of benefices was made ; 
and he endeavoured, though unsuccessfully, to obtain the con- 
sent of parliament to the dissolution of the prelacies, and the 
appropriation of their revenues to the common fund of the 
Church.! 

Our Reformer had now reached the point from which 
he could take a calm and deliberate view of the bustling scene 
through which he had passed, and of the arduous struggle 
which he had been so long engaged in, and had at length 
brought to a happy termination. Papal superstition and 
tyranny were suppressed and abolished by law ; the Protestant 
religion was established ; the supreme government of the na- 
tion was in the hands of one in whose wisdom and integrity he 
had the greatest confidence ; the Church was freed from many 
of those grievances under which she had hitherto groaned, and 
enjoyed the prospect of obtaining the redress of such as still re- 

* Cald. ut supra. Keith, 585, 586. 

f Dr. Robertson says, that the regulation respecting the thirds, made by 
the parliament in December 1567, did not produce any considerable change in 
the situation of the clergy, and speaks of them as still " groaning under ex- 
treme poverty, unable to obtain any thing but fair words and liberal pro- 
mises." History of Scotland, ii. 250, 312. London, 1809. But the law 
which gave power to the collectors appointed by the Church to uplift the 
thirds, and to pay the stipends, before any thing was allowed to the court, 
was certainly a very considerable benefit. The Church herself viewed it in 
this light. Calderwood says, that " the ministers were now refreshed with 
the allowance made by last parliament." MS. ad ann. 1567. And the 
Assembly, in their letter inviting Willock 'o return from England, express- 
ly say, " Our enemies, praised be God, a e dashed ; religion established ; 
sufficient provision made for ministers," Sic. Keith, 590. The account 
which I have given in the text is, 1 think, supported by the register of the 
five General Assemblies which were held during the regency of Murray. 

+ Letter from the Recent to the General Assembly, ult. June, 1569 in 
Appendix. Buik of Universal Kirk, pp. 45 — 47. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 299 

mained. The work on which his heart had been so ardently 
set for such a long period, and for the success of which he had 
so ^ften trembled, had prospered beyond his utmost expectation. 
He now congratulated himself on the prospect of being released 
from all burden of public affairs, and of spending the remainder 
of his days in religious meditations, and in preparation for that 
event of whose near approach he was daily admonished by the 
increasing infirmities of his body.* He even secretly cherished 
the wish of resigning his charge in Edinburgh, and of retiring 
to that privacy from which he had been drawn at the com- 
mencement of the Scottish Reformation. Speaking of the 
congregation of which he had been pastor at Geneva, he says, 
in one of his confidential letters, " God comfort that dispersed 
little flock, among whom I lived with quietness of conscience 
and contentment of heart ; and amongst whom I would be 
content to end my days, if so it might stand with God's good 
pleasure. For, seeing it hath pleased his majesty, above all 
men's expectations, to prosper the work for the performing 
whereof I left that company, I would even as gladly return 
to them, if they stood in need of my labours, as ever I was 
glad to be delivered from the rage of mine enemies. I can give 
you no reason that I should so desire, other than that my heart so 
thirsteth."t 

But "the way of man is not in himself." Providence had 
allotted him further trials of a public nature ; he was yet to see 
the security of the reformed religion endangered, and the coun- 
try involved in another civil war, even more distressing than the 
former, inasmuch as the principal persons on both sides were 
professed Protestants. 

From the time that the queen was imprisoned, and the go- 
vernment transferred to the young prince under the regency of 
Murray, a considerable number of the nobility had withheld 
their approbation of these proceedings. The Popish party 
were decidedly attached to Mary, and inimical to a revolution, 
which crushed the hopes which they had all along cherished of 
accomplishing the restoration of the ancient religion. Others, 
though professed Protestants, were induced by various motives 
to oppose the new government. Argyle was at this time alien- 
ated from Murray by a family quarrel.:}: The house of Hamil- 
ton followed that line of narrow and interested policy which 
they had adopted on former occasions of a similar kind. They 
vvere jealous lest the late settlement of the crown should in- 
validate the right of their chief, the Duke of Chastelherault, to 

* Cald. MS. ii. 108. 

+ Letter to John Wood, 14th of February, 1568 ; Cald. MS. ii. 91. 

t Throkmorton to Elizabeth, 22d August 1567 : Keith, 450. 



300 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

the succession; and they were offended that the regency 
which they considered as due to him, should have been con- 
ferred on Murray.* No governor can gratify the expectations 
of all , and some of those who were early friends of the regent 
or had contributed to his advancement, thought that they were 
not sufficiently rewarded. The very means which he found it 
necessary to employ, to restore tranquillity and order to the 
kingdom, created him enemies. During the late confusions, 
many parts of the country had fallen into a state of anarchy ; 
and the northern counties and the borders presented nothing but 
scenes of rapine and bloodshed. It was impossible to repress 
these disorders without making severe examples of the most 
guilty ; and the turbulent and licentious naturally sought the 
overthrow of a government by which they felt themselves 
overawed and restrained.t But the abilities of the regent 
enabled him to overcome these difficulties ; and he was daily 
receiving submissions from the most powerful of the opposite 
party, when, on the 2d of May 1568, the queen escaped from 
her confinement in Lochleven. The discontented nobles im- 
mediately joined her standard, and, having mustered a large 
force, avowed their determination to restore her to the exercise 
of that authority which she had renounced by constraint. This 
formidable insurrection was defeated by the promptitude of 
the regent ; and, in consequence of the battle of Langside. 
Mary was driven into England, and her party broken. Eliza- 
beth having procured herself to be chosen umpire between the 
two parties, the conferences were protracted during so long a 
period, and the conduct of the English court was so equivocal 
and contradictory, that the friends of Mary were encouraged to 
renew their attempts to restore her by force of arms. But al- 
though the Duke of Chastelherault returned from France with a 
large sum of money contributed by the Popish princes, and came 
into Scotland in the character of lieutenant of the queen,J the 
regent, by his vigilance, and his vigorous measures, prevented 

* Throkmorton's letters of 14th, 16th, 18th, and 19th July 1567; Robert- 
son, Append. No. 21. Laing, ii. Appen. No. 31, p. 125. Keith, p. 42:3. 
The protestation taken at the coronation of James VI. by Arthur Hamilton 
of Meriton, in the name of the duke, is confined to the point of his succession 
to the crown, and does not allude, in the slightest degree, to the right of the 
queen. Keith, 437. Of the same strain was the protest which was intend- 
ed to have been made at the parliament held in December 1567 ; a copy of 
which, and a minute of a conversation on the subject between the regent and 
Arthur Hamilton, are preserved among the Hamilton MSS. 

f Buchanan, Oper. i. 346. Keith, 407. 

| Spotswood, 216. Letter, Knox to Wood, 10th September 156S, pub- 
'ished in the Appendix. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 301 

any insurrection, and preserved the Kingcom in . ">edience to the 
young king's authority. 

Despairing to accomplish their darling object during his life,^ 
the partisans of Mary resolved to cut off Murray by private 
means. During the year 1568, two persons were employed 
to assassinate him ; but the design was discovered and pre- 
vented.* This did not hinder new machinations. Hamilton 
of Bothwellhaugh, a nephew of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, 
undertook to perpetrate the deed. He was one of the prison- 
ers taken at the battle of Langside ; but, after being arraigned, 
condemned, arm brought out to execution, he had his life given 
him by the regent, and was soon after set at liberty along with 
the other prisoners.! It is said that he was actuated by re- 
venge, on account of an injury which he had received, by de- 
taining one of his forfeited estates, or by the cruel manner in 
which his wife had been dispossessed of it.+ Whether this was 
really the case, or whether it was afterwards alleged to diminish 
the odium of his crime, and turn it away from his party, can- 
not perhaps be now certainly determined. But it does not ap- 
pear that any part of the regent's conduct towards him was 
such as to afford the slightest alleviation of a crime, in the 
commission of which he burst the ties of gratitude, as well as 
of humanity and justice. On the other hand, there is ample 
proof that he was incited to make the attempt by the political 
party with which he was connected.§ Having formed his res 



* The Hist, of James the Sext, p. 48. Birrel's Diary, 17 in Dalyell's 
Fragments of Scottish History. Laing, ii. 269. See also Letter, Knox to 
Wood, 10th September 1568, ut supra. 

f Hist, of King James the Sext, pp. 43, 63. 

\ This story is related in very different ways. One account makes the 
revenge to turn solely upon the treatment of his wife, who, expecting to be 
allowed to remain in her house of Woodislie, was " uncourtouslie and un- 
mercifullie put thairfra, all her gudis tane fra hir, and schoe left stark naked. 
The gentilwoman, quhat for grief of mynd and exceeding cald, that schoe 
had then contractit, conceaved sic madness as was almost incredible." His- 
toric of King James the Sext, p. 74. Spotswood's account is different. He 
says, that Bothwellhaugh had redeemed his life by yielding up the lands of 
Woodhouselie, which were given to the Justice-Clerk, and he refusing to 
part with them, Bothwellhaugh " made his quarrel to the regent [i. e. re- 
venged himself upon the regent], who was most innocent, and had restored 
him to life and liberty." Spotsvv. Hist. 233. Crawfurd, in his Memoirs of 
the affairs of Scotland, p. 140, 1st edit, says, that " Murray sent some officers 
to take possession of the house, who not only turned the gentlewoman out 
of doors, but," &c. This is the authority which has been relied upon by all 
those writers who have charged the regent with cruelty in this transaction ; 
yet it is now discovered that the interpolation of Murray's name in this 
place is one of those forgeries by which that work is disgraced from begin- 
ning to end. Hist, of King James the Sext, preface, and p. 74. 

\ This is clear from manv considerations. Within a few days after the 
26 



302 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

olution, he deliberately followed the regent in his progress to 
Glasgow, Stirling, and Linlithgow ; and, finding an opportunity 
in the last of these places, shot him through the body with a 
musket-ball. The wound proved mortal, and the regent died 
the same evening. While some of his friends, who stood round 
his bed, lamented the excessive lenity which he had shown to 
his enemies, and particularly to his murderer, he replied, with 
a noble and Christian spirit, that nothing would ever make him 
repent of an act of clemency.* 

The consternation which is usually produced by the fall of 
a distinguished leader, was absorbed in the deep distress which 
the tidings of the regent's murder spread through the nation. 
The common people, who had experienced the beneficial effects 
of his short administration, to a degree altogether unprecedent- 
ed in the country, felt as if each had lost a father, and loudly 
demanded vengeance upon the authors of the parricide. 
Many who had envied or hated him during his life, were now 
forward to do justice to his virtues. Those who had not been 
able to conceal their satisfaction on the first intelligence of his 
death, became ashamed of the indecent exultation which they 
had so imprudently expressed. The Hamiltons were anxious 
to clear themselves from the imputation of a crime which they 
saw to be universally detested. They dismissed the murderer, 
who was glad to escape from ignominy by condemning him- 
self to perpetual banishment. The only one of his crimes for 
which the Archbishop of St. Andrews afterwards expressed 
contrition before his execution, was his accession to the mur- 
der of the regent.t Nor were these feelings confined to Scot- 
land ; the sensation was general through England, and the 
expressions of grief and condolence from that country evin- 
ced the uncommon esteem in which he was held by all 
ranks. 



regent's assassination, his secretary, Mr. John Wood, was murdered in Fife. 
Anderson's Col. iii. 84. The house in which Bothwellhaugh concealed him- 
self, while he committed the murder, belonged to the Archbishop of St. An- 
drews, who acknowledged that he was privy and accessory to the deed. 
Historie of King James the Sext, p. 117. 'i he horse on which the mur- 
derer escaped belonged to John Hamilton, Abbot of Arbroath, one of the 
duke's sons. Cald. ad ann. 1570. He rode immediately to Hamilton, 
where he was " received with great applause." Ibid. Nay, grounds are 
not wanting for strong suspicion, that Maitland, and even Kircaldy of Grange, 
who had long been the bosom friend of the regent, was acquainted with 
the conspiracy against his life. Ibid. Bannatyne's Journal, p. 429. Bu- 
chan. i. 384. 

* Cald. ut supra. Buchanani Oper. i. 385. Spotswood, 233. 

f Bannatyne, p. 121. " To the thrid head" (his participation in the mur- 
ler of the regei t) the archbishop "answerit thus: That he not only knew 
hail *, and wald lot stopp it, hot rather furtherit the deed tliairof, quhilk he 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. U03 

It was the happiness of the regent, that, in his youth, he 
fell into the company of men, who cultivated his vigorous un- 
derstanding, gave a proper direction to his activity, and instil- 
led into his mind the principles of religion and virtue. His 
early adoption of the reformed sentiments, the steadiness with 
which he adhered to them, the uniform correctness of his mor- 
als, his integrity, sagacity, and enterprising but cool courage, 
soon placed him in the first rank among those who embarked 
in the struggle for the reformation of religion, and the main- 
tenance of national liberties, and secured to him their cordial 
and unbounded confidence. The honours which Mary confer- 
red on him were not too great for the services which he per- 
formed ; and had she continued to act by his advice, those 
measures would have been avoided which brought on her ruin. 
He was repeatedly placed in a situation which would have 
tempted the ambition of persons possessed of far inferior abili- 
ties ; yet he shewed no disposition to grasp at the supreme 
authority. When he accepted the regency, it was in compli- 
ance with the decided and uncorrupted choice of the acting 
majority in the kingdom, pointing him out as the person for 
occupying that high station ; and his conduct, in one of the 
most delicate and embarrassing situations in which a governor 
was ever placed, shewed that his countrymen were not mista- 
ken in their choice. He united, in no ordinary degree, those 
qualities, which are rarely combined in the same individual, and 
which form the character of an accomplished prince. Excel- 
ling equally in the arts of war. and peace, he reduced the coun- 
try to obedience by his military skill and valour, and preserved 
it in a state of tranquillity and order by the wise, and impartial 
administration of justice. Successful in all his warlike enter- 
prises, he never once tarnished the laurels of victory by cruelty 
or unnecessary rigour to the vanquished. He knew how to 
maintain the authority of the laws, and to bridle the licentious, 
by salutary severity, and at the same time to temper the rigour 
of justice by the interposition of mercy. He used to sit person- 
ally in the courts of judicature, and exerted himself to obtain 
for all the subjects an easy and expeditious decision of litigated 



repentit, and askit God mercie for the same." Hist, of .Tames the Sext, p. 
117. " Jhon Hamilton, Bishop of Sanctandros, enemie to thy kirk and to 
the kingis autoritie, confessit at his daith of the knawledge of Erie of 
Morray regent's murther, and that he myght haif stayit the same giff he 
plesit." MS. Papers of the Laird of Lochleven. Yet an author, in the 
nineteenth century, can write of this deed in the following terms : — " The 
heiress of Woodhouselie fell a sacrifice to the corrupt tyranny of the regent 
Murray. Her husband, Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh, put the guilty tyrant 
to death as 'base-born Murray rode through old Linlithgow's crowded 
town.' " Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. 



304 LIFE OF J.OHN KNOX. 

causes. His hospitality, his unostentatious charity, his uncom- 
mon liberality to the learned, and the anxiety he shewed to 
confer his favours in the manner least calculated to hurt 
their feelings, have been celebrated by one who had the best 
opportunities of becoming acquainted with these amiable traits 
of his character." Nor has the breath of calumny, which has 
attempted in many ways to blast his reputation, ever insinuated 
that he oppressed or burdened the public, during his regency, 
in order to enrich himself or his family. Add to all these qual- 
ities, his exemplary piety, the only source of genuine and exal- 
ted virtue. His family was so regulated as to resemble a church 
rather than a court. Not a profane or lewd word was to be 
heard from any of his domestics. A chapter of the Bible was 
always read at table after dinner and supper ; and it was his 
custom on such occasions, to require his chaplain, or some 
learned man present, to give his opinion upon the passage, for 
his own instruction and that of his family. "A man truly 
good," says Archbishop Spotswood, "and worthy to be ranked 
among the best governors that this kingdom hath enjoyed, and, 
therefore, to this day honoured with the title of The Good 
Regent."! 

This may perhaps be deemed by some readers an improper 
digression. But though it had been less connected with the 
subject of this work than it is, and though the familiarity and 
co-operation between the regent and the Reformer had been 
less intimate and cordial than they really were, I could not have 
denied myself the satisfaction of paying a small tribute to the 
memory of one of the greatest men of his age, who has been 
traduced and vilified in a most unjustifiable manner, and 
whose character has been drawn with unfavourable, and, in 
my opinion, with unfair colours, by the most moderate and 
impartial of our historians. All that I have attempted, is to 
sketch the more prominent features of his character. That he 
was faultless, I am far from wishing to insinuate ; but. the 
principal charges which have been brought against him, I 
consider as either irrelevant, or unproved, or greatly exaggerated. 
That his exaltation to the highest dignity in the state which a 
subject could enjoy, produced no unfavourable change on his 
temper and behaviour, is what none can be prepared to affirm, 
but I have not seen the contrary established. The confidence 
which he reposed in his friends was great, and he was in- 
clined to pay much deference to their advice ; but that he be 
came the dupe of worthless favourites, and fell by listening to 
their flattery, and refusing to hearken to wholesome advice, and 
not by the treachery of his friends and the malice of his enemies, 

* Buchanan. Oper. i. 385. f History. 234. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 305 

aie assertions which have been repeated upon the authority of 
a single witness, unsupported by facts, and capable of being dis- 
proved.* 

The regent died on the evening of Saturday, the 23d of Jan- 
uary 1570; and the intelligence of his murder was conveyed 
early next morning to Edinburgh. It is impossible to describe 
the anguish which the Reformer felt on this occasion. The loss 
of a noble and endeared friend was the least evil which he had 
to deplore. Of all the Scottish nobility, he placed the greatest 
confidence in Murray's attachment to religion ; and his conduct 
after his elevation to the regency, had served to heighten 
the good opinion which he formerly entertained of him. He 
looked upon his death as the greatest, calamity which could 
befall the nation, and as a forerunner of many evils.t Whev, 
the shock produced by the melancholy tidings had subsided, the 
first thought that rushed into his mind was, that he had himself 
been the instrument of obtaining, from his clemency, a pardon 
to the man who had become his murderer ; a thought which 
naturally produced a very different impression on him from what 
it did on the mind of the dying regent.! 

In his sermon that day, he introduced the melancholy sub- 
ject ; and after saying, that God in his great mercy raised up 
pious rulers, and took them away in his displeasure, on account 
of the sins of a nation, he thus poured out the sorrows of his 
heart : " Lord, in what misery and confusion found he this 
realm ! To what rest and quietness now by his labours, sud- 
denly he brought the same, all estates, but especially the poor 
commons, can witness. Thy image, Lord, did so clearly 
shine in that personage, that the devil, and the people to whom 
he is prince, could not abide it ; and so to punish our sins and 
our ingratitude (who did not rightly esteem so precious a gift), 
thou hast permitted him to fall, to our great grief, in the hand 
of cruel and traitorou^ murderers. He is at rest, Lord ; w( 
are left in extreme misery." § 

Only a few days before this, and after the plan of the mur 

* See Note LLL. 

f Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, p. 116. 

\ " Upon the 22 of Maii, the Sherife of Linlithgow, the Laird of Inner- 
week, James Hamilton of Bothelhaugh, and six others, were put to an as- 
syse ; their hands bound ; and pardoned at the request of Mr. Knox, whereot 
he sore repented ; for Bothwelhaugh killed the regent shortlie after." 
Cald. MS. ad ann. 1563. 

\ Cald. MS. ii. 150. He is said to have added this to his usual prayers 
after dinner and supper. But in a volume of Calderwood's History, in the 
Advocates' Library in Edinburgh (which has been transcribed more early, 
than any copy which I have seen), these words are scored out ; and it is 
introduced as the prayer which he offered up in public, on the day on which 
he was informed of the regent's death. 

fi6* 2 



30G LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

der was fully concerted, Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, 
applied to Knox to intercede with the regent in behalf of some 
of his kinsmen, who were confined for practising against the 
government. He signified his readiness to do all in his power 
for the relief of any of that family who were willing to own 
the authority of the king, but entreated the abbot not to abuse 
him by employing his services, if his relations intended to do 
any mischief to the regent ;* for " I protest," said he " before 
God, who is the only witness now betwixt us, that if there be 
any thing attempted, by any of that surname, against the per- 
son of that man, in that case I discharge myself to- you and 
them for ever." After the assassination, the abbot sent to de- 
sire another interview ; but Knox refused to see him, and de- 
sired the messenger to say, " I have not now the regent to make 
suit unto for the Hamiltons."t 

At this time there was handed about a fabricated account of 
a pretended conference held by the late regent with Lord Lind- 
say, Wishart of Pittarrow, the tutor of Pitcur, James Macgill, 
and Knox ; in which they were represented as advising him to 
set aside the young king, and place the crown on his own head. 
To give it the greater air of credibility, the modes of expression 
peculiar to each of the persons were carefully imitated in the 
speeches put into their mouths. The evident design of circu- 
lating it at this time, was to lessen the odium of the murder, 
and the veneration of the people for the memory of Murray ; 
but it was universally regarded as an impudent and gross for- 
gery. The person who fabricated it was Thomas Maitland, a 
young man of talents, but corrupted by his brother the secretary, 
who had previously engaged himself to the queen's party, and 
was suspected of having had a deep hand in the plot for assas- 
sinating the regent.^ 

On the day on which the weekly conference was held in Ed- 
inburgh, the same person slipped into the pulpit a schedule, con- 
taining words to this effect : " Take up now the man whom you 
accounted another God, and consider the end to which his am- 
bition hath brought him." It was Knox's turn to preach that 
day. On entering the pulpit he took up the paper, supposing 
it to be a note requesting the prayers of the congregation for a 
sick person, and having read it, laid it aside without any appar- 
ent emotion. But towards the conclusion of his sermon, after 
deploring the loss which the Church and commonwealth had 
recently sustained, and declaring the account of the conference, 
which had been circulated, to be false and calumnious, he said 

* Great apprehensions of this were entertained by the regent's friends. 
Bannatyne, 428 — 9. 

| Cald. MS. id ann. 1570. { Ibid. ii. 151—157. 



LIFE OF jOHN KNOX. 307 

that there were persons who rejoiced at the treasonable murder, 
and scrupled not to make it the subject of their merriment ; and 
particularly, there was one present who had thrown into the 
pulpit a paper exulting over an event which was the cause of 
grief to all good men : " that wicked man, whosoever he be, 
shall not go unpunished, and shall die where there shall be none 
to lament him." Maitland, after he went home, said to his sis- 
ter, that the preacher was raving, when he spake in such a man- 
ner of a person who was unknown to him; but she, suspecting 
that her brother had written the line, reproved him, saying with 
tears, that, none of that man's denunciations were wont to prove 
idle. Spotswood (who had his information personally from the 
mouth of that lady) says, that Maitland died in Italy, " having 
no known person to attend him."* 

On Tuesday the 14th of February the regent's corpse was 
brought from the palace of Holyroodhouse, and interred in the 
south aisle of the collegiate Church of St. Giles. Before the 
funeral, Knox preached a sermon on these words, " Blessed are 
the dead which die in the Lord." Three thousand persons 
were dissolved in tears before him, while he described the vir- 
tues of the regent, and bewailed his loss.t Buchanan paid a 
tribute to the memory of his deceased patron, by writing the 
inscription placed on his monument, with that expressive sim- 
plicity and brevity which are dictated by genuine grief. J A 
convention of the nobility was held after the funeral, at which it 
was resolved to avenge his death ; but different opinions were 
entertained as to the mode of doing this, and the commons com- 
plained loudly of the remissness with which the resolution was 
prosecuted. The General Assembly, at their first meeting, testi- 
fied their detestation of the crime, by ordering the assassin to be 
publicly excommunicated in all the chief towns of the kingdom, 
and by appointing the same process to be used against all who 
should afterwards be convicted of accession to the murder. § 

* Spotswood, p. 234. Mackenzie labours to discredit the archbishop's 
narrative of this affair. Lives of Scottish Writers, iii. 195, 196. But what- 
ever opinion we may form about the prediction, it cannot be doubted that 
Spotswood had the best means of information respecting the facts which he 
relates. Nor has Mackenzie any other authority for what he says about the 
death of Maitland than the archbishop's. 

f Cald. MS. ii. 157. 

I The inscription, engraved on brass, is yet preserved ; and a copy of it 
will be found in Note MMM. But Buchanan has, in his History, reared to 
the regent " a monument more durable than brass," which will preserve his 
memory as long as the language in which it is written shall continue to be 
understood, and as long as a picture taken from life shall be preferred to the 
representations of fancy or of prejudice. Nor has he neglected to celebrate 
him in his verses. Epigram, lib. ii. 29, iii. 7, 9, 18. 

§ Spotswood, 235. 



308 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Daring the sitting of the convention, Knox received a number 
of letters from his acquaintances in England, expressive of their 
high regard for the character of the regent, and their sorrow at 
so grievous a loss.* One of these was from Christopher Good- 
man, and another from John Willock, who either had not com- 
plied with the invitation of the General Assembly, or had again 
returned to England.t The other letters were from English- 
men, who had no immediate connexion with Scotland. Dr. 
Laurence Humphrey t urged Knox to write a memoir of the de- 
ceased. Had he done this, his intimate acquaintance with the 
regent would, no doubt, have enabled him to communicate 
many particulars of which we must now be content to remain 
ignorant ; but though he had been disposed to undertake this 
task, the state of his health would have prevented its execu- 
tion. 

The grief which he indulged on account of this mournful 
event, and the confusions which followed it, preyed upon his 
spirits, and injured his health.§ In the month of October, he 
had a stroke of apoplexy, which affected his speech to a consid- 
erable degree. On this occasion his enemies exulted and circu 
lated the most exaggerated tales respecting his disorder. The 
report ran through Scotland and England, that John Knox 
would never preach or speak more, — that his face was turned 
into his neck, — that he was become the most deformed creature 

* Cald. ut supra. 

f A late author has very wantonly attempted to load the memory of this 
excellent man with a capital crime. He gives the following extract from 
the Paper Office, 22d April 1590 : — " Twa men, the ane namyt Johnne Gib- 
sone, Scottishman, preacher, and the other Johnne Willokis, now baith lying 
in prison at Leicester, were convicted by a jury of robbery." The last of 
these convicts, says he, was " the reforming coadjutor of Knox." Chalmers's 
Life of Ruddiman, p. 207. What evidence has the author for saying so ! 
Nothing but the sameness of the name ! Just as if a person, on reading in 
the public papers of one George Chalmers who was convicted of a robbery 
(no unlikely thing) should immediately take it into his head that this was, 
and could be, no other than the author of the Life of Ruddiman, and Cale- 
donia ! It is evident that the second convict was no preacher, else this 
designation would have been added to his name, as well as to that of the 
first. It is probable that Willock, who was a preacher as early as 1 -"> K ►, 
was not alive in 1590 : it is utterly incredible that he should then have been 
in a condition to act as a robber. But it is paying too much regard to such 
a charge to bring exculpatory proof. 

J In the copy of Cald. MS. belonging to the Church of Scotland, the 
name is written Win/rid ; but in the copy in the Advocates' Library, it is 
Urn/rede. The person meant is evidently Dr. Laurence Humphrey (Um- 
fredius) Professor of Divinity, and Head of one of the colleges, in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford. This learned man was a puritan, but enjoyed the pa 
tronage of Secretary Cecil. Strype's Annals, i. 421, 430 — 432." 

\ Smetoni Respons, ad Hamilt. p. 116. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 309 

ever seen, — that he was actually dead ;* a most unequivocal 
proof of the high consideration in which he was held, which 
our Reformer received in common with other great men of his 
age.t 

* Bannatyne's Journal, p. 54. Cald MS, ii. 206. Bannatyne, says, " the 
disorder was a kynd ofapoplexia, called by the phisitiones resolutione ;" 
probably a more gentle stroke of the disorder, attended with relaxation of 
the system. 

t In 1556, Calvin was suddenly seized in the pulpit with a fever, which 
confined him to his bed for a considerable time, and from which it was not 
thought he would recover. On hearing this, the Popish clergy of Noyon, 
his native city, met, and rather prematurely gave public thanks to God for his 
death. Melch. Adam. Vita\ Exter. Theol. p. 93. — "Plusieurs grands 
hommes (says Senebier) ont partage cet honneur avec Calvin, et ont eu 
comme lui, la satisfaction de connoitre la profonde estime qu' on avoit concuu 
pour eux." Histoire Litteraire de Geneve, torn, i. p. 228. Luther, having 
received in 1545 a copy of an account of his own death, printed at Naples, 
caused it to be reprinted with this note : " I, Doctor Martin Luther, attest 
that I received this frantic fable on this 21st of March, and am delighted be- 
yond measure to understand that the devil and his spawn the pope and pa- 
p sts, hate me so heartily." Seckendorf. Hist. Lutheran, lib. iii. p. 581." 



310 LIFE OF JOHN KNOi, 



PERIOD IX. 



FROM OCTOBER 1570, WHEN HF WAS STRUCK WITH APOPLEXY, TO 
HIS DEATH, IN NOVEMBER 1572. 

Those who flattered themselves that the Reformer's disorder 
was mortal were disappointed ; for he was restored to the use 
of his speech, and was able, in the course of a few days, to re- 
sume preaching, at least on Sabbath days.* He never recover- 
ed, however, from the debility which was produced by the 
apoplectic stroke. 

The confusions which he had augured from the death of the 
good regent soon broke out, and again spread the flames of civil 
discord through the nation. The Earl of Lennox, who was the 
natural guardian of his grandson, was advanced to the regency ; 
but he was deficient in the talents which were requisite for so 
difficult a station, and the knowledge of his weakness embolden- 
ed and increased the party which was attached to the queen. 
The Hamiltons openly raised her standard, and were strength- 
ened by the influence and abilities of Maitland. William Kir- 
caldy of Grange, whom Murray had made governor of the cas- 
tle of Edinburgh, after concealing his defection for some time 
under the flag of neutrality, declared himself on the same side, 
and became a principal agent in attempting to overturn that 
government which he had been so zealous in erecting. M ait- 
land's tergiversation surprised nobody ; but the defection of 
Kircaldy was deeply felt by those with whom he had been so 
long associated. It proved a source of the keenest distress to 
Knox, The acquaintance which they had formed in the castle 
of St. Andrews,t grew into intimacy during their confinement 
in the French galleys ; and Knox could never forget the services 
which Kircaldy performed during the subsequent struggle for 
reformation, and continued to the last to cherish the hope 

* Bannatyne's Journal, p. 55. 

t James Kircaldy of Grange was restored to his lands, &c. at the request 
md special desire of Henry II. of France, by letters under the signet and 
privy seal of Queen Mary, dated at Paris, 26th February 1556. William 
Kircaldy of Grange, son and heir to the former, was restored by letters dated 
the 13th of February 1561. Reg. Seer. Sig. Lib. xxxi. f. 16. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 311 

that he was at heart a friend to religioL. Under the influence 
of these feelings, he spared no pains in endeavouring to prevent 
him from renouncing his fidelity to the king, and afterwards to 
reclaim him from his apostasy. But in both attempts he was 
unsuccessful. 

In the end of the year 1570, he was personally involved in a 
disagreeable quarrel with Kircaldy. One of the soldiers belong 
ing to the castle having been imprisoned by the magistrates on 
a charge of murder, the governor sent a party from the garrison, 
who broke open the tolbooth, and carried off the prisoner. In 
his sermon on the following Sabbath, Knox condemned this riot, 
and violation of the house of justice. Had it been done by the 
authority of a bloodthirsty man, or one who had no fear of 
God, he would not, he said, have been so much moved at it ; 
but he was affected to think that one of whom all good men 
had formed so great expectations, should have fallen so far as to 
act such a part ; one too, who, when formerly in prison, had 
refused to purchase his own liberty by the shedding of blood.* 
An erroneous and exaggerated report of this censure being 
conveyed to the castle, the governor, in a great rage, made his 
complaint, first to Knox's colleague, and afterwards formally 
to the kirk -session, that he had been calumniated as a murderer, 
and required that his character should be vindicated as publicly 
as it had been traduced. Knox, understanding that his words 
had been misrepresented, embraced the first opportunity of 
explaining and vindicating them from the pulpit. On a sub- 
sequent day, Kircaldy, who had absented himself from church 
nearly a whole year, came down to St. Giles's accompanied with 
a number of the persons who had been active in the murder 
and riot. Regarding this as an attempt to overawe the author- 
ities, and set public opinion at defiance, the Reformer dwelt 
particularly, in his discourse, upon the sinfulness of forgetting 
benefits received from God, and warned his hearers against 
confiding in the divine mercy, while they were knowingly trans- 
gressing any of the commandments, or proudly defending their 
transgression. 

Kircaldy was much incensed at this admonition, which he 
considered as levelled at him, and made use of very threatening 
language in speaking of the preacher. The report spread that 
the governor of the castle was become a sworn enemy to 
Knox, and intended to kill him. Upon this, several noblemen 
and gentlemen of Kyle and Cunningham sent a letter to 
Kircaldy, in which, after reminding him of his former appear- 
ances for religion, and mentioning the reports which had 
reached their ears, they warned him against doing any 

* See above, p. 60. 



312 LIFE OF JOHN KN X . 

thing to the hurt of that man. whom "God had made the first 
planter and chief waterer of his church among them," and 
protested that « his death and life were as dear to them as their 
own."* 

Knox was not to be deterred from doing what he considered 
to be his duty. He persisted in warning his hearers to avoid 
all participation with those who prevented the punishment of 
atrocious crimes, by supporting the pretensions of the queen, 
and who exposed the reformed religion to the utmost hazard, 
by opposing the king's authority. When the General Assem- 
bly met in March 1571, anonymous libels were thrown into 
the house where they were sitting, and placards affixed to the 
church doors, accusing him of seditious railing against their 
sovereign, the queen, refusing to pray for her welfare and con- 
version, representing her as a reprobate whose repentance was 
hopeless, and uttering imprecations against her. One of the 
placards concluded with a threat that, if the Assembly did not 
restrain him by their authority from using such language the 
complainers would themselves apply a remedy to the evil 
" with greater unquietness." The Assembly having, by public 
intimation, required the complainers to come forward and sub- 
stantiate their charges, another anonymous writing appeared, 
promising that accusers should not be wanting against next As- 
sembly, if the preacher continued his offensive speeches, and 
was " then law-byding, and not fugitive, according to his ac- 
customed manner." 

Several of his friends dealt with him to pass over these unau- 
thenticated libels in silence, but he refused to comply with this 
advice considering that the credit of his ministry was implicated. 
Accordingly, he produced them in the pulpit, and returned a 
particular answer to the accusations which they contained. 
That he had charged the late queen with the crimes of which 
she had been notoriously guilty, he granted, — that he had railed 
against her, he denied ; nor would they be able to substantiate 
this charge against him, without at the same time proving 
(saiah, Jeremiah, and other inspired writers, to have been rail- 
ers. "From them he had learned plainly and boldly to call 
wickedness by its own terms, a fig, a fig, and a spade, a spade." 
He never called the queen reprobate nor said that her repent- 
ance was impossible ; but he had affirmed that pride and re- 
pentance could not remain long together in one heart. He had 
prayed, that God, for the comfort of his Church, would oppose 
his power to her pride, and confound her and her assistants in 
their impiety : this prayer, let them call it imprecation or exe- 
tralion as they pleased, had stricken, and would yet strike, 

* Bannatyne's Journal, pp. 67 — 87. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 313 

whoever supported her. To the charge of not praying for the 
queen, he answered, " I am not bound to pray for her in this 
place, for sovereign to me she is not ; and I let them understand 
that I am not a man of law that has my tongue to sell for sil- 
ver, or favour of the world."* What title she now had, or 
ever had to the government, he would not dispute ; the estates 
had deprived her of it, and it belonged to them to answer for 
this : as for him, he had hitherto lived in obedience to all lawful 
authority within the kingdom. 'To the threatening against 
his life, and the insinuation that he might not be " law-byding, 
but fugitive," against next Assembly, he replied, that his life 
was in the custody of Him who had hitherto preserved him 
from many dangers, that he had reached an age at which he 
was not apt to flee far, nor could any yet accuse him of hav- 
ing left the people committed to his charge, except at their own 
command. 

After these answers, his enemies fled, as their last resort, to 
an attack upon his Blast of the Trumpet, and accused him of 
inconsistency in writing against female government, and yet 
praying for Queen Elizabeth, and seeking her support against 
his native country. This accusation he also met in the pulpit, 
and refuted with great spirit. After vindicating his consisten- 
cy, he concluded in the following manner : — " One thing in the 
end I may not pretermit, that is, to give him a lie in his throat 
that either dare or will say, that ever I sought support against 
my native country. What I have been to my country, 
albeit this unthankful age will not know, yet the ages to come 
will be compelled to bear witness to the truth. And thus 
I cease, requiring of all men that has to oppose any thing 
against me, that he will do it so plainly as I make myself and 
all my doings manifest to the world ; for to me it seems a thing 
most unreasonable, that in my decrepit age, I shall be com- 
pelled to fight against shadows, and howlets that dare not abide 
the Light."! 

The conduct of our Reformer at this period affords a striking 
display of the unextinguishable ardour of his mind. Previous 
to the breaking out of the late disturbances, he had given up at- 

* Crawford in his Memoirs of Scotland (p. 186, Edin. anno 1706), among 
other things disgraceful to our Reformers, says that they openly avowed on 
this occasion, " That to pray for, or forgive our real or reputed enemies, 
was no part of a Christian's duty." It is sufficient to say, that there is not 
one word of this in the " authentick MS.." from which he profesess that his 
Memoirs were "faithfully published." See History and Life of King 
James the Sext, pp. 118, 114. The public are under great obligations tc 
Mr. Malcolm Laing, for exposing this literary forgery, which had continued 
so long to impose upon our most acute and industrious historians. 

t The accusation and defence may be seen at full length in Bannatyre'a 
Tournal, pp. 190—210. 

27 P2 



314 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

tendance on church courts. He never went abroad except 01: 
Sabbath-day, to preach in the forenoon. He was so debilita- 
ted as to be unable to go to the pulpit without assistance.* He 
had weaned his heart from the world, and expressed his resolu 
tion to take no more part in public affairs. In answer to a 
letter of his esteemed friend, Sir William Douglas of Lochleven, 
who had informed him of an intended attempt on the castle of 
St Andrews by Archbishop Hamilton, and requested his good 
offices for certain preachers, we find him, on the 31st of March 
1570, writing as follows : — " How such troublers may be stayed 
in their enterprises, I commit to God, to whose counsels I com- 
mit you in that and all other causes worldly, for I have taken 
my good-night of it ; and therefore bear with me, good sir, al- 
beit I write not to the superintendent of Fife in the action that 
ye desire, t" But whenever he saw the church and common- 
wealth seriously in danger, he forgot his infirmities and his re- 
solutions, and entered into the cause with all the keenness of 
his more vigorous days. Whether the public proceedings of 
the nation, or his own conduct, were arraigned, — whether the- 
attacks upon them were open or clandestine, he stood prepared 
to repel them, and convinced the adversaries, that they could 
not accomplish their designs without opposition, as long as he 
was able to move or speak.l 

His situation became very critical in April 1571, when Kir- 
caldy received the Hamiltons, with their forces, into the castle. 
Their inveteracy against him was so great, that his friends 
were obliged to watch his house during the night. They pro- 
posed forming a guard for the protection of his person when he 
went abroad ; but the governor of the castle forbade this, as 
implying a suspicion of his own intentions, and offered to send 
Melvil, one of his officers, to conduct him to and from the 
church. « He wold gif the woulf the wedder to keip," says 
Bannatyne. Induced by the importunity of the citizens, Kir- 
caldy applied to the duke and his party for a protection to 
Knox ; but they refused to pledge their word for his safety, be- 
cause "there were many rascals and others among them who 
loved him not, that might do him harm without their know- 
ledge.'^ Intimations were often given him of threatenings 

* Bannatyne, p. 77. f Letter to the Laird of Lochleven. in the .Appendix. 

J The lively interest which he continued to take in public affairs. is appa- 
rent from the letters of his correspondents. Captain Crawford of Joidanhill 
sent him, at his desire, a minute account of the taking of Dumbarton castle, 
with an inventory of the arms, ammunition, and provisions, which were found 
in it. Bannatyne, 123. There are also two letters to him from Alexander 
Hay, clerk of the privy council, informing him of the most importai <, trans- 
actions in England, and on the Continent. Ibid. 294 — 302. 

§ Bannatyne, 132 — 3, 145. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 315 

against his life ; and one evening a musket-ball was fired in at 
his window, and lodged in the roof of the apartment in which 
he was sitting. It happened that he sat at the time in a differ- 
ent part of the room from that which he had been accustomed 
to occupy, otherwise the ball, from the direction it took, must 
have struck him.* Alarmed by this occurrence, a deputation 
of the citizens, accompanied by his colleague, waited upon him, 
and renewed a request which they had formerly made, that he 
would remove from Edinburgh, to a place where his life would 
be in greater safety, until the queen's party should evacuate 
the town. But he refused to yield to them, apprehending that 
his enemies wished to intimidate him into flight, that they 
might carry on their designs more quietly, and then accuse him 
of cowardice. Being unable to persuade him by any other 
means, they had recourse at last to an argument which pre- 
vailed. They told him that if he was attacked, they were deter- 
mined to risk their lives in his defence, and if blood was shed 
in the quarrel, which was highly probable, they would leave it 
on his head. Upon this he consented to remove from the city 
" sore against his will." t 

He left Edinburgh on the fifth of May 1571, and crossing the 
Frith at Leith, travelled by short stages to St. Andrews, which 
he had chosen as the place of his retreat. i His pulpit was 
filled by Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, who preached 
and prayed in a manner more acceptable to the queen's party 
than his predecessor, but little to the satisfaction of the people, 
who despised him on account of his weakness, and disliked him 
for supplanting their favourite pastor.§ A number of the most, 
respectable inhabitants were driven from the capital by violence, 
while others were induced to quit it, and retire to Leith, that 
they might not be understood as even practically submitting to 
the queen's authority. The Church of Edinburgh was for a 
time dissolved. The celebration of the Lord's Supper was sus-. 
pended. And, whereas formerly scarce a day passed without 
some public exercise of religion, there was now, during a whole 
week, " neither preaching nor prayer ; neither was there any 



* Cald. MS. ad ann. 1572. Life prefixed to History, anno 1644. 

f Bannatyne, 144—146. 

I Ibid, Historie of King- James the Sext. p. 123. 

§ Keith's Scottish Bishops, 166. The principles upon which the bishop 
vindicated the authority of the queen, and the duty of praying for her in the 
pulpit, show the strong and universal opinion entertained of her guilt at that 
time. He did not venture to insinuate her innocence, although the town 
was full of armed men, who were enlisted under her banners. Bannatyne, 
.81, 182. 



316 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

sound of bell heard in all the town, except the ringing of the 
cannon."* 

The kingdom was now subjected to all the miseries of civil 
war and intestine faction. In almost every part of the country 
there were adherents to the king and to the queen, who exas- 
perated each other by reciprocal reproaches and injuries. The 
regent fortified Leith, while the queen's party kept possession 
of the castle and town of Edinburgh. As the two armies lay 
at a small distance from one another, and neither of them was 
sufficiently strong for undertaking to dispossess the other, they 
were daily engaged in petty skirmishes ; and several acts of 
disgraceful retaliation, which rarely happen in the open field, 
were committed on both sides. The evidence which the 
queen's friends gave of their personal antipathy to the Refor- 
mer, clearly shewed that his life would have been in imminent 
danger, if he had remained among them. An inhabitant of 
Leith was assaulted and his body mutilated, because he was 
of the same name with him. A servant of John Craig, being 
met one day by a reconnoitring party, and asked who was his 
master, answered, in his trepidation, Mr. Knox ; upon which he 
was seized, and, although he immediately corrected his mis- 
take, they desired him to " hold at his first master," and drag- 
ged him to prison. Having fortified St. Giles's steeple to over- 
awe the inhabitants, the soldiers baptized one of the cannons 
by the name of Knox, which they were so fond of firing, that it 
burst, killed two of the party and wounded others, t They cir- 
culated the most ridiculous tales respecting his conduct at St. 
Andrews. John Law, the letter-carrier of that city, being in 
the castle of Edinburgh, " the ladie Home and utheris wald 
neidis tliraip in his face, that" John Knox " was banist the said 
toune, becaus that in the yarde he had reasit sum Sanctis, 
amongis whome thair came up the devill with hornis, which 
when his servant Richard sawe, [he] ran woode, and so 
died."} 

Although he was now free from personal danger, Knox did 
not find St. Andrews that peaceful retreat which he had ex- 
pected. The friends of Kircaldy, and of Sir James Balfour,§ 
resided in the neighbourhood, and the Hamiltons had their re- 
lations and partisans both in the university and among the 
ministry. These were thorns in the Reformer's side, and made 

* Bannatyne, 144, 169, 170. Hist, of King James the Sext, 123, 124. 
Knox's Epistle to his Brethren of the Church of Edinburgh, now dispersed. 
Streveling, 1571. 

t Bannatyne, 154, 240, 322. 

t Bannatyne, 309, 310. "Gif this had been their first inventit lie," saya 
the same Richart, " I wald never have blackit paper for it." 

5 See above, p. 57. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 317 

his situation very uneasy, as long as he resided am. lg them. 
Having left Edinburgh, because he could not be permitted to 
disburden his conscience, by testifying against the designs of 
persons whom he regarded as conspirators against the legal 
government of the country, and favourers of a faction who in- 
tended nothing less than the overthrow of the reformed religion, 
it was not to be expected that he would preserve silence on this 
subject at St. Andrews: Accordingly, in the discourses which 
he preached on the eleventh chapter of Daniel's prophecy, he 
frequently to<_k occasion to advert to recent transactions, and 
to inveigh against the murder of the late king, and of the regent. 
This was very grating to the ears of the opposite faction, 
particularly to Robert and Archibald Hamilton, the former 
one of the ministers of the city, and the latter a professor in one 
of the colleges. Irritated by the censures which Knox pro- 
nounced against his kinsmen. Robert Hamilton attempted to 
injure his reputation, by circulating in private that it did not 
become him to exclaim so loudly against murderers ; for he had 
seen his subscription, along with that of the Earl of Murray, to 
a bond for assassinating Darnley at Perth. When this came to 
the Reformer's ears, he immediately wrote a letter to Hamilton, 
desiring him to say, whether he was the author of the slander- 
ous report. Not receiving a satisfactory answer, he communi- 
cated the matter to Douglas, rector of the university, and Ruth- 
erford, provost of St. Salvator's College, requesting them to 
converse with their colleague on the subject, and to inform 
him, that if he did not give satisfaction for the slander which 
he had propagated, a complaint would be lodged against him 
before the Church. Upon this he came to Knox's room, and 
denied that he had ever given any ground for such a scandal- 
ous surmise.* 

Archibald Hamilton being complained of for withdrawing 

*.Bannatyne. 380 — 3. Goodall, after relating this story, attempts, but 
with his usual imbecility of argument, to deduce from it, that Murray had 
really conspired to murder Darnley, and that Knox was one of his accom- 
plices, " They all talk of it," says he, " as a known uncontroverted matter 
of fact. And Knox's waving all prosecution, and hushing up the business, 
is more than a tacit acknowledgment that he was in the plot, and a sub- 
scriber." Examination, i. 211. According to this doctrine, if a person shall 
rest satisfied with a private apology for a slander which a weak and irritable 
man had imprudently circulated to his prejudice, and if he shall decline a 
public prosecution, this must be regarded as good proof of his guilt, and of 
the truth of the report ! With respect to Murray having conspired against 
Darnley at. the time of his marriage, it is true that such a thing was reported ; 
but it is not mentioned in the proceedings against that nobleman, nor is there 
the least allusion to it in any of the proclamations which the queen issued 
against him, although Murray publicly accused Darnley of a plot against his 
life. If the court had credited that report, and possessed any evidence of its 
trutl-, it will not be easy to account for this silence. 
21 * 



318 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

from Knox's sermons, and for accusing him of intolerable rail- 
ing, endeavoured to bring the matter under the cognizance of 
the masters of the university, among whom he possessed con- 
siderable influence.* Knox did not scruple to give an account 
of his conduct before the professors for their satisfaction; but 
he judged it necessary to enter a protest, that his appearance 
before them should not invalidate the liberty of the pulpit, nor 
the authority of the regular church courts, to which, and not to 
any university, the judgment of religious doctrine belonged.t 
This incident accounts for the zeal with which he expresses 
himself on this subject, in one of his letters to the General 
Assembly ; in which he exhorts them, above all things, to pre- 
serve the Church from the bondage of the universities, and not 
to exempt them from ecclesiastical jurisdiction, or allow them 
to become judges of the doctrine taught from the pulpit. { 

The military operations during the civil war were chiefly 
distinguished by two enterprises, which claim our notice from 
the influence which they had upon the affairs of the Church. 
The one was the taking of Dunbarton Castle, which was sur- 
prised, on the 2d of April 1571, by a small party of the regent's 
forces, led by Captain Crawford of Jordanhill. Archbishop 
Hamilton having fallen into the hands of the captors, was soon 
after condemned, and ended his life on the gibbet. The execu- 
tion of prisoners, although chargeable with crimes which merit 
death, is ordinarly avoided in civil contests, because it produces 
reprisals from the opposite party ; but in every other respect the 
fate of Hamilton is not a subject of regret or of censure. Of all 
the queen's adherents, his motives for supporting her cause ap- 
pear to have been the most unworthy ; and his talents and rank 
in the Church ought not to be pleaded in extenuation of the 
vices which stained his private character, or the crimes of 
which he had been gnilty.§ The death oi' Hamilton gave oc- 

* Archibald Hamilton, a short time after this, left Scotland ; and going to 
France made a recantation of the Protestant religion. As an evidence of the 
sincerity of his conversion to popery, he published De Confusione Calvin- 
iance Sectce apud Scotos Dialogus ; a book which I have frequently referred 
to, and which strikingly exemplifies the adage, Omnis apostata osor acrrri- 
mus sui ordinis. In the copious abuse of Knox with which it teems, we are 
reminded of the present quarrel. Thomas Smeton, principal of the Univer- 
sity of Glasgow, published an elegant and masterly answer to this Dialogue. 
Hamilton replied in a work entitled, Calvinianm Confusionis Demonstratio; 
Pa7-isiis, 1581. Of this treatise, which is rarer than his first, specimens will 
be found in the notes at the end of this volume. 

t Hamiltonii Dialog, p. 61. Smetoni Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum, 
pp. 90, 91. Bannatyne, 383—385. 

J Bannatyne, 364. 

Archbishop Spots wood is displeased that a bishop, and one of his prede- 
"esscrs in the see of St. Andrews, should have suffered so disgraceful a 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 319 

casion to a change in the ecclesiastical government, of which I 
shall speak immediately. 

An enter prise equally bold with Crawford's but less success- 
ful, was planned by Kircaldy. While the Regent Lennox was 
holding a parliament at Stirling, which was numerously attend 
ed, a party of soldiers suddenly entered the town early on the 
morning of September 3, 1571, seized the regent and the nobil- 
ity who were along with him, and carried them away prisoners. 
The alarm having been given, the Earl of Mar sallied from the 
castle, and with the assistance of the townsmen, dispersed the 
assailants, and rescued the noblemen.* But this was not ac- 
complished without the loss of the regent, who was slain by the 
orders of Lord Claud Hamilton, in revenge for the death of 
the Archbishop of St. Andrews. Lennox was succeeded in the 
regency by the Earl of Mar, a noblemen of great moderation, 
who, during the short time that he held that office, exerted 
himself to restore peace to the kingdom, and brought the 
negotiations for this purpose very near to a successful termi- 
nation. 

During these transactions the courtiers were devising a scheme 
for securing to themselves the principal part of the ecclesiasti- 
cal revenues, which led to an alteration of the policy of the 
Church. We have repeatedly had occasion to notice the aver- 
sion of the nobility to the Book of Discipline, and the princi- 
pal source from which the aversion sprung. While the Earl 
of Murray administered the government, he prevented any 
new enroachrnents upon the rights of the Church ; but the suc- 
ceeding regents were either less friendly to them, or less able to 
check the avarice of the more powerful nobles. Several of the 
richest benefices having become vacant by the death or by the 
forfeiture of the Popish incumbents who had been permitted 

punishment. History, p. 252. Even Dr. Robertson seems to have felt the 
esprit du corps on this occasion. It is surprising 1 that this accurate historian 
should say, that the accusations against Hamilton, as " accessory to the mur- 
der both of the king and regent were supported by no proof," and that his 
enemies, by " imputing to him such odious crimes," merely " sought some 
colour" for the sentence which they pronounced against him. History of 
Scotland, ii. 334. Hamilton confessed his accession to the regent's murder. 
See above, p. 302. As the record of the trial has not been preserved, we 
cannot determine what evidence was brought forward ; but there are good 
grounds for believing that he was also concerned in the murder of the king. 
Keith, 447. Spotswood, 252. 

* Dr. Robertson seems to regret the failure of this expedition, and says, 
that if Kircaldy's plan had succeeded, it would have " restored peace to his 
country." History of Scotland, ii. 339. It would certainly have given a 
very dangerous blow to the king's party ; but it is not easy to conceive how 
it could have produced a desirable or lasting peace, when we consider the 
dispositions of the great body of the nation, the situation of the queen, and 
the tempr r and views of her adherents. 



320 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

to retain them, it was necessary to determine in what manne; 
they should be disposed of. The Church had uniformly re- 
quired that their revenues should be divided, and applied to the 
support of the religious and literary establishments ; but with 
this demand the courtiers were as much indisposed to comply 
as ever. At the same time, the secularization of them was 
deemed too bold a step ; nor could laymen, with any shadow 
of consistency, or by a valid title, hold benefices which the law 
declared to be ecclesiastical. The expedient resolved on was, 
that the bishoprics and other rich livings should be presented to 
certain ministers, who, previous to their admission, should make 
over the principal part of the revenues to such noblemen as had 
obtained the patronage of them from the court. This plan, which 
was concerted under the regency of Lennox, was carried into 
execution during that of Mar, chiefly by the influence of the 
Earl of Morton. 

Morton having obtained from the court a gift of the arch- 
bishopric of St. Andrews, vacant by the execution of Hamilton, 
entered into a private agreement respecting its revenues with 
John Douglas, rector of the university, whom he presented to 
that see. At the meeting of parliament in Stirling, August 
1571, the commissioners of the General Assembly protested 
against this transaction; but through the interest of Morton, 
Douglas, though not yet elected, was admitted to a seat in par- 
liament, and the new scheme for seizing on the ecclesiastical 
livings was confirmed, notwithstanding the warm remonstrances 
of the ministers of the Church, and the strenuous opposition of 
the more zealous and disinterested barons. * Bishoprics and 
other great benefices were now openly conferred on noblemen, 
on persons totally unqualified for the ministry, and even on mi- 
nors. Pluralities were multiplied ; the ecclesiastical courts were 
hindered in the exercise of their jurisdiction ;t and the collectors 
of the Church were prohibited from gathering the thirds, until 
some new regulation was adopted for supplying the necessities 
of the court. ± 

These proceedings having created great dissatisfaction through 
the nation, the regent and council called an extraordinary as- 
sembly of superintendents and other ministers to meet at Leith 
in January 1572, to consult about an order which might prove 
more acceptable. Through the influence of the court, this con- 
vention consented that the titles of archbishop, and other ecclesi- 
astical dignitaries should be retained ; that the bounds of the 
ancient dioceses should not be altered during the king's minor- 
ity ; and that qualified persons from among the ministers should 

* Bannatyne, 246, 250, 255, 257, 260, 285. \ See Note NNN. 

t Ibid. 253, 278, 312, 367. Cald. MS. ii. 284, 295. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNGK. 321 

he advanced to these dignities. They, howevei allotted no 
greater power to archbishops and bishops than to savperintend- 
ents, with whom they were to be equally subject to the As- 
semblies of the Church.* These regulations were submitted 
to the ensuing General Assembly at St. Andrews, but as that 
meeting was thinly attended, it came to no determination re- 
specting them. The Assembly held at Perth, in August 1572, 
resumed the subject, and came to the following resolution : — 
That the regulations contained certain titles, such as archbishop 
dean, archdean, chancellor, and chapter, which savoured of Po- 
pery, and were scandalous and offensive to their ears ; and that 
the whole Assembly, including the commissioners which had 
met at Leith, unanimously protested that they did not approve 
of these titles, that they submitted to the regulations merely a;i 
an interim arrangement, and that they would exert themselves 
to obtain a more perfect order from the regent and council. t 
Such was the origin and nature of that, species of Episcopacy 
which was introduced into the Reformed Church of Scotland 
during the minority of James VI. It was disapproved of by 
the ministers of the Church ; and on the part of the courtiers 
and nobility, it does not appear to have proceeded from predi- 
lection to hierarchical government, but from the desire which 
they felt to obtain possession of the revenues of the Church. 
This was emphatically expressed by the name of tulchan bish- 
ops,;]; which was commonly applied to those who were at that 
time admitted to the office. 

Knox did not fail from the beginning to oppose these en- 
croachments on the rights and property of the Church. Being 
unable to attend the General Assembly held at Stirling in Au- 
gust 1571, he addressed a letter to it, warning the members of 
the new contest which he foresaw they would have to maintain, 
and animating them to fidelity and courage. "And now, 
brethren," says he, " because the daily decay of natural strength 
threatened! my certain and sudden departing from the misery 
of this life, of love and conscience I exhort you, yea, in the fear 
of God, I charge and command you, that ye take heed unto 
yourselves, and to the flock over which God hath placed you 
pastors. Unfaithful and traitorous to the flock shall ye be be- 
fore the Lord Jesus Christ, if, with your consent directly, ye 

* Records of Privy Council, January 16, 1571. Cald. MS. ii. 310—325. 
Calderwood, De Reg. Eccl. Scotic. relatio, p. 8, anno 1618; and Epist. 
Philad. Vind. apud Altare Damasc. pp. 727 — 729. Lugd. Batav. 1708. 
Petrie, part ii. pp. 372 — 374. 

f Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 55. Matthew Crawford's History of the 
Church of Scotland, MS. vol. i. p. 80. 

I A tulchan is a calf's skin stuffed with straw, set up to make the cow 
give her milk freely. 

Q2 



3-2-2 L I F E F .1 O H N K NOX. 

sutler unworthy men to be thrust into the ministry oi' the Church 
under whatever pretence it shall be. Remember and judge be 
fore whom we must make our account, and resist that tyranny 
as ye would avoid hell-fire. This battle will be hard, but in the 
second point it will be harder ; that is, that with the like up- 
rightness and strength in God, ye gainstand the merciless de- 
vourers of the patrimony of the Church. If men will spoil, let 
them do it to their own peril and condemnation, but communi- 
cate ye not with their sins, of whatsoever estate they be, by 
consent nor by silence ; but with public proclamation make this 
known unto the world, that ye are innocent of robbery, where- 
of ye will seek redress of God and man. God give you wis- 
dom and stout courage in so just a cause, and me an happy 
end."* In a letter which he afterwards wrote to Wishart of 
Pittarrow, he also expresses himself in a strain of honest but 
keen indignation at the avarice of the nobility.t 

It has been insinuated that Knox gave his approbation to 
the resolutions of the convention at Leith to restore the episco- 
pal office ; and the articles sent by him to the General Assembly, 
in August 1572, have been appealed to as a proof of this. But 
all that can be fairly deduced from these articles is, that he de- 
sired the conditions and limitations agreed upon by that conven- 
tion to be strictly observed in the election of bishops, in opposi- 
tion to the granting of bishoprics to laymen,^ and to the sim- 
oniacal pactions which the ministers made with the nobles on 
receiving presentations. Provided one of the propositions made 
by him to the Assembly had been enforced, and the bishops had 
been bound to give an account of the whole of their rents, and 
either to support ministers in the particular places from which 
they derived these, or else to pay into the funds of the Church 
the sums requisite for this purpose, it is evident that the mer- 
cenary views both of patrons and presentees would have been 
defeated, and the Church would have gained her object, the use 
of the episcopal revenues. The prospect of this induced some 
honest ministers to agree to the proposed regulations, at the con- 
vention held in Leith. But it required a greater portion of dis- 
interested firmness than falls to most men, to act upon thisprin- 

* Buik of the Universal Kirk, p. 53. Cald. MS. ii, 280, 281. Petrie, part 
ii. 370. Spotsw. 258. Collier says, that, in Knox's Letter to the Assembly 
at Stirling, " there are some passages not unbecoming a person of integrity 
and courage." Hist. ii. 533. Those who are acquainted with the spirit of 
this historian, will think this high praise from such a quarter. 

t See this Letter in the Appendix. 

I One glaring instance of this had just taken place, in giving the bishop- 
- ; c of Ross to Lord Methven. Bannatyne, 366. Robertson's History of 
Scotland, ii. 358, 35 1 






LITE OF JOHN KNOX. 323 

ciple ;* and the nobles were able to find, even at that period, a 
sufficient number of pliant, needy, or covetous ministers to be 
the partners or the dupes of their avarice. 

Though our Reformer was of opinion, that, in certain cir- 
cumstances of the Church, a power might be delegated to some 
ministers to inspect the congregations Avithin a particular dis- 
trict, and accordingly recommended the appointment of super- 
intendents at the first establishment of the Reformation in 
Scotland, yet he did not allow of any class of office-bearers in 
the Church, under whatever name, who were superior either in 
office or in order to ministers or presbyters. His sentiments 
were not more favourable to diocesan Episcopacy in his latter, 
than they had been in his earlier days. Writing to a corres- 
pondent in England, in the year 1568, he says, " I would most 
gladly pass through the course that God hath appointed to my 
labours, giving thanks to his holy name, for that it hath pleased 
his mercy to make me not a lord-bishop, but a painful preacher 
of his blessed evangel." t In his correspondence with Beza, 
he had informed him of the government established in the 
Scottish Church ; and at this very time he received a letter from 
that reformer, congratulating him that he had banished the 
order of bishops, and admonishing him and his colleagues to 
beware of suffering it to re-enter under the deceitful pretext of 
preserving uuity.J He had an opportunity of publicly de- 
claring his sentiments on this subject, at the installation of 
Douglas as Archbishop of St Andrews. Having preached as 
usual on Sabbath, February 13. 1572, the Earl of Morton, who 
was present, desired him to inaugurate Douglas ; but he posi- 
tively refused, and pronounced an anathema against both the 
donor and the receiver of the bishopric. The Provost of St. 
Salvator's College having said that Knox's conduct proceeded 
from disappointment, because the bishopric had not been con- 
ferred on himself, he, on the following Sabbath, repelled this 
invidious charge. He had refused, he said, a greater bishopric 
than that of St. Andrews, which he might have had by the 
favour of greater men than Douglas had his :§ what he had 
spoken was for the exoneration of his conscience, that the 

* I have read somewhere (though I cannot at present find my authority) 
that Robert Pont, when offered a bishopric, took the advice of the General 
Assembly as to accepting it, and professed his readiness to apply its funds to 
the support of the ministry within the diocese. 

t Letter to Mr. John Wood, Feb. 14, 1568, in the Appendix. 

I In this letter, Beza commends Knox for establishing, not merely the 
purity o r doctrine in the Scottish Church, but also discipline and good order, 
without which th"; former could not be preserved for any time. Bezse 
Epistol. Theol. ep. Ixxxix. pp. 344 — 355, edit. 1572. 

5 Meaning Edward VI. of England and his council. See above, pp 74, 75. 



324 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Church of Scotland might not be subject to that order, especi 
ally after a very different one had been settled in the Book of 
Discipline, subscribed by the nobility, and ratified by parlia- 
ment. He lamented also that a burden should have been laid 
upon an old man, which twenty men of the greatest ability 
could not sustain.* In the General Assembly held at St. And- 
rews in the following month, he not only entered a protest 
against the election of Douglas,! but also " opponed himself 
directly to the making of bishops."t 

While he was engaged in these contests, his bodily strength 
was every day sensibly decaying. Yet he continued to preach, 
although unable to walk to the pulpit without assistance ; and, 
when warmed with his subject, he forgot his weakness, and 
electrified the audience with his eloquence. James Melville, 
afterwards minister of Anstruther, was then a student at the 
College, and one of his constant hearers. The account which 
he has given of his appearance is exceedingly striking ; and, as 
any translation would enfeeble it, T shall give it in his own 
words. " Of all the benefits that I had that year [1571], was 
the coming of that maist notable profet and apostle of our na- 
tion, Mr. Johne Knox, to St. Andrews, who, be the faction of 
the queen occupeing the castell and town of Edinburgh, was 
compellit to remove therefra, with a number of the best, and 
chusit to come to St. Andrews. I heard him teache there the 
prophecies of Daniel, that simmer and the wintar following. I 
had my pen and my little buike, and tuke away sic things as 1 
could comprehend. In the opening up of his text, he was 
moderat the space of an half houre ; but when he entered to 
application, he made me so to grew § and tremble, that I could 
not hald a pen to wryt. He was very weik. 1 saw him, every 
day of his doctrine, go hulie and fear,|| with a furring of mar- 
ticks about his neck, a staffe in the ane hand, and gude, godlie 
Richart Ballenden, his servand, balden up the uther oxter, IT 
from the abbey to the parish kirk, and, by the said Richart, and 
another servand, lifted up to the pulpit whar he behovit to lean 
at his first entrie ; bot, ere he haid done with his sermone, he 
was sa active and vigorous, that he was lyk to ding the pulpit 
in blads,** and flie out of it." tt 

* Bannatyne, 321, 325, 375. Cald. MS. ii. 269, 338, 340. Douglas, after 
he was made bishop, was continued in his offices of rector of the university, 
and provost of St. Mary's College. James Melville says, that he was, "a 
good upright-hearted man, but ambitious and simple ; ' and that Knox spoke 
against him "bot sparinglie, because he loved the man." MS. Diary, p. 27. 

f Bannatyne, 331. \ Melville's MS. Diary, p. 26. 

5 i. e. thrill. || i. e. slowly and warily. 11 i. e. arm-pit. 

** i. e. it appeared as if he would beat the pulpit in pieces. 

ft Melville's Diary, pp. 23, 28. It is not without reason that I have addetf 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 325 

The persons with whom the Reformer was most familiar at 
St. Andrews, were the Professors of St. Leonard's College, who 
often visited him at his lodging in the abbey. This college 
was distinguished by its warm attachment to the doctrines of 
the Reformation, which it had embraced at a very early period ; * 
while the two other colleges were disaffected to the authority 
of the king, and several of their teachers suspected of leaning to 
Popery. The Reformer was accustomed to amuse himself by 
walking in St. Leonard's Yard, and to look with peculiar com- 
placency on the students, whom he regarded as the rising hope 
of the Church. He would sometimes call them to him, and 
bless them, and exhort them to be diligent in their studies, to 
attend to the instructions of their teachers, and imitate the good 
example which they set before them, to acquaint themselves 
with God, and with the great work which he had lately perfor- 
med in their native country, and to cleave to the good cause. 
These familiar advices, from a person so venerable, made a 
deep impression on the minds of the young men. He even 
condescended to be present at a college exercise performed by 
them at the marriage of one of their regents, in which the siege 
and taking of Edinburgh Castle was dramatically represented.! 

During his stay at St. Andrews, he published a vindication 
of the reformed religion, in answer to a letter written by Tyrie, 
a Scottish Jesuit. The argumentative part of the work was 
finished by him in 1568 ; but he sent it abroad at this time, with 
additions, as a farewell address to the world, and a dying testi- 
mony to the truth which he had long taught and defended. £ 

the above explanation of some phrases in this extract, as the reader will per- 
ceive from the following version of it, by a modern French writer, in the 
Journal des Debats : — " A presbyterian fanatic named Knox, stirred up the 
people by his violent preaching. Nothing proves the coarseness of that 
people so much, as the ascendency which such a madman possessed over 
them ; old and broken down, and so helpless, as to be hardly able to crawl 
along, he was raised to his pulpit by two zealous disciples, where he began 
his sermon with a feeble voice, and slow action ; but soon heating himself 
by the force of his passion and hatred, he bestirred himself like a mad- 
man; he broke his pulpit, and jumped into the midst of his auditors 
(sautoit au milieu des auditeurs), transported by his violent declamation, and 
words still more violent." For this morceau I am indebted to the Editor of 
" The Poetical Remains of Mr. John Davidson, Edinburgh, 1829." 

* See above, p. 34. t See N °te OOO. 

t Tyrie published a reply to this, under the title of " The Refutation of 
ane Answer made by Schir Johne Knox to ane Letter, send be James Tyrie 
to his vmquhyle brother. Set furth be James Tyrie, Parisiis, 1573. Cvm 
Privilegio." H. fol. 57. 12mo. It includes Tyrie's first letter, and Knox's 
answer, but not the other papers originally printed along with that answer. 
** Mr. Knox," says Keith, " makes some good and solid observations, from 
which, in my opinion, the Jesuit (in his reply) has not handsomely extricated 
himself." History, Append p. 255. 
28 



326 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Along with it he published one of the religious le ters which h^ 
bad formerly written to his mother-in-law, Mrs. Bowes ; and, 
in an advertisement prefixed to this, he informs us that she had 
lately departed this life, and that he could not allow the oppor- 
tunity to slip of acquainting the public, by means of this letter, 
with the intimate Christian friendship which had so long sub- 
sisted between them. 

The ardent desire which he felt to be released by death from 
the troubles of the present life, appears in all that he wrote 
about this time. " Weary of the world," and " thirsting to de- 
part," are expressions frequently used by him. The dedication 
of the above-mentioned work is thus inscribed : — " John Knox, 
the servant of Jesus Christ, now wearie of the world, and day- 
lie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly tabemakle, to 
the faithful that God of his mercie shall appoint to fight after 
me." In the conclusion of it, he says," Call for me,deir breth- 
ren, that God, in his mercy, will pleis to put end to 1117 long and 
panefull battel. For now being unable to fight, as God sum- 
tymes gave strength, I thirst an end befoir I be more trouble- 
sum to the faithfull. And yet, Lord, let my desyre be moder- 
ate be thy Holy Spirit." In a prayer subjoined to the dedica- 
tion, are these words : " To thee, Lord, I commend my spirit. 
For I thirst to be resolved from this body of sin, and am assur- 
ed that I shall rise agane in glorie ; howsoever it be that the 
wicked for a tyme salltrode me and others, thy servandes under 
their feit. Be merciful, Lord, unto the kirk within this realme ; 
contine w with it the light of thy evangell ; augment the number 
of true preicheris. And let thy mercifull providence luke upon 
my desolate bedfellow, the fruit of hir bosome, and my two 
deir children, Nathanael and Eleazar.* Now, Lord, put end 
to my miserie." The advertisement " to the faithful reader," 
dated at St. Andrews, 12th July 1571, concludes in the follow- 
ing manner: — "I hartly salute and take my good night of all 
the faithful of both realms, earnestly desyring the assistance of 
their prayers, that, without any notable slander to the evangel 
of Jesus Christ, I may end my battel ; for, as the worlde is 
wearie of me, so am I of it." 



* Tyrie, in his reply, scoffs at this amiable expression of piety ; and in doing 1 
so, the Jesuit discovers that he was as great a stranger to conjugal and parental 
feelings, as he was to the rules of logic. " He (Knox) sais, that of tuay 
propositionis quhilkis ar verray trew, I collect ane conclusione maist false 
and repugnant to all veritie. Ane Dialectitian wald answer that Schir 
Johne Knox hes nocht weill considderit the rewlis of Dialectik, to affirme 
ane fals conclusion to follow of trew premissis. Botbecaus I knaw his greit 
occupationis, and solicitude he hes of his wyf and childrine, that he culd 
nocht, take tent to sic trifflis, I will pas this with silence." Refutation, mi 
supra, fol. 1, a. 



LIFE OF JOHM KNOX. 327 

The General Assembly being appointed to meet at Perth on 
the 6th of August, he took his leave of them in a letter, along 
with which he transmitted certain articles and questions which 
he recommended to their consideration. The Assembly return- 
ed him an answer, declaring their approbation of his propositions, 
and their earnest desires for his preservation and comfort.* The 
last piece of public service which he performed at their request, 
was to examine and approve of a sermon which had been late- 
ly preached by David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline. His 
subscription to this sermon, like every thing which proceeded 
from his mouth or pen about this time, is uncommonly striking : 
" John Knox, with my dead hand, but glaid heart, praising God, 
that of his mercy he levis such light to his kirk in this desola- 
tion."! 

From the 'rapid decline of his health, in the spring of 1572, 
there was every appearance of his ending his days at St. An- 
drews ; but it pleased God that he should be restored once more 
to his flock, and allowed to die peaceably among them. In con- 
sequence of a cessation of arms, agreed to in the end of July, 
between the regent and the adherents of the queen, the city of 
Edinburgh was abandoned by the forces of the latter, and se- 
cured from the annoyance of the garrison in the castle. As 
soon as the banished citizens returned to their houses,:): they 
sent a deputation to St. Andrews, with a letter to Knox, expres- 
sive of their earnest desire " that once again his voice might be 
heard among them," and entreating him immediately to come 
to Edinburgh, if his health would at all permit ; for, said they, 
" loath we are to disease or hurt your person any ways, but far 
loather to want you."§ After reading the letter, and conver- 
sing with the commissioners, he expressed his willingness to re- 
turn, but under the express condition, that he should not be 

* Bannatyne, 364—369. Cald. ii. 355, 366. 

f " Ane sermon prechit before the regent and r.obilitie upon a part of the 
third chapter of Malachi (verses 7, 12), in the kirk of Leith, at the time of 
the General Assemblie, on Sonday the 13 of Januarie, Anno Do. 1571. Be 
David Fergusone, minister of the evangel] at Dunfermline. Imprentit at 
Sanctandrois, be Robert Lekpreuik, Anno Do. MDLXXII." The dedica- 
tion to the regent Mar is dated 20th August 1572. 

| Previous to the cessation of arms, the banished citizens (who had taken 
up their residence chiefly in Leith) entered into a solemn league, by which 
they engaged, " in the fear of God the Father, of his Son our Lord Jesus 
Christ, and of the Holie Spirit, tackand to witness his holie name," that they 
would, with their lives, lands, and goods, promote the gospel professed 
among them, maintain the authority of the king and regent, assist and con- 
cur with others against their enemies in the castle, defend one another if 
attacked, and submit any variances which might arise among themselves to 
brotherly arbitration, or to the judgment of the town-council. Bannatyne, 
361—364. 

§ Bannatyne, 370—373. 



328 LIFE OF J H N K X O X . 

urged to preserve silence respecting the conduct of those who 
held the castle ; " whose treasonable and tyrannical deeds he 
would cry out against, as long as he was able to speak." He, 
therefore, desired them to acquaint their constituents with this, 
lest they should afterwards repent of his austerity, and be ap- 
prehensive of ill-treatment on his account. The commissioners 
assured him, that they did not mean to put a bridle in his mouth, 
but wished him to discharge his duty as he had been accus- 
tomed to do. He repeated this intimation, after his arrival at 
Edinburgh, to the principal persons of his congregation, and 
received the same assurance from them, before he would resume 
preaching.* 

On the 17th of August, to the great joy of the queen's faction, 
whom he had overawed during his residence among them, the 
Reformer left St. Andrews, along with his family. He was 
accompanied so far on his journey by the principal persons of 
his acquaintance in the town, who sorrowfully took their leave 
of him, in the prospect of seeing his face no more. Being 
obliged by his weakness to travel slowly, it was the 23d of the 
month before he reached Leith, from which, after resting a day 
or two, he came to Edinburgh. The inhabitants enjoyed the 
satisfaction of seeing him again in his own pulpit, on the first 
Sabbath after he arrived ; but his voice was now so enfeebled that 
he could not be heard by the half of the congregation. Nobody 
was more sensible of this than himself. He therefore requested 
his session to provide a smaller house, in which he could be 
beard, if it were only by a hundred persons ; for his voice, he 
said, was not able, even in his best time, to extend over the 
multitude which assembled in that large church, much less now 
when he was so greatlv debilitated. This request was readily 
complied with by the session.! 

During his absence, a coolness had taken place between hi 
colleague and the parish, who found fault with him for tempo- 
rizing during the time that the queen's party retained possession 
of the city. In consequence of this, they had mutually agreed 
to separate.! After preaching two years in Montrose, Craig 
removed to Aberdeen, where he acted as visitor of the churches 
in Buchan and Mar ; and was afterwards chosen minister to the 
royal household, a situation which he held until his death in 
1600, at the advanced age of eighty-eight.§ Being deprived of 

* Bannatyne, 372, 373. 

f Ibid. pp. 373, 385. Smetoni Respons. pp. 117, 118. 

t Ibid. 150, 370. 

' Spotswood, 464. When informed that his majesty had made choice cf 
Craig, the General Assembly, July 1580, " blessed the" Lord, and praised the 
mng for his zeal." Row, Hist, of the Kirk, 47. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 329 

both their pastors, and having no prospect that Knox, although 
he should return, would be capable of performing the public 
service among them, the kirk-session of Edinburgh had in- 
structed their delegates to the General Assembly lately held at 
Perth, to petition that court for liberty to choose from the min- 
istry a colleague to the Reformer. The Assembly granted their 
request, and ordained any minister (those of Perth and Dundee 
excepted) who might be chosen by Knox, the superintendent 
of Lothian, and the church of Edinburgh, to comply with their 
invitation, and remove to the capital* When the commis- 
sioners came to St. Andrews, they found the superintendent 
along with Knox, and having consulted with them, it was 
agreed to nominate and recommend James Lawson, sub-prin- 
cipal of the university of Aberdeen, a man eminent for his piety, 
learning, and eloquence.! Perceiving, on his return to Edin- 
burgh, that he could not long be able to endure the fatigue of 
preaching, and that he was already incapacitated for all other 
ministerial duties, Knox was extremely solicitous to have this 
business speedily settled, lest the congregation should be left 
" as sheep without a shepherd," when he was called away. 
The session and the superintendent having sent letters of invi- 
tation to Lawson, the Reformer wrote him at the same time, 
urging his speedy compliance with their requests. This letter 
is very descriptive of the state of his mind at this interesting 
period. 

" All worldlie strenth, yea ewin in thingis spirituall, decayes 
and yet sail never the work of God decay. Belovit brother 
seeing that God of his mercie, far above my expectatione, has 
callit me ones againe to Edinburgh, and yet that I feill nature 
so decayec, and daylie to decay, that I hike not for a long con- 
tinewance of my battell, I wald gladiie anes discharge my con- 
science into your bosome, and into the bosome of utheris, in 
whome I think the feare of God remanes. Gif I hath had the 
habilitie of bodie, I suld not have put you to the pane to the 
whilk I now requyre you, that is, anes to visite me, that we may 
conferre together on heavinlie thingis ; for into earth there is no 
stability, except the kirk of Jesus Christ, ever fightand vnder the 
crosse, to whose myghtie protectione I hartlie commit you. Of 
Edinburgh the vii of September 1572. Jhone Knox. 
" Haist, leist ye come too lait." i 
In the beginning of September, intelligence reached Edin- 

* Smstoni Respons. 118. Bannatyne, 370. 

I S:neton, ut supra. Bannatyne, 372. James Melville thus describes 
Lawson : — " A man of singular learning, zeal, and eloquence, whom I never 
hard preache hot he meltit my hart with teares." MS. Diary, 23. See r Iso 
Note PP, at the end of the volume. 

J; Bannatyne. 28 X 

«6* R2 



330 LIFE OF JOHN K.N OX. 

burgh, that the Admiral of France, the brave, the generous, the 
pious Coligni, was murdered in the city of Paris, by the orders 
of Charles IX. Immediately on the back of this, tidings arrived 
of that most detestable and unparalleled scene of barbarity and 
treachery, the general massacre of the Protestants throughout 
that kingdom. Post after post brought fresh accounts of the 
most shocking and unheard-of cruelties. Hired cut-throats and 
fanatical cannibals marched from city to city, paraded the streets, 
and entered into the houses of those that were marked out for 
destruction. No reverence was shown to the hoary head, no 
respect to rank or talents, no pity to tender age or sex. Infants, 
aged matrons, and women upon the point of their delivery, 
were trodden under the feet of the assassins, or dragged with 
hooks into the rivers ; others, after being thrown into prison, 
were instantly brought out and butchered in cold blood. 
Seventy thousand persons were murdered in one week. For 
several days, the streets of Paris literally ran with blood. The 
savage monarch, standing at the windows of the palace, with 
his courtiers, glutted his eyes with the inhuman spectacle, and 
amused himself with firing upon the miserable fugitives who 
sought shelter at his merciless gates.* 

The intelligence of this massacre (for which a solemn thanks- 
giving was offered up at Rome by order of the popet) produced 
the same horror and consternation in Scotland as in every other 
Protestant country 4 It inflicted a deep wound on the exhausted 
spirit of Knox. Besides the blow struck at the reformed body, 
he had to lament the loss of many individuals, eminent for piety, 
learning, and rank, whom he numbered among his acquaintance. 
Being conveyed to the pulpit, and summoning up the remainder 
of his strength, he thundered the vengeance of Heaven against 
"that cruel murderer and false traitor, the King of France," and 
desired Le Croc, the French ambassador, to tell his master, that 
sentence was pronounced against him in Scotland, that the 
divine vengeance would never depart from him, nor from his 
house, if repentance did not ensue; but his name would remain 

* Memoires do Sully, torn. i. 16. Paris, 1664. Brantosme Memoires 
apud Jurieu, Apologie pour la Reformation, torn. 420. Smetoni Respons. ad 
Hamilt. Dial. p. 117. Bannatyne's Journal, pp. 388 — 391?. 

t The papal bull for the jubilee may be seen in Strype's Life of Archbishop 
Parker. Append. No. 68, p. 108. 

| The regent Mar issued a proclamation on this occasion, summoning a 
general convention of deputies from all parts of the kingdom, to deliberate 
on the measures proper to be adopted tor defence against the cruel and trea 
sonable conspiracies of the Papists. Bannatyne, 397 — 401. Strype has 
inserted the preamble, and one of the articles, of a supplication presented by 
this convention to the regent and council. Annals, ii. 180, 181. This may 
be compared with the more full account of their proceedings, in Banna tynr: 
106-41. 






LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 3,31 

an execration to posterity, and none proceeding from his loins 
should enjoy his kingdom in peace. The ambassador com- 
plained of the indignity offered to his master, and required the 
regent to silence the preacher ; but this was refused, upon which 
he left Scotland.* t 

Lawson having received the letters of invitation, hastened to 
Edinburgh. He had the satisfaction to find that Knox was still 
able to receive him ; and, having preached to the people, gave 
universal satisfaction. On the following Sabbath, the 21st of 
September, Knox began to preach in the Tolbooth Church, 
which was now fitted up for him. He chose for the subject of 
his discourses, the account of our Saviour's crucifixion, as re- 
corded in the twenty-seventh chapter of the gospel according to 
Matthew, a theme with which he had often expressed a wish 
to close his ministry. On Sabbath, the 9th of November, he 
presided at the installation of Lawson as his colleague and suc- 
cessor. The sermon was preached by him in the Tolbooth 
Church ; after which he removed, with the audience, to the 
large church, where he went through the accustomed form of 
admission, by proposing the questions to the minister and peo- 
ple, addressing an exhortation to both, and praying for the divine 
blessing upon their connection. On no former occasion did he 
give more satisfaction to those who were able to. hear him. 
After declaring the respective duties of pastor and people, he 
protested, in the presence of Him to whom he expected soon to 
give an account, that he had walked among them with a good 
conscience, preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ in all sincerity, 
not studying to please men, nor to gratify his own affections : 
he praised God, that he had been pleased to give them a pastor in 
his room, when he was now unable to teach ; he fervently 
prayed, that any gifts which had been conferred on himself 
might be augmented a thousand fold in his successor ; and, in 
a most serious and impressive manner, he exhorted and charged 
the whole assembly to adhere steadfastly to the faith which they 
had professed. Having finished the service, and pronounced 
the blessing with a cheerful but exhausted voice, he descended 
from the pulpit, and leaning upon his staff and the arm of an 
attendant, crept down the street, which was lined with the au- 
dience, who, as if anxious to take the last sight of their beloved 
pastor, followed him until he entered his house, from which he 
never again came out alive.t 

On Tuesday following, the 11th of November, he was seized 



* Bannatyne, 401, 402. 

| Smetoni Responsio, 118. The house which the Reformer possessed ia 
^'t Mated near the bottom of the High Street, a little below the Fountain welL 
Wute three words are inscribed on the wall, beos, Deus, God. 



;332 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

with a severe cough, which greatly affected his breathing.* 
When his friends, anxious to prolong his life, proposed to cal' 
in the assistance of physicians, he readily acquiesced, saying thai 
he would not neglect the ordinary means of health, although he 
was persuaded that death would soon put an end to all his sor- 
rows. It had been his ordinary practice to read every day some 
chapters of the Old and New Testament ; to which he added a 
certain number of the Psalms of David, the whole of which he 
perused regularly once a-month. On Thursday the 13th, he 
sickened, and was obliged to desist from his course of reading; 
but he gave directions to his wife and his secretary, Richard 
Bannatyne, that one of them should every day read to him, 
with a distinct voice, the seventeenth chapter of the gospel ac- 
cording to John, the fifty-third of Isaiah, and a chapter of the 
Epistle to the Ephesians. This was punctually complied with 
during the whole time of his sickness; and scarcely an hour 
passed in which some part of Scripture was not read in his 
hearing. Besides the above passages, he, at different times, 
fixed on certain Psalms, and some of Calvin's French sermons 
on the Ephesians. Thinking him at times to be asjeep, when 
they were engaged in reading, they inquired if he heard them, 
to which he answered, " I hear, (I praise God) and understand 
far better ;" words which he uttered for the last time, within 
four hours of his death. 

The same day on which he sickened, he desired his wife to 
discharge the servants' wages ; and wishing next day to pay one 
of his men-servants himself, he gave him twenty shillings above 
his fee, saying, " Thou wilt never receive more from me in this 
life." To all of them he addressed suitable exhortations to walk 
in the fear of God, and as became Christians who had lived in 
his family. 

On Friday, the 14th, he rose from bed at an earlier hour than 
usual ; and thinking that it was Sabbath, said, that he meant to go 
to church, and preach on the resurrection of Christ, upon which 

* As it is unnecessary to repeat the quotations, the reader may be informed, 
once for all, that the Account of the Reformer's last illness and death is taken 
from the following authorities : — " Eximii viri .Toannis Knoxii, Scoticanss 
Ecclesiifi instauratoris, Vera extremae vitae et obitus Historia," published by 
Thomas Smeton, principal of the university of Glasgow, at the end of his 
' Responsio ad Hamiltonii Dialogum. Edinburo-i, apud Johannem Rosseum. 
Pro Henrico Charteris. Anno Do. 1579. Cum PrivUegio Regali :"— " Jour- 
nal of the Transactions in Scotland, (Annis) 1570— 1573, by Richard Ban- 
natyne, secretary to John Knox," 41:3 — 429, edited from an authentic MS. 
by J. Graham Dalyell, Esq. Anno 1806 :— Spotswood's History, pp. 265— 
267. Anno 1677: and Calderwood's MS. History, ad ann. 1572; copy in 
Advocate's Library, Edinburgh, transcribed anno 1631. The two first of 
these works contain the most ancient and authentic narratives, both being 
written at the time of the event, and bv persons who were eye and ear wit- 
nesses of what they relate. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 333 

he nad been meditating through the night. This was the sub- 
ject on which he should have preached in his ordinary course. 
But he was so weak, that he needed to be supported from his 
bedside by two men, and it was with great difficulty that he 
could sit on a chair. 

Next day, at noon, John Durie, one of the ministers of Leith, 
and Archibald Steward, who were among his most intimate 
acquaintance, came into his room. Perceiving that he was very 
sick, they wished to take their leave, but he insisted that they 
should remain, and having prevailed with them to stay dinner, 
he rose from bed, and came to the table, which was the last time 
that he ever sat at it. He ordered a hogshead of wine which 
was in his cellar to be pierced for them ; and, with a hilarity 
which he delighted to indulge among his friends, desired Steward 
to send for some of it as long as it lasted, for he would not tarry 
until it was ail drunk. 

On Sabbath, the 16th, he kept his bed, and mistaking it for 
the first day of the fast appointed on account of the French mas- 
sacre, refused to take any dinner. Fairley of Braid, who was 
present, informed him that the fast did not commence until the 
following Sabbath, and sitting down, and dining before his bed 
prevailed on him to take a little food. 

He was very anxious to meet once more with the session of 
his church, to leave them his dying charge, and bid them a last 
farewell. In compliance with this wish, his colleague, the elders, 
and deacons, with David Lindsay, one of the ministers of Leith, 
assembled in his room on Monday the 17th, when he addressed 
them in the following words, which made a deep and lasting 
impression on the minds of all : — " The day approaches, and is 
now before the door, for which I have frequently and vehe- 
mently thirsted, when I shall be released from my great labours 
and innumerable sorrows, and shall be with Christ. And now, 
God is my witness whom I have served in the spirit in the gos- 
pel of his Son, that I have taught nothing but the true and solid 
doctrine of the gospel of the Son of God, and have had it for my 
only object to instruct the ignorant, to confirm the faithful, to 
comfort the weak, the fearful, and the distressed, by the pro- 
mises of grace, and to fight against the proud and rebellious by 
the divine threatenings. I know that many have frequently 
complained, and do still loudly complain, of my too great 
severity ; but God knows that my mind was always void of 
hatred to the persons of those against whom I thundered the 
severest judgments. I cannot deny that I felt the greatest ab- 
horrence at the sins in which they indulged, but still I kept this 
one thing in view, that, if possible, I might gain them to the 
Lord. What influenced me to utter whatever the Lord put 
into my mouth, so boldly, and without respect of persons, was 



334 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

a reverential fear of my God, who called and of his grace ap- 
pointed me to be a steward of divine mysteries, and a belief 
that he will demand an account of the manner in which I have 
discharged the trust committed to me, when 1 shall stand at last 
before his tribunal. I profess, therefore, before God, and before 
his holy angels, that I never made merchandise of the sacred 
word of God, never studied to please men, never indulged my 
own private passions or those of others, but faithfully distributed 
the talents intrusted to me for the edification of the church over 
which I watched. Whatever obloquy wicked men may cast on 
me respecting this point, I rejoice in the testimony of a good 
conscience. In the mean time, my dear brethren, do you per- 
severe in the eternal truth of the gospel : wait diligently on the 
flock over which the Lord hath set you, and which he redeem- 
ed with the blood of his only begotten Son. And thou, my 
dearest brother Lawson, fight the good fight, and do the work 
of the Lord joyfully and resolutely. The Lord from on high 
bless you, and the whole church of Edinburgh, against whom, 
as long as they persevere in the word of truth which they have 
heard of me, the gates of hell shall not prevail." * Having 
warned them against countenancing those who disowned the 
king's authority, and made some observations on a complaint 
which Maitland had lodged against him before the session, he 
OPcame so exhausted as to be obliged to desist from speaking. 
Those who were present were filled both with joy and grief by 
this affecting address. After reminding him of the warfare 
which he had endured, and the triumph which awaited him, 
and joining in prayer, they took their leave of him, drowned 
in tears. 

When they were going out, he desired his colleague and 
Lindsay to remain behind. " There is one thing that greatly 
grieves me," said he to them. " You have been witnesses of 
the former courage and constancy of Grange in the cause of 
God ; but now, alas ! into what a gulf has he precipitated him- 
self! I entreat you not to refuse the request which I now make 
to you. Go to the castle, and tell him : ' John Knox remains the 
same man now when he is about to die, that ever he knew him 
when able in body, and wills him to consider what he was, and 
the estate in which he now stands, which is a great part of his 
trouble. Neither the craggy rock in which he miserably con- 
fides, nor the carnal prudence of that man [Maitland] whom he 
esteems a demi-god, nor the assistance of strangers, shall pre- 
serve him ; but he shall be disgracefully dragged from his nest 
to punishment, and hung on a gallows before the face of the 

* This speech is translated from the Latin of Smeton, which accounts for 
the difference of style which the attentive reader must have remarked. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNuX. 335 

sun, unless he speedily amend his life, and flee to the mercy of 
God.' That man's soul is dear to me, and I would not have 
it perish, if I could save it." The ministers undertook to exe- 
cute this commission; and going up to the castle, they obtained 
an interview with the governor, and delivered their message. 
He at first exhibited symptoms of relenting, but having con- 
sulted apart with Maitland, he returned, and gave them a very 
unpleasant answer. This being reported to Knox, he was much 
grieved, and said, that he had been earnest in prayer for that 
man, and still trusted that his soul would be saved, although his 
body should come to a miserable end.* 

After his interview with the session he became much worse ; 
his difficulty of breathing increased, and he could not speak 
without great and obvious pain. Yet he continued still to 
receive persons of every rank, who came in great numbers to 
visit him, and suffered none to go away without advices, which 
he uttered with such variety and suitableness as astonished those 
who waited upon him. Lord Boyd, coming into his chamber, 
said, " I know, sir, that I have offended you in many things, 
and am now come to crave your pardon." The answer was not 
heard, as the attendants retired and left them alone ; but his 
lordship returned next day in company with Drumlanrig, and 
Morton. The Reformer's private conversation with the latter 
was very particular, as afterwards related by the earl himself. 
He asked him, if he was previously acquainted with the desing 
to murder the late king. Morton having answered in the 
negative,! he said, " Well, God has beautified you with many 
benefits, which he has not given to every man ; as he has given 
you riches, wisdom, and friends, and now is to prefer you to the 
government of this realm.J And, therefore, in the name of 
God, I charge you to use all these benefits aright, and better in 



* After the castle surrendered, and Kircaldy was condemned to die, Lind- 
say attended him at his earnest desire, and received much satisfaction from 
conversation with him. When he was on the scaffold, he desired the min- 
ister to repeat Knox's last words respecting him. and said that he hoped they 
would prove true. James Melville had this information from Lindsay. MS 
Diary, pp. 29, 30. See also Spotswood, 266, 272. 

f Morton afterwards acknowledged that he did know of the murder ; but 
excused himself for concealing it. " The quene," he said, " was the doare 
tharoof ;" and as for the king, he was " sic a bairne, that there was nothing 
tauld him but he wad reveill it to hir agane." Bannatyne, 494, 4.97. 

| The regent Mar died on the 29th of October preceding. The nobility 
were at this time assembled at Edinburgh to choose his successor, a.id it was 
understood that Morton would be raised to that dignity. He was elected 
regent on the day of Knox's death, Bannatyne, 411, 412, 427. The author 
of the Historie of King James the Sext says, that the regent died October 
18, and adds, " efter him dyed Johnf Knox in that, same moneth," p. 197 
But he has mistaken the dates. 



336 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

time to come than ye have done in times bypast ; first to God's 
glory, to the furtherance of the evangel, the maintenance of the 
Church of God, and his ministry ; next for the weal of the king, 
and his realm and true subjects. If so ye shall do, God shall 
bless you and honour you ; but if ye do it not, God shall spoil 
you of these benefits, and your end shall be ignominy and 
shame."* 

On Thursday, the 20th, Lord Lindsay, the Bishop of Caith 
ness,and several gentlemen, visited him. He exhorted them to 
continue in the truth which they had heard, for there was no 
other word of salvation, and besought them to have nothing to 
do with those in the castle. The Earl of Glencairn (who had 
often visited him) came in with Lord Ruthven. The latter, 
who called only once, said to him, "If there be any thing, sir. 
that I am able to do for you, I pray you charge me." His 
reply was " I care not for all the pleasure and friendship of the 
world." 

A religious lady of his acquaintance desired him to praise 
God for what good he had done, and was beginning to speak in 
his commendation, when he interrupted her. " Tongue ! tongue ! 
lady ; flesh of itself is over-proud, and needs no means to esteem 
itself." He put her in mind of what had been said to her long 
ago, « Lady, lady, the black one has never trampit on your 
fute ;" and exhorted her to lay aside pride, and be clothed with 
humility. He then protested as to himself, as he had often done 
before, that he relied wholly on the free mercy of God, mani- 
fested to mankind through his dear Son Jesus Christ, whom 
alone he embraced for wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctifi 
cation, and redemption. The rest of the company having taken 
their leave of him, he said to Fairley of Braid, " Every one bids 
me good-night ; but when will you do it ? I have been greatly 
indebted unto you; for which I shall never be able to recom- 
pense you ; but I commit you to one that is able to do it. to the 
eternal God." 

On Friday the 21st, he desired Richard Bannatyne to ordei 
his coffin to be made. During that day he was much engaged 
in meditation and prayer. These words dropped from his lips 
at intervals: " Come, Lord Jesus. — Sweet Jesus, into thy hand 
I commend my spirit. — Be merciful, Lord, to thy Church, 
which thou hast redeemed. — Give peace to this afflicted com- 
monwealth. — Raise up faithful pastors who will take the charge 
of thy Church. — Grant us, Lord, the perfect hatred of sin, both 
by the evidences of thy wrath and mercy. In the midst of his 

* Morton gave this account of his conference with the Reformer to the 
ministers who attended him before his execution. Being asked if he had not 
found Knox's admonition true, he replied, " 1 have fand it indeid. r ' Mortor/d 
Concession. Bannatyne, 508, "09. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 337 

meditations, he often addressed those who stood by, in such 
sentences as these : — " serve the Lord in fear, and death shall 
not be terrible to you. Nay, blossed shall death be to those 
who have felt the power of the death of the only begotten Son 
of God." 

On Sabbath the 23d (which was the first day of the national 
fast), during the afternoon sermon, after lying a considerable 
time quiet, he suddenly exclaimed, " If any be present, let them 
come and see the work of God." Thinking that his death was 
at hand, Bannatyne sent to the Church for Johnston of Elphing- 
ston. When he came to the bedside, Knox burst out in these 
rapturous expressions : — " I have been these two last nights in 
meditation on the troubled state of the Church of God, the spouse 
of Jesus Christ, despised of the world, but precious in the sight 
of God. I have called to God for her, and have committed her 
to her head, Jesus Christ. I have fought against spiritual wick- 
edness in heavenly things, and have prevailed. I have been ir 
heaven, and have possession. I have tasted of the heavenly 
joys where presently I am." He then repeated the Lord ; s 
prayer and the creed, interjecting devout aspirations between 
the articles of the latter. 

After sermon, many came to visit him. Perceiving that he 
breathed with great difficulty, some of them asked, if he felt 
much pain. He answered, that he was willing to lie there for 
years, if God so pleased, and if he continued to shine upon his 
soul through Jesus Christ. He slept very little ; but was em- 
ployed almost incessantly either in meditation, in prayer, or in 
exhortation. " Live in Christ. Live in Christ, and then flesh 
need not fear death. — Lord, grant true pastors to thy Church, 
that purity of doctrine may be retained. — Restore peace again 
to this commonwealth, with godly rulers and magistrates. — 
Once, Lord, make an end of my trouble." Then, stretching 
his hands towards heaven, he said, " Lord, I commend my 
spirit, soul, and body, and all, into thy hands. Thou knowest, 
Lord, my troubles : I do not murmur against thee." His 
pious ejaculations were so numerous, that those who waited on 
him could recollect only a small portion of what he uttered ; for 
seldom was he silent, when they were not employed in reading 
or in prayer. 

Monday, the 24th of November, was the last day that he spent 
on earth. That morning he could not be persuaded to lie in 
bed, but, though unable to stand alone, rose between nine and 
ten o'clock, and put on his stockings and doublet. Being con- 
ducted to a chair, he sat about half an hour, and then was put 
to bed again. In the progress of the day, it appeared evident 
that his end drew near. Besides his wife and Bannatyne, 
Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, Johnston of Elphingston, and Dr. 
29 S2 



338 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX 

Preston, three of his most intimate acquaintance, sat by turns 
at his bedside. Kinyeancleuch asked him if he had any pain. 
" It is no painful pain, but such a pain as shall soon, I trust, put 
end to the battle. I must leave the care of my wife and chil- 
dren to you," continued he, " to whom you must be a husband 
in my room." About three o'clock in the afternoon, one of his 
eyes failed, and his speech was considerably affected. He de- 
sired his wife to read the fifteenth chapter of the first epistle to 
the Corinthians. « Is not that a comfortable chapter ?" said he, 
when it was finished. " what sweet and salutary consola- 
tion the Lord has afforded me from that chapter !" A little 
after he said, " Now, for the last time, I commend my soul, 
spirit, and body (touching three of his fingers), into thy hand, 
Lord." About five o'clock, he said to his wife, " Go, read 
where I cast my first anchor ;" upon which she read the seven- 
teenth chapter of John's Gospel, and afterwards a part of Cal- 
vin's sermons on the Ephesians. 

After this he appeared to fall into a slumber, interrupted by 
heavy moans, during which the attendants looked every mo- 
ment for his dissolution. But at length he awaked, as if from 
sleep, and being asked the cause of his sighing so deeply, re- 
plied, — " I have formerly, during my frail life, sustained many 
contests, and many assaults of Satan ; but at present he hath 
assailed me most fearfully, and put forth all his strength to de- 
vour, and make an end of me at once. Often before has he 
placed my sins before my eyes, often tempted me to despair, 
often endeavoured to ensnare me by the allurements of the 
world ; but these weapons were broken by the sword of the 
Spirit, the word of God, and the enemy failed. Now he has 
attacked me in another way : the cunning serpent has laboured 
to persuade me that I have merited heaven and eternal blessed- 
ness by the faithful discharge of my ministry. But blessed be 
God, who has enabled me to beat down and quench this fiery 
dart, by suggesting to me such passages of Scripture as these : — 
< What hast thou that thou hast not received ? — By the grace 
of God I am what I am : — Not I, but the grace of God in me.' 
Upon this, as one vanquished, he left me. Wherefore I give 
thanks to my God through Jesus Christ, who has been pleased 
to give me the victory ; and I am persuaded that the tempter 
shall not again attack me, but, within a sbort time, I shall, with- 
out any great pain of body or anguish of mind, exchange this 
mortal and miserable life for a blessed immortality through 
Jesus Christ." 

He then lay quiet for some hours, except that now and then 
he desired them to wet his mouth with a little weak ale. At ten 
o'clock, they read the evening prayer, which they had delayed 
beyond the usual lour, from an apprehension that lie was asleep 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 339 

After this exercise was c ncluded, Dr. Preston asked him if he 
had heard the prayers. " Would to God," said he, " that yon 
and all men had heard them as I have heard them ; I praise 
God for that heavenly sound." The doctor rose up, ancl Kin- 
yeancleugh sat down before his bed. About eleven o'clock, he 
gave a deep sigh, and said, " Now it is come." Bannatyne 
immediately drew near, and desired him to think upon those 
comfortable promises of our Saviour Jesus Christ, which he had 
so often declared to others ; and, perceiving that he was speech- 
less, requested him to give them a sign that he heard them, and 
died in peace. Upon this he lifted up one of his hands, and, 
sighing twice, expired without a struggle.* 

He died in the sixty-seventh year of his age, not so much 
oppressed with years, as worn out and exhausted by his extra- 
ordinary labours of body and anxieties of mind. Few men 
were ever exposed to more dangers, or underwent greater 
hardships. From the time that he embraced the reformed re- 
ligion till he breathed his last, seldom did he enjoy a respite 
from trouble ; and he emerged from one scene of difficulty and 
danger, only to be involved in another still more distressing. 
Obliged to flee from St Andrews to escape the fury of Cardinal 
Beatoun,he found a retreat in East-Lothian, from which he was 
hunted by Archbishop Hamilton. He lived for several years 
as an outlaw, in daily apprehension of falling a prey to those 
who eagerly sought his life. The few months during which he 
enjoyed protection in the castle of St Andrews, were succeeded 
by a long and rigorous captivity. After enjoying some repose 
in England, he was again driven into banishment, and for five 
years wandered as an exile on the Continent. When he re- 
turned to his native country, it was to engage in a struggle of 
the most perilous and arduous kind. After the Reformation 
was established, and he was settled in the capital, he was in- 
volved in a continual contest with the court. When he was 
relieved from this warfare, and thought only of ending his days 
in peace, he was again called into the field ; and although 
scarcely able to walk, was obliged to remove from his flock, 
and to avoid the fury of his enemies by submitting to a new 
banishment. He was repeatedly condemned for heresy, and 
proclaimed an outlaw ; thrice he was accused of high treason, 
and on two of these occasions he appeared and underwent a 
trial. A price was publicly set on his head ; assassins were 
employed to kill him ; and his life was attempted both with the 



* "Manum itaque, quasi nouas vires jamjam moriturus concipiens, caelum 
versus erigit, duobusque emissis suspiriis, e mortali corpore emigrauit, citra 
vllum aut pedum aut aliarum partium corporis motum, vt potius dormire quam 
-ocoidisse videretur.' Smetoni Responsio p. 123. 



340 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

pistol and the dagger. Yet he escaped all these perils, ana 
finished his course in peace and in honour. No wonder that he 
was weary of the world, and anxious to depart ; and with great 
propriety might it be said, at his decease, that « lie rested from 
his labours." 

On Wednesday, the 26th of November, he was interred in 
the churchyard of St. Giles.* His funeral was attended by the 
newly elected regent, Morton, by all the nobility who were in 
the city, and a great concourse of people. When his body was 
laid in the grave, the regent emphatically pronounced his eulo- 
gium in these words, " There lies he, who never feared the face 
of man." t 

The character of this extraordinary man has been drawn in 
opposite colours, by different writers, and at different times. 
And the changes which have taken place in the public opinion 
about him, with the causes which have produced them, form a 
subject neither uncurious, nor unworthy of attention. 

The interest excited by the revolutions of Scotland, eccle- 
siastical and political, in which he acted so conspicuous a part, 
caused his name to be known throughout Europe, more exten- 
sively than those of most of the reformers. When we reflect, 
that the Roman Catholics looked upon him as the principal 
instrument in overthrowing their religious establishment in this 
country, we are prepared to expect that writers of that per- 
suasion would represent his character in an unfavourable light ; 
and that, in addition to the common charges of heresy and 
apostasy, they would describe him as a man of a restless, turbu- 
lent spirit, and of rebellious principles. We will not even be 
greatly surprised though we find them charging him with 
whoredom, because, being a priest, he entered into wedlock, 
once and a second time ; and imputing his change of religion to 
a desire of releasing himself from the bonds by which the Popish 
clergy were professionally bound to chastity. But all this is 
nothing to the portraits which they have drawn of him, in 
which, to the violation of all credibility, he is unblushingly 
epresented as a man, or rather a monster, of the most profligate 

* Cald. MS. ad ann 1572. Bannatyne, 429. Spotswood, 267. The area 
of the Parliament Square was formerly the churchyard of St. Giles. Some 
think that he was buried in one of the aisles of his own church. The place 
where the Reformer preached is that which is now called the Old Church. 
It has, however, undergone a great change since his time. The space now 
occupied by the pulpit and the greater part of the seats, was then an aisle ; 
and the church was considerably more to the north of the building than at 
present. The small church fitted up for him a few weeks before his death 
is called by Bannatyne, the Tolbooth. Whether it was exactly that part 
of the building- now called the Tolbooth Church, I do not know. 

+ Some verses to the Reformer's memory may be seen in Note PPP. 



LIIE OF JOHN KNOX. 341 

character who gloried in depravity, who avowedly indulged in 
the most vicious practices, and upon whom Providence fixed 
the most evident marks of reprobation at his death, which was 
accompanied with circumstances that excited the utmost horror 
in the beholders.* This might astonish us, did we not know, 
from undoubted documents, that there were at that time a class 
of writers, who, by inventing or retailing such malignant 
calumnies, attempted to blast the fairest and most unblemished 
characters among those who appeared in opposition to the 
Church of Rome ; and that, absurd and outrageous as the accu- 
sations were, they were greedily swallowed by the numerous 
slaves of prejudice and credulity. The memory of no one was 
loaded with a greater share of this obloquy than our Reformer's. 
But these accounts have long ago lost every degree of credit ; 
and they now remain only as a proof of the spirit of lies or of 
strong delusion, by which these writers were actuated, and of 
the deep and deadly hatred which they had conceived against 
the object of their calumny, on account of his strenuous and 
successful exertions in overthrowing the fabric of papal super- 
stition and despotism. 

Knox was known and esteemed by the principal persons 
among the reformed in France, Switzerland, and Germany. 
We have had occasion repeatedly to mention his friendship with 
the reformer of Geneva. Beza, the successor of Calvin, was 
also personally acquainted with him ; the letters which he wrote 
to him abound with expressions of the warmest regard, and 
highest esteem ; and, in his Images of Illustrious Men, he after- 
wards raised an affectionate tribute to our Reformer's memory. 
This was done, at a subsequent period, by the German biogra- 
pher, Melchior Adam, the Dutch Van Heiden, and the French 
La Roque. The late historian of the literature of Geneva, 
(whose religious sentiments are very different from those of 
Calvin and Beza,) although he is displeased with the philippics 
which Knox sometimes pronounced from the pulpit, says, that 
" he immortalized himself by his courage against Popery, and 
his firmness against the tyranny of Mary ; and that though a 
violent, he was always an open and honourable, enemy to the 
Catholics." t 

The affectionate veneration in which his memory continued 
to be held in Scotland after his death, evinces that the influence 
which he possessed among his countrymen during his life was 
not constrained, but founded on the high opinion which they 
entertained of his virtues and talents. Bannatyne has drawn 
his character in the most glowing colours ; and, although allow 

* See Note QQQ. 

f Senebier, Hist. Lit. de Geneve, i. 377. 

29* 



342 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

ances must be made for the enthusiasm with which a favourite 
servant* wrote of a beloved and revered master, yet, as he lived 
long in the Reformer's family, and was himself a man of re- 
spectability and learning, his testimony is by no means to be 
disregarded. In a speech which he delivered before the Gene- 
ral Assembly in March 1571, when, in his master's name, he 
craved justice against the calumnies circulated by the queen's 
party, he said, " It has pleased God to make me a servant to 
that man John Knox, whom I serve, as God bears me witness, 
not so much in respect of my worldly commodity, as for that 
integrity and uprightness which I have ever known, and pre- 
sently understand, to be in him, especially in the faithful admin- 
istration of his office, in teaching of the word of God : and if I 
understood, or knew that he was a false teacher, a seducer, a 
raiser of schism, or one that makes division in the Church of 
God, as he is reported to be by the former accusations, I would 
not serve him for all the substance in Edinburgh."t And, in 
his journal, after giving an account of Knox's death, he 
adds : — " In this manner departed this man of God : the light 
of Scotland, the comfort of the Church within the same, the 
mirror of godliness, and pattern and example to all true minis- 
ters, in purity of life, soundness of doctrine, and boldness in re- 
proving of wickedness ; one that cared not the favour of men, 
how great soever they were. What dexterity in teaching, bold- 
ness in reproving, and hatred of wickedness was in him, my 
ignorant dulness is not able to declare, which if I should preist 
to set out, it were as one who would light a candle to let men 
see the sun ; seeing all his virtues are better known and notified 
to the world a thousand fold than I am able to express." § 

Principal Smeton's character of him, while it is less liable to 
the suspicion of partiality, is equally honourable and flattering. 
" I know not," says he, " if ever so much piety and genius were 
lodged in such a frail and weak body. Certain I am, that it 
will be difficult to find one in whom the gifts of the Holy Spirit 
shone so bright, to the comfort of the Church of Scotland. 
None spared himself less in enduring fatigues, bodily and men- 
tal ; none was more intent on discharging the duties of the pro- 
vince assigned to him." And again, addressing his calumniator 

* The reader should observe, that the word servant, or servitor, was then 
used with greater latitude than it is now, and in old writings often signifies 
the person whom we call by the more honourable names of clerk, secretary, 
or man of business. As the drawing of the principal ecclesiastical papers, 
and the compiling of the history of public proceedings, were committed to 
our Reformer, from the time of his last return to Scotland, he kept a person 
of this description in his family, and Bannatyne held the situation. 

+ Journal, 104, 105. 

t i. e. labour. $ Bannatvne, 127, 429. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 343 

Hamilton, he says, " This illustrious, I say illustrious Mjrvant 
of God, John Knox, I shall clear from your feigned accusations 
and slanders, by the testimony of a venerable assembly rather 
than by my own denial. This pious duty, this reward of a well- 
spent life, all its members most cheerfully discharge to their ex- 
cellent instructor in Christ Jesus. This testimony of gratitude 
they all owe to him, who, they know, ceased not to deserve well 
of all till he ceased to breathe. Released from a body exhausted 
in Christian warfare, and translated to a blessed rest, where he 
has obtained the sweet reward of his labours, he now triumphs 
with Christ. But beware, sycophant, of insulting him when 
dead ; for he has left behind him as many defenders of his repu- 
tation as there are persons who were drawn by his faithful 
preaching, from the gulf of ignorance to the knowledge of the 
gospel." * 

The divines of the Church of England, who were content 
porary with Knox, entertained a great respect for his character, 
and ranked him along with the most eminent of their own re- 
formers.! I have already produced the mark of esteem which 
Bishop Bale conferred on him, and the terms of approbation in 
which he was mentioned by Dr. Fulke, one of the most learned 
of the English divines in the sixteenth century.! Aylmer, in a 
work written to confute one of his opinions, bears a voluntary 
testimony to his learning and integrity.§ And Ridley, who 
stickled more for the ceremonies of the Church than any of his 
brethren in the reigu of Edward VI. and who was displeased 
with the opposition which Knox made to the introduction of 
the English liturgy at Frankfort, expressed his high opinion of 
him, as " a man of wit, much good learning, and earnest zeal." || 
Whatever dissatisfaction they felt at his pointed reprehension 
of several parts of their ecclesiastical establishment, the English 
dignitaries, under Elizabeth, rejoiced at the success of his exer- 
tions, and without scruple expressed their approbation of many 
of his measures, which were afterwards severely censured by 
their successors.1T I need scarcely add, that his memory was 
held in veneration by the English Puritans. Some of the chief 

* Smetoni Resp. ad Hamilt. Dial. pp. 95. 115. 

t Calf hill's Answere to the Treatise of the Crosse ; Preface to the Readers, 
fol. 18, a Lond. 1585. This writer was cousin to Toby Matthews, Arch- 
bishop of York ; and in the Convocation which met in 1572, sat as a repre- 
sentative of the clergy of London, and the canons of Oxford. Strype, An- 
nals, i. 289, 292—3. 

I See above, p. 153, and note N. 

$ Harborowe for Faithful and Trewe Subjects, B. B. 2. C. C. 2. Strype'a 
Life of Aylmer, p. 238. 

|| Strype's Life of Grindal, pp. 19, 20. 

U Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, part iii. B. vi. pp. 351, 352. 



344 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

men among them were personally acquainted with him during 
his residence in England and on the Continent ; and others of 
them corresponded with him by letter. They highly esteemed 
his writings, sought for his manuscripts with avidity, and pub- 
lished them with testimonies of the warmest approbation." 

Towards the close of the sixteenth century, there arose 
another race of prelates, of very different principles from the 
English reformers, who began to maintain the divine right oi 
diocesan Episcopacy, with the intrinsic excellency of a ceremo- 
nious worship, and to adopt a new language respecting other 
reformed churches. Dr. Bancroft, afterwards Archbishop of 
Canterbury, was the first writer among them, who spoke disre- 
spectfully of Knox,t after whom it became a fashionable prac- 
tice among the hierarchical party. This was resented by the 
mitiisters of Scotland, who warmly vindicated the character of 
their Reformer,! at the expense of incurring the frowns and 
resentment of their sovereign. Though educated under the 
greatest scholar of the age, and one who was a decided friend to 
popular liberty, James, in spite of the instructions of Buchanan, 
proved a pedant, and cowardice alone prevented him from be- 
coming a tyrant. His early favourites flattered his vanity, fos- 
tered his love of arbitrary power, and inspired him with the 
strongest prejudice against the principles and conduct of those 
men who, during his early years, had been the instruments of 
preserving his life, and supporting his authority. To secure 
his succession to the English crown, he entered into a private 
correspondence with Bancroft, and concerted with him the 
scheme of introducing Episcopacy into the Church of Scotland. 
The Presbyterian ministers incurred his deep and lasting dis- 

* In a dedication of Knox's " Exposition of the Temptation of Christ," 
John Field, the publisher, says : " If ever God shall vouchsafe the Church 
so greate a benefite; when his infinite letters, and sundry other treatises 
shall be gathered together, it shall appear what an. excellent man he was, 
ind what a wonderful losse that Church of Scotland susteined when that 
.vorthie man was taken from them. If, by yourselfe or others, you can pro- 
Mire any other his writings or letters here at home, or abroad in Scotland, 
oe a meane that we may receive them. It were great pittic that any the 
least of his writinges should be lost; for he evermore wrote both godly and 
diligently, in questions of divinitie, and also of church policie; and his letters 
being had togeather, would togeather set out an whole historie of the 
churches where he lived." 

f In a sermon preached by him at Paul's Cross, before the Parliament of 
England, Feb. 9, L188, on 1 John iv. 1, printed in i"88, and reprinted ir 
1G36. He enlarged on the subject in two posterior treatises, the one en • 
titled. " Dangerous Positions ; or Scottish Genevatino-, and English Scotti- 
zing;" the other "A Survey of the Pretended Holy Discipline." 

| John Davidson, minister first at Libberton, and afterwards at Preston- 
1> uis, answered Bancroft in a book entitled, "Dr. Bancroft's Rashness in 
Rayling against the Church of Scotland ;" printed at Edinburgh, 1390. 



Lffb OF JOHN KNOX. 345 

pleasure by their determined resistance to this design, and by 
the united and firm opposition which they made to the illegal 
and despotic measures of his government. He was particularly 
displeased at the testimony which they publicly bore to the 
characters of Knox, Buchanan, and the regent Murray, who 
" could not be defended," he said, " but by traitors, and sedi- 
tious theologues." Andrew Melville told "him that they were 
the men who had set the crown on his head, and deserved bet' 
ter of him than to be so traduced. James complained that 
Knox had spoken disrespectfully of his mother ; to which 
Patrick Galloway, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, replied, 
"If a king or a queen be a murderer, why should they not be 
called so ?" Walter Balcanquhal, another minister of the city, 
having, in one of his sermons, rebuked those who disparaged 
the Reformer, the king sent for him, and in a passion protested 
that " either he should lose his crown, or Mr. Walter should 
recant his words." Balcanquhal " prayed God to preserve his 
crown ; but said, that if he had his right wits, the king should 
have his head, before he recanted any thing he spake." * 

James carried his antipathies to the Presbyterian Church and 
reformers along with him to England, and he found it an easy 
matter to infuse them into the minds of his new subjects. 
Incensed at the freedom which Buchanan had used in his his- 
tory of the transactions during the reign of Mary, he had, before, 
leaving Scotland, procured the condemnation of that work by 
an act of parliament. And now he did not think it enough that 
he had got Camden's history of that period manufactured to his 
mind, but employed agents to induce the French historian, De 
Thou, to adopt his representations ; and because that great man 
scrupled to receive the royal testimony respecting events which 
happened before James was born, or when he was a child, in 
opposition to the most credible evidence, his majesty was pleased 
to complain that he had been treated disrespectfully.! Charles 
I. carried these prejudices even further than his father had done. 
During his reign, passive obedience, arminianism, and semi- 
popery, formed the court religion ; Calvinism and presbytery 
were held in the greatest detestation, and proscribed both as 
political and religious heresies. In the reign of the second 
Charles, the court, the bench, the pulpit,, the press, and the 
stage, united in loading Presbyterians with every species of 
abuse, and in holding them forth as a gloomy, unsocial, tur- 



* Cald. MS. ad an. 1570 ; quarto copy in Advocate's Library, vol. ii. pp. 
260, 231. 

f De Thuani Histor. Successu apud Jacobum I. Mag. Brit. Regem ; 
Thuani Hist. torn. vii. pars v. edit. Buckley, 1733. Laing's Hist of Scot- 
land, i. 228—241. 2d edit. 

T2 



340 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

bulent, and fanatical race. And a large share of these coi. 
tumelies uniformly fell on the head of Knox, who, it wa. 
alleged, had brought the obnoxious principles of the sect from 
Geneva, and planted them in his native country, from which 
they had spread into England. The revolution was effected in 
England by a coalition of parties of very different principles, 
some of which were not. of the most liberal kind. Though this 
event abated the force of the prejudices alluded to, it by no 
means removed them ; and a considerable time after it took 
place, the great, the fashionable, and even the learned, among 
the English, regarded the Scots as only beginning to emerge 
from that inelegance and barbarism which had been produced 
by the peculiar sentiments of Knox and his followers. 

The great body of his countrymen, however, continued long 
to entertain a just sense of the many obligations which they 
were under to Knox. After the government of the Church of 
Scotland was conformed to the English model, the Scottish pre- 
lates still professed to look back to their national Reformer with 
sentiments of gratitude and veneration ; and Archbishop Spots- 
wood describes him as " a man endued with rare gifts, and a 
chief instrument that God used for the work of those times." * 
For a considerable time after the revolution, the Presbyterians 
of Scotland treated with deserved contempt the libels which 
English writers had published against him ; and blushed not to 
avow their admiration of a man to whose labours they were 
indebted for an ecclesiastical establishment, more scriptural and 
more liberal than that of which their neighbours could boast. 
The Union first produced a change in our national feelings on 
this subject. The short-lived jealousy of English predominance, 
felt by many of our countrymen on that occasion, was succeed- 
ed by a passion for conformity to our southern neighbours ; and 
%o fond did we become of their good opinion, and so eager to 
secure it, that we were disposed to sacrifice to their taste and 
their prejudices, sentiments which truth, as well as national 
-lonour, required us to retain and cherish. Our most popular 
writers are not exempt from this charge ; and even in works 
professing to be executed by the united talents of our literati, 
the misrepresentations and gross blunders of which English 
writers had been guilty in their accounts of our Reformation, 
and the false and scandalous accusations which they had brought 
against our reformers, have been generally adopted and widely 
circulated, instead of meeting with the exposure and reproba- 
tion which they so justly merited. 

The prejudices entertained against our Reformer by the 
friends of absolute monarchy, were taken up, in all their force, 

* History, 261. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 347 

subsequently to the Revolution, by the adherents of the Stuart 
family, whose religious notions, approximating very nearly to 
the Popish, joined with their slavish principle respecting non- 
resistance to kings, led them to disapprove of almost every mea- 
sure adopted at the time of the Reformation, and to condemn 
the whole as a series of disorder, sedition, and rebellion against 
lawful authority. The spirit by which the Jacobitish faction 
was actuated, did not become extinct with the family which had 
so long been the object of their devotion; and while they trans- 
ferred their allegiance to the house of Hanover, they retained 
those principles which had incited them repeatedly to attempt 
its expulsion from the throne. The alarm produced by that 
revolution which of late has shaken the thrones of so many of 
the princes of Europe, has greatly increased this party ; and with 
the view of preserving the present constitution of Britain, prin- 
ciples have been widely disseminated, which, if they had been 
generally received in the sixteenth century, would have per- 
petuated the reign of Popery and arbitrary power in Scotland. 
From persons of such principles, nothing favourable to our Re- 
former can be expected. But the greatest torrent of abuse 
poured upon his character, has proceeded from those literary 
champions who have come forward to avenge the wrongs, and 
vindicate the innocence, of the peerless and immaculate Mary. 
Queen of Scots ! Having conjured up in their imagination the 
image of an ideal goddess, they have sacrificed to the object of 
their adoration all the characters, which, in that age, were most 
estimable for learning, patriotism, integrity, and religion. As 
if the quarrel which they had espoused exempted them from 
the ordinary laws of controversial warfare, and conferred on 
them the absolute and indefeasible privilege of calumniating 
and defaming at pleasure, they have pronounced every person 
who spoke, wrote, or acted against that queen, to be a hypo- 
crite or a villain. In the raving style of these writers, Knox 
was " a fanatical incendiary — a holy savage — the son of vio- 
lence and barbarism — the religious Sachem of religious Mo- 
hawks." * 

I cannot do justice to the subject without adverting here to 
the influence of the popular histories of those transactions writ- 
ten by two distinguished individuals of our own country. The 
political prejudices and sceptical opinions of Mr. Hume are well 
known, and appear prominently in every part of his History of 
England. Regarding the various systems of religious belief 

* Whitaker's Vindication of Queen Mary, passim. The same wruer 
designs Buchanan " a serpent — daring calumniator — leviathan of slander— 
the second of all human forgers, and the first of ull human slanderers." Dr. 
Robertson he calls " a disciple of the old school of slander— a . iar — and one 
for whom bedlam is no bedlam." 



34^ LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

and worship as distinguished from one another merely by dif- 
ferent shades of falsehood and superstition, he has been led, by 
a strange but not inexplicable bias, almost uniformly to show 
the most marked partiality to the grosser and more corrupt 
forms of religion ; has spoken with greater contempt of the Pro- 
testants than of the Roman Catholics, and treated the Scottish 
with greater severity than the English reformers. Forgetting 
what was due to the character of a philosopher, which he was 
so ambitious to maintain in his other writings, he has acted as 
the partisan and advocate of a particular family ; and, in vin- 
dicating some of the worst measures of the Stuarts, has done 
signal injustice to the memory of the most illustrious patriots of 
both kingdoms. Though convinced that the Queen of Scotland 
was guilty of the crimes laid to her charge, he has laboured to 
screen her from the infamy to which a fair and unvarnished 
statement of facts must have exposed her character, by fixing 
the attention of his readers on an untrue and exaggerated re- 
presentation of the rudeness of Knox and the other reformers 
by whom she was surrounded, and by absurdly imputing to 
their treatment of her the faults into which she was betrayed. 
No person who is acquainted with the writings of Dr. Robert- 
son will accuse him of being actuated by such improper mo- 
tives. But the warmest admirers of his History of Scotland 
cannot deny, that he has been misled by the temptation of 
making Mary the heroine of his story, and of thus interesting 
his readers deeply in his narrative, by blending the tender and 
romantic with the more dry and uninteresting detail of public 
transactions. By a studious exhibition of the personal charms 
and accomplishments of the queen, by representing her faults 
as arising from the unfortunate circumstances in which she was 
placed, by touching gently on the errors of her conduct, while 
lie dwells on the cruelty and the dissimulation of her rival, and 
by describing her sufferings as exceeding the tragical distresses 
which fancy has feigned to excite sorrow and commiseration, 
he throws a veil over those vices which he could not deny ; 
while the sympathy which his pathetic account of her death 
naturally awakens in the minds of his readers, effaces the im- 
pressions of her guilt which his preceding narrative had pro 
duced. However amiable the feelings of the author might be, 
the tendency of such a representation is evident. The Disser- 
tation on the murder of King Henry has, no doubt, convinced 
many of Mary's accession to the perpetration of that deed ; but 
the History of Scotland has done more to prepossess the public 
mind in favour of that princess, than all the defences of her most 
•sealous and ingenious advocates, and consequently, to excite 
prejudice against her opponents, who, on the supposition of her 



LIFE OF JOHN R^OX. 349 

guiit, acted a most meritorious part, and are entitled, in other 
respects, to the gratitude and veneration of posterity. 

The increase of infidelity and indifference to religion in mo- 
dern times, especially among the learned, has contributed, in no 
small degree, to swell the tide of prejudice against our Re- 
former. Whatever satisfaction persons of this description may 
express or feel at the reformation from Popery, as the means 
of emancipating the world from superstition and priestcraft, they 
naturally despise and dislike men who were inspired with the 
love of religion, and in whose plans of reform the acquisition of 
civil liberty, and the advancement of literature, held a subordi- 
nate place to the revival of primitive Christianity. 

Nor can it escape observation, that prejudices against the 
characters and proceedings of our reformers are now far more 
general than they formerly were among those who still profess 
to adhere to their doctrine and system of church government. 
Impressed with a high idea of the illumination of the present 
age, and entertaining a low estimate of the attainments of those 
which preceded it; imperfectly acquainted with the enormity 
and extent of the corrupt system of religion which existed in 
this country at the era of the Reformation ; inattentive to the 
spirit and principles of the adversaries with whom our reformers 
were obliged to contend, and to the dangers and difficulties with 
which they had to struggle, — they have too easily lent an ear to 
the calumnies which have been circulated to their prejudice, and 
rashly condemned measures which will be found, on examina- 
tion, to have been necessary to secure and to transmit the in- 
valuable blessings which we now enjoy. 

Having given this account of the opinions entertained re- 
specting our Reformer, I shall endeavour to sketch, with as 
much truth as I can, the leading features of his character. 

That he possessed strong natural talents is unquestionable. 
Inquisitive, ardent, acute ; vigorous and bold in his conceptions, 
he entered into all the subtilties of the scholastic science then in 
vogue ; yet, disgusted with its barren results, sought, out a new 
course of study, which gradually led to a complete revolution 
in his sentiments. In his early years he had not access to that 
finished education which many of his contemporaries obtained 
in foreign universities, and he was afterwards prevented, by his 
unsettled and active mode of life, from prosecuting his studies 
with leisure ; but his abilities and application enabled him in a 
great measure to surmount these disadvantages, and he remained 
a stranger to none of the branches of learning which in that age 
were cultivated by persons of his profession. He united, in a 
high degree, the love of study, with a disposition to active em- 
ployment. The truths which he discovered, he felt an irresisti- 
ble impulse to impart to others, for which he was qualified bv 
30 



350 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

a bold, fervid, and impetuous eloquence, singularly adapted to 
arrest the attention, and govern the passions of a fierce and un- 
polished people. 

From the time that he embraced the reformed doctrine, the 
desire of propagating it, and of delivering his countrymen from 
the delusions and thraldom of Popery, became his ruling pas- 
sion, to which he was always ready to sacrifice his ease, his 
interest, his reputation, and his life. An ardent attachment to 
civil liberty held the next place in his breast to love of the re- 
formed religion. That the zeal with which he laboured to ad- 
vance these objects, was of the most disinterested kind, no 
candid person who has paid attention to his life can doubt lor a 
moment, whatever opinion may be entertained of some of the 
means which he employed for that purpose. He thought only 
of advancing the glory of God, and promoting the welfare of 
his country. Intrepidity, independence, and elevation of mind, 
indefatigable activity, and constancy which no disappointments 
could shake, eminently qualified him for the hazardous and 
difficult post which he occupied. His integrity was above the 
suspicion of corruption ; his firmness proof equally against the 
solicitations of friends and the threats of enemies. Though his 
impetuosity and courage led him frequently to expose himself 
to danger, we never find him neglecting to take prudent pre- 
cautions for his safety. The confidence reposed in him by his 
countrymen, shows the high opinion which they entertained of 
his sagacity as well as of his honesty. The measures taken for 
advancing the Reformation, were either adopted at his sugges- 
tion, or sanctioned by his advice ; and we must pronounce them 
to have been as wisely planned as they were boldly executed. 

His ministerial functions were discharged with the greatest 
assiduity, fidelity, and fervour. No avocation or infirmity pre- 
vented him from appearing in the pulpit. Preaching was an 
employment in which he delighted, and for which he was quali- 
fied, by an extensive acquaintance with the Scriptures, and by 
the happy art of applying them, in the most striking manner, to 
the existing circumstances of the Church and of his hearers. 
His powers of alarming the conscience, and arousing the pas- 
sions, have been frequently celebrated ; but he excelled also in 
unfolding the consolations of the gospel, and in calming the 
breasts of those who were agitated by a sense of guilt, or suffer- 
ing under the ordinary afflictions of life. When he discoursed 
of the griefs and joys, the conflicts and triumphs, of genuine 
Christians, he described what he had himself known and expe- 
rienced. The letters which he wrote to his familiar acquaintances 
breathe the most ardent piety. The religious meditations in 
which he spent his last sickness, were not confined to that period 
of his 1 r e ; they had been his habitual employm 't from the 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 351 

time that he ,vas brought to the knowledge of the truth, and his 
solace amidst all the hardships and perils through which he had 
passed. 

With his brethren in the ministry he lived in the utmost cor- 
diality. We never read of the slightest variance between him 
and any of his colleagues. While he was dreaded and hated 
by the licentious and profane, whose vices he never spared, the 
religious and sober part of his countrymen felt a veneration for 
him, which was founded on his unblemished reputation, as well 
as his popular talents as a preacher. In private life, he was 
beloved and revered by his friends and domestics. He was 
subject to the illapses of melancholy and depression of spirits, 
arising partly from natural constitution, and partly from the mala- 
dies which had long preyed upon his health ; which made him 
(to use his own expression) churlish, and less capable of pleasing 
and gratifying his friends than he was otherwise disposed to be. 
This he confessed, and requested them to excuse ;* but his 
friendship was sincere, affectionate, and steady. When free 
from this morose affection, he relished the pleasures of society, 
and, among his acquaintances, was accustomed to unbend his 
mind, by indulging in innocent recreation, and in the sallies of 
wit and humour, to which he had a strong propensity, notwith- 
standing the grateness of his general deportment. In the course 
of his public life, the severer virtues of his character were more 
frequently called into exercise ; but we have met with repeated 
instances of his acute sensibility ; and the unaffected tenderness 
which occasionally breaks forth in his private letters, shows that 
he was no stranger to any of the charities of human life, and 
that he could " rejoice with them that rejoiced, and weep with 
them that wept." 

Most of his faults may be traced to his natural temperament, 
and to the character of the age and country in which he lived. 
His passions were strong ; he felt with the utmost keenness on 
every subject which interested him ; and as he felt he expressed 
himself, without disguise and without affectation. The warmth 
of his zeal was apt to betray him into intemperate language ; his 
inflexible adherence to his opinions inclined to obstinacy ; and 
his independence of mind occasionally assumed the appearance 
of haughtiness and disdain. In one solitary instance, the anxiety 
which he felt for the preservation of the great cause in which he 
was so deeply interested, betrayed him into an advice which was 
not more inconsistent with the laws of strict morality, than it 
was contrary to the stern uprightness, and undisguised sincerity, 
which characterized the rest of his conduct. A stranger to com- 

* See Extracts from his Letters to " Mrs. Locke, 6th April 1559," and to 
" A Friend in England, 19th August 1569 ;" published in the Appendix. 



352 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

plimentary or smooth language, little concerned about the man 
ner in which his reproofs were received, provided they were 
merited, too much impressed with the evil of the offence to 
think of the rank or character of the offender, he often " uttered 
his admonitions with an acrimony and vehemence more apt to 
irritate than to reclaim." But he protested, at a time when 
persons are least in danger of deception, and in a manner which 
should banish every suspicion of the purity of his motives, that, 
in his sharpest rebukes, he was influenced by hatred of vice, not 
of the vicious ; that his great aim was to reclaim the guilty, and 
that in using those means which were necessary for this end, he 
frequently did violence to his own feelings. 

Those who have charged him with insensibility and inhu- 
manity, have fallen into a mistake very common with superfi- 
cial thinkers, who, in judging of the character of persons who 
lived in a state of society very different from their own, have 
pronounced upon their moral qualities from the mere aspect of 
their exterior manners. He was austere, not unfeeling ; stern, 
not savage ; vehement, not vindictive. There is not an instance 
of his employing his influence to revenge any personal injury 
which he had received. Rigid as his maxims respecting the 
execution of justice were, there are numerous instances on 
record of his interceding for the pardon of criminals ; and, unless 
when crimes were atrocious, or when the welfare of the state 
was in the most imminent danger, he never exhorted the execu- 
tive government to the exercise of severity. The boldness and 
ardour of his mind, called forth by the peculiar circumstances 
of the times, led him to push his sentiments on some subjects 
to an extreme, and no consideration could induce him to retract 
an opinion of which he continued to be persuaded ; but his be- 
haviour after his publication against female government, proves 
that he satisfied himself with declaring his own views, without 
seeking to disturb the public peace by urging their adoption. 
His conduct at Frankfort evinced his moderation in religious 
differences among brethren of the same faith, and his disposition 
to make all reasonable allowances for those who could not go 
the same length with him in reformation, provided they abstain- 
ed from imposing upon the consciences of others. The liberties 
which he took in censuring from the pulpit the actions of indi- 
viduals of the highest rank and station, appear the more strange 
and intolerable to us, when contrasted with the reserve and 
timidity of modern times ; but we should recollect that they 
were then common, and that they were not without their utility, 
in an age when the licentiousness and oppression of the great 
and powerful often set at defiance the ordinary restraints 
of law. 

In contemplating such a character as that of Knox, it is not 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 353 

the man so much as the reformer, that ought to engage our 
attention. The talents which are suited to one age and station 
would be altogether unsuitable to another; and the wisdom dis- 
played by Providence, in raising up persons endowed with quali- 
ties singularly adapted to the work which they have to perform 
for the benefit of mankind, demands our particular consideration. 
We must admire the austere and rough reformer, whose voice 
once cried in the wilderness, who was clothed with camel's hair, 
and girt about the loins with a leathern girdle, who came neither 
eating nor drinking, but, laying the axe to the root of every tree, 
warned a generation of vipers to flee from the wrath to come, 
saying even to the tyrant upon the throne, " It is not lawful for 
thee." And we must consider him as fitted for " serving the 
will of God in his generation," according to his rank and place 
as well as his Divine Master, whose advent he announced, who 
" did not strive, nor cry, nor cause his voice to be heard in the 
streets, nor break the bruised reed nor quench the smoking flax." 
To those who complain, that they are disappointed at not find- 
ing, in our national Reformer, courteous manners, and a win- 
ning address, we may say, in the language of our Lord to the 
Jews concerning the Baptist: " What went ye out into the wil- 
derness for to see ? A reed shaken with the wind ? What 
went ye out for to see ? A man clothed in soft raiment ? Be- 
hold, they which are gorgeously apparelled, and live delicately, 
are in kings' courts. But what went ye out for to see ? A prophet ? 
Yea, I say unto you, and more than a prophet." To the men 
of this generation, as well as to the Jews of old, maybe applied 
the parable of the children sitting in the market-place, and call- 
ing one to another, saying, " We have piped unto you, and ye 
have not danced ; we have mourned unto you, and ye have not 
wept." Disaffection to the work often lurks under cavils against 
the instruments by which it is carried on ; and had Knox heen 
softer and more yielding in his temper, he would have been 
pronounced unfit for his office by the very persons who now 
censure his harshness and severity. "But wisdom is justified 
of all her children." Before the Reformation, superstition, 
shielded by ignorance, and armed with power, governed with 
gigantic sway. Men of mild spirits, and of gentle manners, 
would have been as unfit for taking the field against this enemy, 
as a dwarf or a child for encountering a giant. What did Eras- 
mus in the days of Luther ? What would Lowth have done 
in the days of Wicklifle, or Blair in those of Knox? It has 
been justly observed concerning our Reformer, that " those very 
qualities which now render his character less amiable, fitted him 
to be the instrument of Providence for advancing the Reforma- 
tion among a fierce people, and enabled him to face danger, and 
surmount opposition, from which a person of a more gentle 
30* U2 



354 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

spirit would lave been apt to shrink back." * Viewing nig 
character in Lus light, those who cannot regard him as an amia- 
ble man, may, without hesitation, pronounce him a great Re- 
former. 

The most disinterested of the nobility, who were embarked 
with him in the same cause, sacrificed on some occasions the 
public good to their private interests, and disappointed the hopes 
which he had formed of them. The most upright of his asso- 
ciates in the ministry relaxed their exertions, or suffered them- 
selves at times to be drawn into measures that were unsuitable 
to their station, and hurtful to the reformed religion. Goodman, 
after being adopted by the Church of Scotland, and ranked 
among her reformers, yielded so far to the love of country as to 
desert a people who were warmly attached to him, and return 
to the bosom of a less pure Church, which received him with 
coldness and distrust. Willock, after acquitting himself honoura- 
bly from the commencement of the interesting conflict, withdrew 
before the victory was completely secured, and, wearied out 
with the successive troubles in which his native country was 
involved, sought a retreat for himself in England. Craig, being 
left without the assistance of his colleague, and placed between 
two conflicting parties, betrayed his fears by having recourse to 
temporizing measures. Douglas, in his old age, became the 
dupe of persons whose rapacity impoverished the Protestant 
Church. And each of the superintendents was, at one time or 
another, complained of for neglect or for partiality, in the dis- 
charge of his functions. But from the time that the standard 
of truth was first raised by him in his native country, till it 
dropped from his hands at death, Knox never shrunk from 
danger — never consulted his own ease or advantage — never 
entered into any compromise with the enemy — never was 
bribed or frightened into cowardly silence; but, keeping his 
eye singly and steadily fixed on the advancement of religion 
and of liberty, supported throughout the character of the Re- 
former of Scotland. 

Knox bore a striking resemblance to Luther in personal in- 
trepidity and in popular eloquence. He approached nearest to 
Calvin in his religious sentiments, in the severity of his manners, 
and in a certain impressive air of melancholy which pervaded 
his character. And he resembled Zuinglius in his ardent attach- 
ment to the principles of civil liberty, and in combining his exer- 
tions for the reformation of the Church with uniform endeavours 
to improve the political state of the people. Not that I would, 
place our Reformer on a level with this illustrious triumvirate. 
There is a splendour which surrounds the great German re 

* Robertson Hist, of Scotland. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 355 

former, partly arising from the intrinsic heroism of lis character, 
and partly reflected from the interesting situation in which his 
long anddoubtful struggle with the court of Rome placed him 
in the eyes of Europe, which removes him at a distance from 
all who started in the same glorious career. The Genevese 
reformer surpassed Knox in the extent of his theological learn- 
ing, and in the unrivalled solidity and clearness of his judgment. 
And the reformer of Switzerland, though inferior to him in 
masculine elocution, and in daring courage, excelled him in 
self-command, in prudence, and in that species of eloquence 
which steals into the heart, convinces without irritating, and 
governs without assuming the tone of authority. But although 
" he attained not to the first three," I know not, among all the 
eminent men who appeared at that period, any name which is 
so well entitled to be placed next to theirs as that of Knox, 
whether we consider the talents with which he was endowed, 
or the important services which he performed. 

There are perhaps few who have attended to the active and 
laborious exertions of our Reformer, who have not been insen- 
sibly led to form the opinion that he was of a robust constitu- 
tion. This is, however, a mistake. He was of small stature, 
and of a weakly habit of body ;* a circumstance which serves 
to give us a higher idea of the vigour of his mind. His por- 
trait seems to have been taken more than once during his life, 
and has been frequently engraved.! It continues still to frown 
in the antechamber of Queen Mary, to whom he was often an 
ungracious visiter. We discern in it the traits of his character- 
istic intrepidity, austerity, and keen penetration. Nor can we 
overlook his beard, which, according to the custom of the times, 
he wore long, and reaching to his middle ; a circumstance which 
I mention the rather, because some writers have gravely assured 
us, that it was the chief thing which procured him reverence 
among his countrymen.! A Popish author has informed us, 
that he was gratified with having his picture drawn, and has 
expressed much horror at this, seeing he had caused all the 
images of the saints to be broken.§ 

* " Haud scio an unquam — majus ingenium in fragili et imbecillo cor- 
pusculo collocarit." Sroetoni Respons. ad Dialog. Hamilt. p. 115. 

f A print of him, cut in wood, was inserted by Beza, in his Icones. There 
is another in Verheideni Imagines. See also Grainger's Biographical His- 
tory of England, i. 164. 

| Henry Fowlis, apud Mackenzie's Lives of Scottish Writers, ii. 132. The 
learned Fellow of Lincoln College had perhaps discovered that the magical 
rirtue which the Popish writers ascribed to Knox, resided in his beard. 

§ "Audivi mente captos hereticos Scotos co etiam insanise aliquando 
venisse, quod sceleratissimi, atque omnium literarum imperitissimi nebuloni^ 
Knox, pessimi, hseretici, qui omnes imagines sanctorum frangi prsecepera^ 



356 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

One charge against him has not yet been noticed. He has 
been accused of setting up himself for a prophet, of presuming 
to intrude into the secret, counsel of God, and of enthusiastically 
confounding the suggestions of his own imagination, and the 
effusions of his own spirit, with the dictates of inspiration, and 
immediate communications from Heaven. Let us examine this 
accusation a little. It is proper, in the first place, to hear his 
own statement of the grounds on which he proceeded in many 
of those warnings which have been denominated predictions. 
Having, in one of his treatises, denounced the judgments to 
which the inhabitants of England exposed themselves, by re- 
nouncing the gospel, and returning to idolatry, he gives the fol- 
lowing explication of the warrant which he had for his threat- 
enings. <* Ye would know the groundis of my certitude. God 
grant that, hearing thame, ye may understand, and steadfast lie 
believe the same. My assurances are not the mervalles of 
Merlin, nor yit the dark sentences of prophane prophesies ; but 
the plane treuth of Godis word, the invincibill justice of the 
everlasting God, and the ordinarie course of his punismentis and 
plagis frome the beginning, are my assurance and groundis. 
Godis word threatneth destructioun to all inobedient ; his im- 
mutabill justice must requyre the same ; the ordinarie punish- 
ments and plaguis schaw exempillis. What man then can ceise 
to prophesie?"* We find him expressing himself in a similar 
way, in his defence of the threatenings which he uttered against 
those who had been guilty of the murder of King Henry and 
the Regent Murray. He denies that he had spoken " as one 
that entered into the secret counsel of God," and insists that he 
had merely declared the judgment which was pronounced in 
the divine law against murderers, and which had often been 
exemplified in the vengeance which overtook them, even in 
this life.t In so far then his threatenings, or predictions (for so 
he repeatedly calls them), do not stand in need of an apology. 
Though sometimes expressed in absolute or indefinite language, 
it is but fair and reasonable to understand them, like similar 
declarations in Scripture, as implying a tacit condition. 

There are, however, several of his sayings which, perhaps, 



imaginem suam non tam fabricari passum fuisse, quam jam fabricatam non 
parum probasse." Lainga:us de Vita et Moribus Hseretic. pp. (i5, 6.^. The 
same writer tells us, as a proof of Calvin's vain-glory, that he allowed his 
picture to be carried about on the necks of men and women, like that of a 
God ; and that when reminded that the picture of Christ was as precious as 
his, he returned a profane answer; "Fertur eum hoc tantum respondisse. 
Qui huic rei invidet crepel medius." Ibid. 

* Letter to the Faithfull in London, Newcastell, and Barwick; in MS 
Letters, p. 113. 

t Bannatyne 11, 112, 4:20, 421. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 357 

<;amiot be vindicated upon these principles, and wl idi he him- 
self seems to have rested upon different grounds.* Of this kind 
are the assurances which he expressed, from the beginning of 
the Scottish troubles, that the cause of the Congregation would 
ultimately prevail ; his confident hope of again preaching in his 
native country and at St. Andrews, avowed by him during his 
imprisonment on board the French galleys, and frequently re- 
peated during his exile; with the intimations which he gave 
respecting the death of Thomas Maitland and Kircaldy of 
Grange. It cannot be denied that his contemporaries considered 
these as proceeding from a prophetic spirit, and have attested 
that they received an exact accomplishment. Without entering 
on a particular examination of these instances, or venturing to 
give a decisive opinion respecting any of them, I shall confine 
myself to a few general observations. 

The most easy way of getting rid of this delicate subject is to 
dismiss it at once, and summarily to pronounce that all preten- 
sions to extraordinary premonitions, since the completing of the 
canon of inspiration, are unwarranted, and that they ought, with- 
out examination, to be discarded, and treated as fanciful and 
visionary. Nor would this fix any peculiar imputation on the 
character or talents of our Reformer, when it is considered that 
the most learned persons of that age were under the influence 
of a still greater weakness, and strongly addicted to the belief 
of judicial astrology. But I doubt much if this method of deter- 
mining the question would be doing justice to the subject. Esl 
vericulum, ne, aut neglectis his impia fraude, aut susceptis 
anili superstitione, obligemurA On the one hand, the dispo- 
sition which mankind discover to pry into the secrets of futu- 
rity, has been always accompanied with much credulity and 
superstition ; and it cannot be denied, that the age in which 
Knox lived was prone to credit the marvellous, especially as to 
the infliction of divine judgments on individuals. A judicious 
person, who is aware of this, will not be disposed to acknow- 
ledge as preternatural whatever was formerly regarded in this 
light, and will be on his guard against the illusions of imagina- 
tion as to impressions which may be made on his own mind. 

Nor would it be difficult to produce instances in which writers 
of a subsequent age, through mistake, or under the influence of 
prepossession, have given a prophetical meaning to words, 
which originally were not intended to convey any such idea. 
But, on the other hand, is there not a danger of running into 
scepticism, and of laying down general principles which may 

* See the Epistle to the Reader, prefixed to his Sermon, Afipend. to His- 
tory, p. 113. Edin. 1644, 4to. 
I Cicero de Divinat, lib. i. 4. 



358 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

lead us obstinately to contest the truth of the best authenticated 
facts, if not also to limit the operations of Divine Providence ? 
This is the extreme to which the present age inclines. That 
there are instances of persons having had presentiments as to 
events which afterwards did happen to themselves and others, 
there is, I think, the best reason to believe. Those who laugh 
at vulgar credulity, and exert their ingenuity in accounting for 
such phenomena on ordinary principles, have been exceedingly 
puzzled with some of these facts — a great deal more puzzled 
than they have confessed ; and the solutions which they have 
given are, in some cases, as mysterious as any thing included 
in the intervention of superior spirits, or in preternatural and 
divine intimations.'* The canon of our faith, as Christians, is 
contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments ; 
we must not look to impressions or new revelations as the rule 
of our duty ; but that God may, on particular occasions, forewarn 
persons of some things which shall happen, to testify his appro- 
bation of them, to encourage them to confide in him in circum- 
stances of peculiar difficulty, or to serve other important pur- 
poses, is not, I think, inconsistent with the principles of either- 
natural or revealed religion. If to believe this be enthusiasm, 
it is an enthusiasm into which some of the most enlightened and 
sober men, in modern as well as ancient times, have fallen.t 
The reformers were men of singular piety ; they were exposed 
to uncommon opposition, and had uncommon services to per- 
form ; they were endued with extraordinary gifts, and why may 
we not suppose that they were occasionally favoured with ex- 
traordinary premonitions, with respect to certain events which 
concerned themselves, other individuals, or the Church in gene- 
ral ? But whatever intimations of this kind they received, they 

* This is acknowledged by one who had attempted this more frequently, 
and with greater acuteness, than any of them. " De telsfaits, dont l'univcra 
est tout plein, embarrassent plus les esprits forts qu'ils ne le temoignent." 
Bayle, Dictionnaire, Art. Maldonat, Note G. What he says, elsewhere, of 
dreams, may be applied to this subject ; " they contain infinitely less mystery 
than the multitude believe, and a little more than sceptics believe ; and" those 
who reject them wholly, give reason either to suspect their sincerity, or to 
charge them with prejudice and incapacity to discern the force of evidence." 
Ibid.^Art. Majus, Note D. 

t " Setting aside these sorts of divination as extremely suspicious," says a 
modern author, who was not addicted to enthusiastic notions, " there remain 
predictions by dreams, and by sudden impulses, upon persons who v ere not 
of the fraternity of impostors; these were allowed to be sometime* preter- 
natural by many of the learned pagans, and cannot, I think, be disproved, 
and should not be totally rejected." Dr. Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical 
History, vol. i. p. 93. Sec also pp. 45, 77. Lond. 1805. The learned reader 
may also consult the epicrisis of Witsius on this question ; the whole disser- 
tation, intended chiefly tc expose the opposite extreme, is well entitled to a 
perusal. Miscellanea Sa ra, torn. i. p. 391. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 359 

never proposed them as a rule of action to themselvos or others, 
nor rested the authority of their mission upon these, nor ap 
pealed to them as constituting any part of the evidence of those 
doctrines which they preached to the world. 

Our Rsformer left behind him a widow and five children. 
His two sons were born to him by his first wife, Marjory Bowes. 
We have already seen, that, about the year 1566, they went to 
England, where their mother's relations resided. They received 
their education at St. John's college, in the university of Cam- 
bridge ; their names being enrolled in the matriculation-book 
only eight days after the death of their father. Nathanael, the 
eldest of them, after obtaining the degrees of bachelor and mas- 
ter of arts, and being admitted fellow of the college, died in 1580. 
Eleazer, the youngest son, in addition to the honours attained 
by his brother, was created bachelor of divinity, ordained one 
of the preachers of the university, and admitted to the vicarage 
of Clacton-Magna. He died in 1591, and was buried in the 
chapel of St. John's college.* It appears that both sons died 
without issue, and the family of the Reformer became extinct 
in the male line. His other children were daughters by his 
second wife. The General Assembly testified their respect for 
his memory by assigning his stipend, for the year after his death, 
to his widow and three daughters, and this appears to have been 
continued for some time by the regent Morton, who, though 
charged with avarice during his administration, treated them 
with uniform attention and kindness.t Margaret Stewart, his 
widow, was afterwards married to Sir Andrew Kerof Fadoun- 
side, a strenuous supporter of the Reformation.^ The names 
of his daughters were Martha, Margaret, and Elizabeth.^ The 
first was married to James Fleming, a minister of the Church 
of Scotland -,|| the second, to Zachary, son of the celebrated 
Robert Pont ;f and the third to John Welch, minister of Ayr. 

Mrs. Welch seems to have inherited no inconsiderable portion 
of her father's spirit, and she had her share of similar hardships. 
Her husband was one of those patriotic ministers who resisted 
the arbitrary measures pursued by James VI. for overturning 

* Newcourt's Repert. Londin. ii. 154. Communications from Mr. Thomas 
Barker, apud Life of Knox, prefixed to Historie of the Reformation, edit. 
1732, pp. xli. xlii. 

f Melville's MS. Diary, p. 39. See also Note RRR. 

I Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, p. 522. 

§ The Testament of John Knox, in the Appendix. 

|| He was the grandfather of Mr. Robert Fleming, minister in London, 
and author of the well known book, The Fulfilling of the Scriptures. But 
Mr. Robert's father was of a different marriage. Fleming's Practical Dis- 
course on the Death of King William, preface, p. 14. Lond. 1702. 

IT Seo Note SSS. 



360 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, 

the government and liberties of the Presbyterian Church oi 
Scotland. Being determined to abolish the General Assembly- 
James had, for a considerable time, prevented the meetings of 
that court by successive prorogations. Perceiving the desigi 
of the court, a number of the delegates from synods resolved to 
keep the diet which had been appointed to be held at Aberdeen 
in July 1605. They merely constituted the Assembly, and ap- 
pointed a day for its' next meeting, and being charged by Lau- 
rieston, the king's commissioner, to dissolve, immediately obeyed; 
but the commissioner, having ante-dated the charge, several of 
the leading members were thrown into prison. Welch and five 
of his brethren, when called before the privy council, declined 
that court, as incompetent to judge the offence of which they 
were accused, according to the laws of the kingdom ; on which 
account they were indicted to stand trial for treason at Linlith- 
gow. Their trial was conducted in the most illegal and unjust 
manner. The king's advocate told the jury that the only thing 
which came under their cognizance was the fact of the declina- 
ture, the judges having already found that it was treasonable ; 
and threatened them with an "assize of error," if they did not 
proceed as he directed them. After the jury were empannelled, 
the justice-clerk went in and threatened them with his majesty's 
displeasure, if they acquitted the prisoners. The greater part 
of the jurors being still reluctant, the chancellor went, out and 
consulted with the other judges, who promised that no punish- 
ment should be inflicted on the prisoners, provided the jury 
brought in a verdict agreeable to the court. By such disgrace- 
ful methods, they were induced, at midnight, to find, by a ma- 
jority of three, that the prisoners were guilty, upon which they 
were condemned to suffer the death of traitors.* 

Leaving her children at Ayr. Mrs. Welch attended her hus- 
band in prison, and was present at Linlithgow, with the wives 
of the other prisoners, on the day of trial. When informed of 
the sentence, these heroines, instead of lamenting their fate, 
praised God who had given their husbands courage to stand to 
the cause of their Master, adding, that, like him, they had been 
judged and condemned under the covert of night.t 

The sentence of death having been changed into banishment, 
she accompanied her husband to France, where they remained 

* Matthew Crawford's History of the Church of Scotland, MS. vol. i. 258 
— 283. The Reformation of Religion in Scotland, written by Mr. John 
Forbes, MS. pp. 131 — 151. The copy of this last work, which is in my pos- 
session, was transcribed " ex Authoris autographo," in the year 1726. The 
author was one of the condemned ministers. His narrative properly begins 
at the year 1580, but is chiefly occupied in detailing the transactions which 
preceded and followed the Assembly at Aberdeen. 

t Row's MS. Historic, pp. Ill, 122. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 361 

y 

for sixteen years. Mr. Welch applied himself with such assidu- 
ity to the acquisition of the language of the country, that he was 
able, in the course of fourteen weeks, to preach in French, and 
was chosen minister to a Protestant congregation at Nerac, from 
which he was translated to St. Jean d'Angely, a fortified town 
in Lower Charente. War having broken out between Lewis 
XIII. and his Protestant subjects, St. Jean d'Angely was be- 
sieged by the king in person. On this occasion, Welch not only 
animated the inhabitants of the town to a vigorous resistance 
by his exhortations, but he appeared on the walls, and gave his 
assistance to the garrison. The king was at last admitted into 
the town in consequence of a treaty, and being displeased that 
Welch preached during his residence in it, sent the Duke d'Es 
pernon with a company of soldiers, to take him from the pulpit. 
When the preacher saw the duke enter the church, he ordered 
his hearers to make room for the marshal of France, and de- 
sired him to sit down and hear the word of God. He spoke 
with such an air of authority that the duke involuntarily took a 
seat, and listened to the sermon with great gravity and atten- 
tion. He then brought Welch to the king, who asked him how 
he durst preach there, since it was contrary to the laws of the 
kingdom for any of the pretended reformed to officiate in places 
where the court resided. " Sir," replied Welch, <■'• if your ma- 
jesty knew what I preached, you would not only come and 
hear it yourself, but make all France hear it ; for I preach not 
as those men you use to hear. First, I preach that you must 
be saved by the merits of Jesus Christ, and not your own ; and 
I am sure your conscience tells you that your good' works will 
never merit heaven. Next, I preach, that, as you are king of 
France, there is no man on earth above you ; but these men 
whom you hear, subject you to the pope of Rome, which I will 
never do." Pleased with this reply, Lewis said to him, " He 
bien,. vpus serez mon ministre ;" * and addressing him by the 
title of Father, assured him of his protection. And he was as 
good as his word ; for St. Jean d'Angely being reduced by the 
royal forces in 1621, the king gave directions to De Vitry, one 
of his generals, to take care of his minister, in consequence of 
which, Welch and his family were conveyed, at his majesty's 
expense, to Rochelle.t 

* "Very well ; you shall be my minister." 

f History of Mr. John Welch, pp. 31—33. Edinburgh, 1703. Character- 
istics of Eminent Ministers, subjoined to Livingston's Life : Art. John Welch. 
Mr. Livingston received his account of the above transactions in France, 
from Lord Kenmure, who resided in Mr. Welch's house. The author of the 
History of Welch, says, that he received his information from the personal 
acquaintances of that minister. That work was drawn up by Mr. James 
Kirk/ on, who married a descendant of Knox, and consequently a relation of 
31 V2 



362 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

Havhg lost his health, and the physicians informing him that 
the only prospect which he had of recovering it, was by return- 
ing to his native country, Mr. Welch ventured, in the year 1622 r 
to come to London. But his own sovereign was incapable of 
treating him with that generosity which he had experienced 
from the French monarch ; and, dreading the influence of a man 
who was far gone with a consumption, he absolutely refused to 
give him permission to return to Scotland. Mrs. Welch, by 
means of some of her mother's relations at court, obtained access 
to James, and petitioned him to grant this liberty to her hus- 
band. The following singular conversation took place on tliat 
occasion. His majesty asked her, who was her father. She 
replied, "John Knox." — "Knox and Welch !" exclaimed he, 
" the devil never made such a match as that." — " It's right like, 
sir," said she, " for we never speired* his advice." He asked 
her how many children her father had left, and if they were 
lads or lasses. She said three, and they were all lasses. " God 
be thanked !" cried the king, lifting up both his hands ; " for an 
they had been three lads, I had never bruikedt my three king- 
doms in peace." She again urged her request, that he* would 
give her husband his native air. " Give him his native air !' r 
replied the king, "give him the devil !" — " Give that to your 
hungry courtiers," said she, offended at his profaneness. He 
told her at last, that if she would persuade her husband to sub- 
mit to the bishops, he would allow him to return to Scotland. 
Mrs. Welch, lifting up her apron, and holding it towards the 
king, replied, in the true spirit of her father, " Please your ma- 
jesty, I'd rather kepj his head there."§ 

Welch was soon after released from the power of the despot, 
and from his own sufferings. "This month of May 1622," 
says one of his intimate friends, " we received intelligence of the 

Mrs. Welch. See the article concerning Knox's descendants in Additions. 
The life of Welch contains an account of an extraordinary occurrence relating 
to the first Lord Castlestewart, (ancestor of Lord Castlereagh,) who, when a 
young man, lodged with Mr. Welch in France. 

* Asked. f Enjoyed. } Receive. 

5 1 met with the account of this conversation in a MS. written by Mr. 
Robert Traill, minister in London, entitled, " An Accompt of several pas- 
sages in the lives of some eminent men in the nation, not recorded in any 
history." It is inserted in the heart of a common-place book, containing 
notes of Sermons, &c. written by him when a student of divinity at St. An- 
drews, between 1659 and 1663. He received the account from a^ed per- 
sons, and says, that the conference between King James and Mrs. Welch 
" is current to this day in the mouths of many." I have since seen the same 
story in Wodrow's MS. Collections, vol. i. Life of Welch, p. 27, Bibl, Coll. 
Glass. James stood in great awe of Mr. Welch, who often reproved him for 
his habit of profane swearing. If he had, at any time, been swearing in a 
public place, he would have turned round, and asked if Welch was "near 
Traill's MS. u supra. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 303 

death of that holy servant of God, Mr. Welch, one of the fathers 
and pillars of that church, and the light of his age, who died at 
London, an exile from his native country, on account of his 
opposition to the re-establishment of episcopal government, and 
his firm support of the presbyterian and synodical discipline, 
received and established among us; and that after eighteen 
years' banishment — a man full of the Holy Spirit, zeal, charity, 
and incredible diligence in the duties of his office." The death 
of his wife is recorded by the same pen. " This month of Janu- 
ary 1625, died at Ayr, my cousin, Mrs. Welch, daughter of that 
great servant of God, the late John Knox, and wife of that holy 
man of God, Mr. Welch, above mentioned ; a spouse and daugh- 
ter worthy of such' a husband, and such a father." * 

The account of our Reformer's publications has been partly 
anticipated in the course of the preceding narrative. Though 
his writings were of great utility, it was not by them, but by his 
personal exertions, that he chiefly advanced the Reformation, 
and transmitted his name to posterity. He did not view this as 
the field in which he was called to labour. " That I did not in 
writing communicate my judgment upon the Scriptures," says 
he, " I have ever thought myself to have most just reason. For, 
considering myself rather called of my God to instruct the igno- 
rant, comfort the sorrowful, confirm the weak, and rebuke the 
proud, by tongue and lively voice, in these most corrupt days, 
than to compose books for "the age to come (seeing that so much 
is written, and by men of most singular erudition, and yet so 
little well observed), I decreed to contain myself within the 
bounds of that vocation whereunto 1 found myself especially 
called." t This resolution was most judiciously formed. His 
situation was very different from that of the first Protestant 
reformers. They found the whole world in ignorance of the 
doctrines of Christianity. Men were either destitute of books, 
or such as they possessed were calculated only to mislead. The 
oral instructions of a few individuals could extend but a small 
way ; it was principally by means of their writings, which cir- 
culated with amazing rapidity, that they benefited mankind, and 
became not merely the instructors of the particular cities and 
countries where they resided and preached, but the reformers of 
Europe. By the time that Knox appeared on the field, their 
translations of Scripture, their judicious commentaries on its dif- 
ferent books, and their able defences of its doctrines, were laid 



* Obituary of Robert Boyd of Trochrig, in Wodrow's MS. Collections, vol. 
v. pp. 145, 148. Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 291, 295. See Mrs. Welch's 
Testament, in the Appendix. 

t Preface to his Sermon, apud History, p. 113. Edin. 1644. 



304 LIFE OF JOHN KXOX. 

open to the English reader.* What .vas more immediately- 
required of him was to use the peculiar talent in which he ex 
celled, and, " by tongue and lively voice," to imprint the doc 
trines of the Bible upon the hearts of his countrymen. When 
he was deprived of an opportunity of doing this during his ex- 
ile, there could not be a more proper substitute than that which 
he adopted, by publishing familiar epistles, exhortations, and 
admonitions, hi which he briefly reminded them of the truths 
which they had embraced, and warned them to flee from the 
abominations of Popery. These could be circulated and read 
with far more ease, and to a far greater extent, than large 
treatises. 

Of the many sermons preached by him during his ministry, he 
published but one, which was extorted from him by peculiar 
circumstances. It affords a very favourable specimen of his 
talents; and shows, that if he had applied himself to writing, he 
was qualified for excelling in that department. He had a ready 
command of language, and expressed himself with great per- 
spicuity, animation, and force. Though he despised the tinsel 
of rhetoric, he was acquainted with the principles of that art, 
and when he had leisure and inclination to polish his style, 
wrote with propriety, and even with elegance. Those who 
have read his Letter to the Queen Regent, his Answer to Tyrie, 
or his papers in the account of the dispute with Kennedy, will 
be satisfied of this. During his residence in England, he ac- 
quired the habit of writing the language according to the man- 
ner of that country; and in all his publications which appeared 
during his lifetime, the English and not the Scottish orthogra- 
phy and mode of expression are used.t In this respect, there 
is a very evident difference between them and the vernacular 
writings of Buchanan. 

His practical treatises are among the least known, but most 
valuable, of his writings. In depth of religious feeling, and in 
power of utterance, they are superior to any works of the same 
kind which appeared in that age. The thoughts are often 
original, and always expressed in a style of originality, pos- 



* Those who have not directed their attention to this point cannot easily 
conceive to what extent the translation of foreign theological books into our 
language was carried at that time. There was scarcely a book of any 
celebrity published in Latin by the continental reformers, that did not appear 
in an English version. Bibliographers, and the annalists of printing, are 
very defective in the information which they commucicate on this branch. 

t It is to this that Ninian Winget refers in one of his letters addressed to 
Knox. " Gif ye, throw curiositie of novationis, hes forzet our auld plane 
Scottis, quhilk zour mother lemit zow, in tymes coming I sail wrytt to zow 
my liiynd in I atin, for I am nochtacquyntit with zour Southeroun." Keith, 
Append. 254. 



LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 365 

jessing great dignity and strength, without affectation or ex- 
travagance.* 

The freedoms which have been used in the republication of 
such of his works as are best known, have contributed to injure 
his literary reputation. They were translated into the language 
commonly used in the middle of the seventeenth century, by 
which they were deprived of the antique costume which they 
formerly wore, and contracted an air of vulgarity which did not 
originally belong to them. Besides this, they have been re- 
printed with innumerable omissions, interpolations, and altera- 
tions, which frequently affect the sense, and always enfeeble 
the language. The two works which have been most read, 
are the least accurate and polished, in point of style, of all his 
writings. His tract, against female government was hastily 
published by him, under great irritation of mind at the increas- 
ing cruelty of Mary Queen of England. His History of the 
Reformation was undertaken during the confusions of the civil 
war, and was afterwards continued by him at intervals snatched 
from numerous avocations. The collection of historical mate- 
rials is a work of labour and time; the digesting and arranging 
of them into a regular narrative require much leisure and undi- 
vided attention. The want of these sufficiently accounts for the 
confusion that is often observable in that work. But, notwith- 
standing this, and particular mistakes from which no work of 
the kind can be free, it still continues to be the principal source 
of information as to ecclesiastical proceedings in that period , 
and although great keenness has been shown in attacking its 
authenticity and accuracy, it has been confirmed, in all the lead- 
ing facts, by an examination of those ancient documents which 
the industry of later times has brought to light.t 

His defence of Predestination, the only theological treatise of 
any extent which was published by him, is rare, and has been 
seen by few. It is written with perspicuity, and discovers his 
controversial acuteness, with becoming caution, in handling 
that delicate question. A catalogue of his publications, as 
complete as I have been able to draw up, will be found in the 
notes + 



* Knox's practical writings have been lately collected and reprinted. This, 
so far as it may have arisen, even indirectly, from what I have done in illus- 
trating the events of his life, I regard as one of the most pleasing fruits of 
my labour ; nor do I regret (though I did regret it) that the work has issued 
from the press of London, instead of Edinburgh. 

t See Note TTT. 

I See Note UUU. It may be proper to notice that our Reformer's writings 
had the honour of being marked in the Index Expurgatorius of Rome. 
" Joannes Chnoxi - .; Scotus" occurs in Index Librorum Prohibitorum, p. 49. 
Rothomagi, 1625. 
31 * 



360 LIFE OF JOHN KNOX. 

I have thus attempted to give an account of our national Re 
former, of the principal events of his life, his sentiments, writings, 
and exertions in the cause of religion and liberty. If what I 
have done shall contribute to set his character in a more just 
light than that in which it has been generally represented, a. d 
to correct the erroneous views of it which have long been preva- 
lent ; or if it shall tend to elucidate the ecclesiastical history of 
the eventful period in which he lived, and be the means of illus- 
trating the superintendence of a wise and merciful Providence, 
in the accomplishment of a revolution of all others the most in- 
teresting and beneficial to this country, I shall not think any 
labour which I have bestowed on the subject to have been 
thrown away, or unrewarded. 



NOTES. 



Note A. page 17. 

Place of Knox's Birth, and his Parentage. — Althoug l the question 
respecting Knox's birth-place is not of very great impo;tance, I shall 
state the authorities for the different opinions which are entertained 
on the subject. 

Beza, who was contemporary, and personally acquainted, with our 
Reformer, designs him " Joannes Cnoxus, Scotus, Giffordiensis," evi- 
dently meaning that he was a native of the town of Gifford. Icones, 
seu Imagines Illustrium Virorum, Ee. iij. an. 1580. Spotswood, who 
was born in 1565, and could receive information from his father, and 
other persons intimately acquainted with Knox, says that he was 
" born in Gifford within Lothian." History, p. 265, edit. 1677. David 
Buchanan, in his Memoir of Knox, prefixed to the edition of his His- 
tory, and published in 1644, gives the same account; which has been 
followed in the Life written by Matthew Crawfurd, and prefixed to 
the edition of the History, 1732; and by Wodrow, in his MS. Collec- 
tions, respecting the Scottish Reformers, in Bibl. Coll. Glas. In a 
Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, which is in the possession of the 
family of the late Mr. James Knox, minister of Scoon, the Reformer's 
father is said to have been a brother of the family of Ranferlie, and 
" proprietor of the estate of Gifford." Scott's History of the Scottish 
Reformers, p. 94. 

On the other hand, Archibald Hamilton, who was his countryman, 
as well as his contemporary and acquaintance, says that Knox was 
born in the town of Haddington : " Obscuris natus parentibus in Had- 
intona oppido in Laudonia." De Confusione Calvinianae Sectse apud 
Scotos Dialogus, fol. 64, a. Parisiis, 1577. Another Scotsman, who 
wrote in that age, says that he was born near Haddington ; " prope 
Haddintonam." Laingaeus De vita, et mod bus, atque rebus gestis 
Haereticorum nostri temporis, fol. 113, b. Parisiis, 1581. Dr. Barclay, 
late minister of Haddington, advanced an opinion which reconciles 
the two last authorities, (although it is probable that he never saw 
either of them,) by asserting that our Reformer was born in one of the 
suburbs of Haddington, called the Giffordgate. Transactions of the 
Society of Antiquaries in Scotland, pp. 69, 70. 

367 



36S NOTES. 

The testimony of Archibald Hamilton, is not altogether without 
weight; for, although he has retailed a number of gross falsehoods in 
the work referred to, there does not appear to be any reason for sup- 
posing that he would intentionally mislead his readers on such a cir- 
cumstance as the birth-place of the Reformer. But I consider Spots- 
wood's statement as going far to set aside Hamilton's; for, as the 
archbishop could scarcely be ignorant of it, and as he fixes Knox's 
birth at a different place, it ; s reasonable to suppose that he had good 
reasons for varying from a preceding authority. The grounds of Dr. 
Barclay's opinion are, that, according to the tradition of the place, the 
Reformer was a native of Haddington ; that the house in which he 
was born is still pointed out in the Giffordgate ; and that this house, 
with some adjoining acres of land, belonged for a number of generations 
to a family of the name of Knox, who claimed kindred with the Re- 
former, and who lately sold the property to the Earl of Wemyss. 1 
acknowledge that popular tradition may be allowed to determine a 
point of this nature, provided it is not contradicted by other evidence. 
In the present case, it is not altogether free from this objection. As 
the sons of the Reformer died without issue, there is no reason to 
think that the family which resided in the Giffordgate was lineally 
descended from him. Still, however, the property might have be- 
longed to his elder brother, which is consistent with the supposition 
of his being born in the house which tradition has marked out. But 
I have lately been favoured with extracts from the title-deeds of that 
property, now in the possession of the Earl of Wemyss, extending 
from the year 1598 downwards, which are not favourable to that sup- 
position. On the 18th of February, 1598, William Knox in Moreham, 
and Elizabeth Schortes his wife, were infeft in subjects in Nungate 
(of Haddington,) by virtue of a crown charter. This charter contains 
no statement of the warrants on which it proceeded, further than the 
lands formerly belonged to the Abbey of Haddington, and were an- 
nexed to the crown. Having communicated the names of the person-: 
mentioned in the first charter and subsequent deeds to the Reverend 
Mr. Scott of Perth, with a request to be informed, if any such names 
occur in the genealogy of the Knox family which belonged to the late 
Mr. Knox, minister of Scoon, I was favoured with an answer, saying, 
that neither the name of William Knox at Moreham, nor that of any 
other person answering to the description in my letter, is to be found 
in that genealogy. But, further, the charter expressly states, that the 
lands in question belonged to the Abbey of Haddington, and, as they 
must have been annexed to the crown subsequently to the Reforma- 
tion, they could not be the property of the family at the time of our 
Reformer's birth. The tradition of his having been born in the Gif- 
fordgate is therefore supported merely by the possibility that his pa- 
rents might have resided in that house while it was the property of 
the Abbey. In opposition to this, we have the authorities already 
mentioned in support of the opinion that he was born in the village of 
Gifford. 

With respect to the parentage of our Reformer, David Buchanan 
says that his "father was a brother's son of the'house of Ranferlie." 
Life, prefixed to History of the Reformation, edit. 1644. In a conver- 
sation with the Earl of Bothwell, Knox gave the following account of 
his ancestors : " My Lord," said he, " my great grandfather, gudeschir 
and father, have served your Lordchip's predecessours. and some of 
them have dyed under their standards; and this is a pairt of the obli- 
gatioun of our Scottish kindness." Historie of the Refonnatioun, p. 
306, edit. 1732. Matthew Crawfurd says, that "these words seem to 
import that Mr. Knox's predecessors were in some honourable station 






NOTES. 369 

under the Earls of Both well, at that time the most, powerful family in 
East-Lothian." Life of the Author, p. ii. prefixed to Historie, edit. 
1732. The only thing which I would infer from his words is, that his 
ancestors had settled in Lothian as early as the time of his great- 
grandfather. I do not wish to represent the Reformer as either of 
noble or of gentle birth, and cannot place much dependence on the 
assertion in the preceding note, which makes his father " proprietor 
of the estate of Gifford." John Davidson, in the poem written in com- 
mendation of him, says, 

First he descendit bot of lineage small, 

As commonly God usis for to call 

The sempill sort his summoundis til expres. 

At the same time, the statement given by some authors of the mean 
ness and poverty of his parents is not supported by good evidence 
and can in part be disproved. Dr. Mackenzie says the Reformer wa - 
"the son of a poor countryman, as we are informed by those who 
knew him very well: his parents, though in a mean condition, put 
their son to the grammar-school of Haddington ; where, after he had 
learned his grammar, he served for some time the Laird of Langnid- 
drie's children, who being sent by their parents to the university of 
St. Andrews, he thereby had occasion of learning his philosophy." 
Lives of Scottish Writers, vol. iii. p. 1 1 i. As his authorities for these 
assertions, the Doctor has printed on the margin, " Dr. Hamilton, Dr. 
BaiJie, and many others;" Popish writers, who, regardless of their 
own character, fabricated or retailed such stories "as they thought 
most, discreditable to the Reformer, many of which Mackenzie him- 
self is obliged to pronounce "ridiculous stories, that are altogether 
improbable," p. 132. "Dr. Bailie" was Alexander Bailie, a Benedic- 
tine monk in the Scottish monastery of Wirtsburgh ; and, as he pub- 
lished the work to which Mackenzie refers in the year 1628, it is ridi- 
culous to talk of his being well acquainted with either the Reformer 
or his father. Hamilton, (the earliest authority,) instead of supporting 
Mackenzie's assertions, informs us, as far as his language is intelligi- 
ble, that Knox was in priest's orders before he undertook the care of 
children : " quo victum sibi pararet magis quam ut deo serviret (Sim- 
onis illius magi hue usque sequutus vestigia) presbyter primum fieri 
de more, quamvis illiteratus, turn in privatis aedibus puerorum in vul- 
garibus Uteris formandorum curam capere coactus est." De Confu- 
sione Calv. Sect£e, p. 64. The fact is, that Knox entered into the 
family of Langniddrie as tutor, after he had finished his education at 
the university; and so late as 1547, he was employed in teaching the 
young men their grammar. Historie, p. 67. 



Note B, p. 18. 

Of Knox's Academical Education. — I have been a good deal puz- 
zled on the subject of the academical studies of our Reformer. De- 
pending on the testimony of the earliest and most credible writers, 1 
stated, in the former editions of this work, that he studied, and took 
the degree of Master of Arts, at St Andrews. After a minute exami- 
nation, however, I was unable to find his name in the records of that 
university. Still I did not feel warranted to drop the account which 1 
had given on such respectable authority, and contented myself with 
mentioning the unsuccessful result of my investigations. But when en- 
g-aged in examining the records of the university of Glasgow with a 
W2 



370 NOTES. 

view io anot ler work, I accidentally met with evidence which con- 
vinces nie thai the common statement is erroneous. Knox was educa- 
ted at the university, not of St Andrews, but of Glasgow. 

In the "Annates Universitatis Glasguensis," the name "Johannes 
Knox" occurs among the Incorporate, or those who were matriculated, 
in the year 1522. In coming to the conclusion that this was our Re- 
'brmer, I do not rest simply on his name occurring in the record. This 
opinion is confirmed by the two following circumstances. 1. The time 
answers to that at which he might be supposed to have entered the 
university ; for in 1 522, he was seventeen years of age. 2. John Major 
was at that time Principal of the university of Glasgow ; and all the 
ancient accounts agree that Knox studied under that celebrated profes- 
sor. — This circumstance may perhaps account for the mistake into 
which the old writers have fallen on this subject. They appear to 
have been ignorant of the fact that Major taught at that time in Glas- 
gow; and being informed that Knox studied under him, they conclu- 
ded that he did so at St Andrews, where that professor was known to 
have resided for many years. 

I take this opportunity of filling up a blank in the life of Major. 
Dempster, Dupin, and other writers, mention that, after being made 
Doctor of Divinity in 1505, he taught for some years at Glasgow, but 
that, owing to the confusions of his native country, he removed from 
it to Paris. I will not take upon me to say that this account is erro- 
neous ; but I have not been able to discover the name of Major in the 
records of the university of Glasgow at that period. Upon Major's 
return from France, the above-mentioned authors represent him as 
going directly to St Andrews. But from the subsequent extracts it 
will appear that he went first to Glasgow, and for several years held 
the situation of Principal and Professor of Divinity in the university 
of that city. 

In the old Register entitled " Annales Universitatis Glasguensis," are 
the following minutes relating to Major. The last of them contains 
the matriculation of Knox. 

" Electio Rectoris. 

" Congregatione generali alme Universitatis Glasguen. Citatione 
previa, &c. Die tertio mensis Novembris anno Dni. millesimo quin- 
gentesimo decimo octavo, &c. 

" Eodem die — Incorporatisub dictoDno.Rectore Egregius vir Magr. 
Johannes Majoris Doctor Parisiensis ac principalis regens Collegie et 
pedagogii dicte Universitatis Canonicusque Capelli regie, ac Vicarius 
de Dunlop, &c." (43 names follow,) 

There is no farther mention made of Major until 1521, when the fol- 
lowing minute is found ; 

" Electio Rectoris. 

"Congregatione generali, &c. In festo sanctorum Maithirum Cris- 
pini et Crispiniani, anno Domi. millesimo quingentesimo vicesimo pri- 
mo. Pro Electione novi Rectoris — In quaquidem Congregatione Electi 
fuerunt tres Intrantes, viz. Magr.Mattheus Steward Decanus facultatis 
Johannes Majoris Theologie Professor, et nationis Albanie nullns inter- 
fuit, et Willmus.CrechtounCanonicus Glasguensis — Qui remoti, matu- 
raque deliberatione prehabita, unanimi eorum consensu, VenerabiJem 
stegregium Virum Jacobum Steward Prepositum ecclesie Collegiate de 
Dunbertane. absentem tanquam preseitem, in Rectorem elegerunt et 
tectum pronunciarunt. Q,ui postea inc.inatus supplicationibus suppos- 



NOTES. 371 

itorum hujus modi onus in se acceptavit. Insuper in eadem Congrega- 
tione electi fuerunt quatuor Deputati ad consuiendum et assistendum 
dicto Dno. rectori in omnibus et singulis causis per ipsum tractandis, 
.viz. Magri. Johannes Majoris predictus, Willms. Chrichtoun, Johannes 
Reid, Jacobus Neilsoun — Necnon Electus fait in bursarium discretus 
vir Magr. Mattheus Reid, Magr. schole grammaticalis. Et in promo- 
torem Magr. Andreas Smythr Et in Procuratorem Magr. Nicholaus 
Witherspuyne. 

" Die xxiiij me isis Maij anno Dni. millesimo quingentesimo xxij. 
" Congregatione generali Universitatis Glasguen. facta loco Capitu- 
lari ecclesie metropolitane ejusdem die xxiiij mensis maij Anno Dni. 
Millesimo quingentesimo xxij, per Venerabilem Virum Mgrm. Jacobum 
Steward Prepositum ecclie Collegiate de Dunbertane ac Rectorem 
dicte Universitatis, Presentibus Ibidem Honorabilibus Viris, Magistris 
Johanne Majore, theologie professore, thesaurario Capelle regie tetirlin- 
gensis, Vicarioque de Dunlop, ac Principal! regente dicte Collegie, Jo- 
hanne Doby Canonico Glasguensi ac prebendario de Ancrum, Jacobo 
Neilson Vicario de Colmanel, Johanne Spruele Vicario de Dundonald, 
Jacobo Lyndesay secundario regente, aliisque patribus, Magistris, Stu- 
dentibus, ac suppositis, inibi Congregatis — In quaquidem Congrega- 
tione Idem Dnus. Rector Exposuit et Declaravit, &c. 

" Electio Rectoris. 

" Congregatione generali alme Universitatis Glass. Citatione previa 
per edictum publicum in Valvis ecclesie metropolitane affixum, Cele- 
brata loco Capitulari ejusdem, In festo Sanctorum Marthirum Crispini 
et Crispiniani, Anno Dni. Millesimo quingentesimo Vicesimo secundo, 
Pro electione novi Rectoris. In quaquidem Congregatione electi fue- 
runt tres Intrantes, eoquod nullus nationis albanie extunc interfuit, viz. 
Mgr. Thomas leiss Canonicus Dunblanensis, Johannes Majoris Prin- 
cipalis regens, et Johannes Reid Vicarius de Campsy — Qui remoti, ma- 
tura et digesta deliberatione prehabita, unanimi eorum Consensu, 
Venerabilem et egregium Virum Mgrm. Jacobum Steward prepositum 
Ecclesie Collegiate de Dunbertane, absentem tanquam presentem, in 
rectorem Continuarunt, elegerunt, et pronunciarunt — Qui postea sup- 
plicationibus magistrorum inclinatus hujus modi onus in se acceptavit. 
Insuper in eadem Congregatione electi fuerunt tres Deputati ad as- 
sistendum et consuiendum dicto Dno. Rectori in omnibus et singulis 
causis dicte Universitatis per eundem tractandis, viz. Prescripti mag- 
istri, Johannes Majoris, Johannes Reid, et Mgr. Mattheus Steward 
Vicarius de Mayboile, et Continuatus fuit in bursarium Mgr. Mattheus 
Reid. Necnon electus fuit in procuratorem et promotorem Universita- 
tis Mgr. Nicholaus Vitherspuyne Vicarius de Straithawane — Incorpora- 
ti sub dicto Dno. Rectore, 

Andreas Cottis Alexr Dikke 

Johannes hereot Adam Kyngorne 

Nigellus Campbal Nigellus forguissone 

Willmus Steward Johannes huntar 

Johannes Hamyltoun Jacobus Mosman 

Johannes Knox Dnus Johannes Keyne presbiter 

Archibaldus Langsyd Patricius letryg Civis Glass." 

In the records of the university of Glasgow, Major is uniformly callec 
Johannes Majoris. It appears from )r Lee's extracts, published in the 



372 NOTES. 

second edition of Dr. living's Memoirs of Buchanan, (p. 373,) thai 
Major was incorporated into the university of St Andrews on the 9th 
of June 1523. He is there designed " Doctor Theologus Parisiensis, et 
rhesau'rarius Capella? Regiae ;" and in an instrument of seisin, belonging 
to that seminary, he is styled "Vicarius de Dunloppie Glasg." — Some 
may perhaps be inclined to suppose that Knox followed Major to St 
Andrews, and attended his lectures, though not formally incorporated 
into that university ; and consequently that the old writers had some 
foundation lor their statement on this head. But if this was the case, 
it is not very probable that the truth of it can be now ascertained. I 
have only to add, that I cannot perceive, from the records of Glasgow, 
that Knox took any degree there, which confirms the doubt that 1 have 
already expressed on that subject. 



Note C, p. 20. 

Of the Early State of Grecian Literature in Scotland. — In this note 
I shall throw together such facts as I have met with relating to the 
introduction of the Greek language into Scotland, and the progress 
which it made during the sixteenth century. They are scanty ; but I 
trust they will not be altogether unacceptable to those who take an 
interest in the subject. 

In the year 1522, Boece mentions George Dundas as a good Greek 
scholar. He was master of the Knights of St John in Scotland, and 
had, most probably, acquired the knowledge of the language on the 
Continent. "Georgius Dundas grecas atq; latinas literas apprime 
doctus, equitum Hierosolymitanorum intra Scotorum regnum magis- 
tratum multo sudore (superatis emulis) postea adeptus." Boetii \ ha? 
Episcop. Murth. et Aberdon. fol. xxvii. b. It is reasonable to suppose 
that some other individuals in the nation acquired it in the same way; 
but Boece makes no mention of Greek among the branches taught at 
the universities in his time, although he is minute in his details. Nor 
do I find any other reference to the subject previous to the year 1534, 
when Erskine of Dun brought a learned man from France, and em- 
ployed him to teach Greek in Montrose, as mentioned in that part of 
the Life to which this note refers. At his school, George Wishart, the 
martyr, must have obtained the knowledge of the language, and he 
seems to have been assistant or successorto his master! The bishop 
of Brechin (William Chisholm,) hearing that Wishart taught the Greek 
New Testament in Montrose, summoned him to appear before him 
• on a charge of heresy, upon which he fled the kingdom. This was in 
1538. Petrie, part ii. p. 182. It is likely that Knox was taught Greek 
by Wishart after the return of the latter from England. Buchanan 
seems to have acquired the language during his residence on the Con- 
tinent. Epist. p. 25. Oper. edit.^Rudd. 

Lesley says, that James V. during his progress through the kingdom, 
in 1540, came to Aberdeen, and among other entertainments which 
were given him, the students of the university "recited orations in the 
Greek and Latin tongue, composed with the greatest skill" — " Ora- 
tiones in Greca Latinaque lingua, summo artificio instructav' Les- 
laeus de rebus gestis Scotorum, lib. ix. p. 430. edit. 1675. Wnen we 
consider the state of learning at that period in Scotland, there is reason 
for suspecting that the bishop's description is highly coloured, yet as 
he entered that university a few years after, we may conclude from it 
'hat some attention was at that time paid to the study of Greek in 
Aberdeen. It might have been introduced by Hector Boece, the 
learned principal of that university. If the king was entertained with 



NOTES. 373 

the great learning of the students of Aberdeen, the English ambassadoi 
was no less diverted, in the very same year, with the ignorance which 
our bishops discovered of the Greek tongue. The ambassador, who 
was a scholar as well as a statesman, had caused his men to wear on 
their sleeves the following Greek motto monki anakti aotaeto, "I 
serve the king only." This the Scottish bishops, whose knowledge 
did not extend beyond Latin, read Monachulus, •' a little monk," and 
thereupon circulated the report that the ambassador's servants were 
monks, who had been taken out of the monasteries lately suppressed 
in England. To counteract this report, Sadler was obliged to furnish 
a translation of the inscription. " It appeareth (says he) they are no 
good Grecians. And now the effect of my words is known, and they 
be well laughed at for their learned interpretation." Sadler's Letters, 
i. 48, 49. Edinburgh, 1809. In a debate which occurred in the Parlia- 
ment which met in 1543, individuals among the nobility and other lay 
members discovered more knowledge of Greek than all the ecclesiasti- 
cal bench. Knox, Historie, 34. 

Foreign writers have been amused with the information, that many 
of the Scottish clergy affirmed, " that Martin Luther had lately com- 
posed a wicked book called the New Testament ; but that they, for 
their part, would adhere to the Old Testament." Perizonii Hist. 
Seculi xvi. p. 233. Gerdesii Histor. Reform, torn. iv. p. 314. Buchanani 
Oper. i. 291. Ignorant, however, as our clergy were, they were not 
more illiterate than many on the Continent. A foreign monk, de- 
claiming one day in the pulpit against Lutherans and Zuinglians, said 
to his audience : " A new language was invented some time ago, 
called Greek, which has been the mother of all these heresies. A book 
is printed in this language, called the New Testament, which contains 
many dangerous things. Another language is now forming, the He- 
brew ; whoever learns it immediately becomes a Jew." No wonder, 
after this, that the commissioners of the senate of Lucern should have 
confiscated the works of Aristotle, Plato, and some of the Greek poets, 
which they found in the library of a friend of Zuinglius, concluding that 
every book printed in that language must be infected with Lutheran- 
"*m. J. von. Mullers Schw. Gesch. Hess, Life of Ulrich Zuingle, p. 213. 

To return to the seminary at Montrose : it was kept up, by the pub- 
lic spirit of its patron, until the establishment of the Reformation. 
Some years before that event, the celebrated linguist, Andrew Mel- 
ville, received his education at this school, under Pierre de Marsiliers, 
a Frenchman. And he had made such proficiency in Greek, when he 
entered the university of St Andrews, about the year 1559, that he was 
able to read Aristotle in the original language, " which even his mas- 
ters themselves understood not." Life of Andrew Melville, p. 2, in Wod- 
row's MSS. Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. and James Melville's Diary, p. 32. 
For, although the logics, ethics, &c. of Aristotle, were then read in the 
colleges, it was in a Latin translation. " The regent of St Leonard's," 
says James Melville, "tauld me of my uncle Mr. Andro Melvill, whom 
he knew, in the time of his cours in the new collag, to use the Greik 
logicks of Aristotle, quhilk was a wonder to them, he was so fyne a 
scholar, and of sic expectation." MS. Diary, p. 25. 

By the First book of Discipline, it was provided, that there should 
" be a reader of Greek" in one of the colleges of each university, who 
" shall compleat the grammar thereof in three months," and " shall in- 
terpret some book of Plato, together with some places of the New Tes- 
tament, and shall compleat his course the same year." Dunlop's Con- 
fessions, ii. 553. The small number of learned men, the deficiency of 
funds, and the confusions in which the country was afterwards 
involved, prevented, in a great degree, the execution of this wi.se mea- 
32 



374 NOTES. 

sure. Owing to the last of these circumstances, «ome learned Scots. 
men devoted their talents to the service oftbreigr seminaries, instead 
of returning to their native country Buchanani Epist. pp. i , y, 1U, 33. 
One of these was Henry Scrimger, celebrated fur his Grecian literature. 
Some particulars respecting him may be seen in Senebier, Hist. Liter, 
de Geneve, torn. i. art. Scrimger. See also Teissier, Eloges. torn. iii. 
383 — 385. Leide, 1715. On account of the scarcity of preachers, it 
was also found necessary to settle several of the learned men in towns 
which were not the seat of a university. Some of these undertook the 
instruction of youth, along with the pastoral inspection of their par- 
ishes. John Row taught the Greek tongue in Perth. See Note PP. 
The venerable teacher, Andrew Simpson, (see p. 19,) does not appear 
to have been capable of this task ; but he was careful that his son Pat- 
rick should not labour under the same defect. He was sent to the 
university of Cambridge, in which he made great proficiency ; and 
after his return to Scotland, taught Greek at Spot, a village in East 
Lothian, where he was minister for some time. Row's MS. p. 96 of a 
copy in the Divinity Lib. Edin. It is reasonable to suppose, that this 
branch of study would not be neglected at St Andrews during the 
time that Buchanan was principal of St Leonard's college, from 1565 
to 1570. Patrick Adamson, to whom he demitted this office, and 
whom he recommended for his " literature and sufficiency," (Bucli. 
Op. i. 10,) was not then in the kingdom ; and the state of education 
languished for some time in that university. James Melville, who en- 
tered it in 1570, gives the following account. '-Our regent be goud, 
and teacheth us the a, b, c, of the Griek, and the simple declinationis, 
but went no farder." MS. Diary, p. 26. Gnecum est, non legitur, 
was at this time an adage, even with persons who had received a uni- 
versity education. Row's MS. ut supra. 

The return of Andrew Melville in 1574, gave a new impulse to 
literature in Scotland. That celebrated scholar had perfected himself 
in the knowledge of the languages during the nine years which he 
spent on the Continent, and had astonished the learned at Geneva by 
the fluency with which he read and spoke Greek. MS. Diary, ut sup. 
p. 33. He was first made Principal of the university of Glasgow, and 
afterwards removed to the university of St Andrews. Such was 
his celebrity, that he attracted students from England and foreign 
countries, whereas formerly it had been the custom for the 
Scottish youth to go abroad for their education. Spotswood, with 
whom he was no favourite, and Calderwood, equally bear testimony 
to his profound knowledge of .this language. Soon after Melville, 
Thomas Smeton, another Greek scholar, returned to Scotland, and 
was made Principal of the university of Glasgow. I may mention 
here, although it belongs to the subject of typography, that there ap- 
pear to have been neither Greek nor Hebrew types in this country in 
1579, when Smeton's Answer to Archibald Hamilton was printed; for 
blanks are left for all the phrases and quotations in these languages, 
which the author intended to introduce. In my copy of the book, a 
number of the blanks have been filled up with a pen by the author's 
own hand. 

Note D, p. 21. 

Of Mcjor's Political Sentiments. — The following are some of the 
passages from which the account of these, given in the text, has been 
drawn. Similar sentiments occur in his History of Scotland ; but as 
A has been insinuated that he, in that work, merely copied Boece, I 
fihall quote from his other writings, which are more rarely consulted. 



NOTES. 375 

" Ad policiam regalem non requiritur quod rex sit supra omn\ i s sui 
regni tarn regulariter quam casualiter — sed sat est quod rex sit supra 
unumquemlibet, et supra totum regnum regulariter, et regnum sit 
supra eum casualiter et in aliquo eventu." Again, " Similiter in regno : 
et in toto populo libero est suprema fontalis potestas inabrogabilis ; in 
rege vero potestas mysterialis [mi?iisterialis /] honesto ministerio. Et 
sic aliquo modo sunt duo potestates ; sed quia una ordinetur propter 
aliam, potest vocari una effectualiter, et casu quo regnum rex in ty- 
rannidem convertat et etiam incorrigibilis,* potest a populo deponi, 
tanquam a superiore potestate." Expos. Matth. fol. 71, a. c. Paris. 1518. 
To the objection urged against this principle from the metaphorical 
designation of head given to a king, he answers : " Non est omnino 
simile inter caput verum et corpus verum, et inter caput mysticum et 
corpus mysticum. Caput verum est supra reliquam partem sui corpo- 
ris, et tamen nego regem esse majoris potestatis quam reliquam par- 
tem sui regni, &c. Ibid. fol. 62, b. " Rex utilitatem reipublica? dissi- 
pans et evertens incorrigibilis, est deponendus a communitate cui 
praeest. Rex non habet robur et auctoritatem nisi a regno cui libere 
praeest." Ibid. fol. 69, c. Speaking of the excision of a corrupt mem- 
ber from the human body, in illustration of the treatment of a tyrant, 
he says : " Cum licentia totius corporis veri tollitur hoc membrum ; 
etiam facultate totius corporis mystici, tu, tamque minister comitatis, 
potes hunc tyrannum occidere, dum est licite condempnatus." Tert. 
Sentent. fol. 139, c, d. Paris. 1517. 



Note E, p. 23. 

Concerning the Popish Ordination of Knox. — Some have hesitated 
to admit that Knox was in priest's orders in the Church of Rome : I 
think it unquestionable. The fact is attested both by Protestant and 
Popish writers. Beza says, " Cnoxius, igitur, (ut manifeste appareat 
totum hoc admirabile Domini opus esse,) ad Joannis illius Majoris, 
celeberrimi inter Sophistas nominis, veluti pedes in Sanctandreae oppido 
educatus, atque adeo Sacerdos factus, apertaque celebri schola, quum 
jam videretur illo suo praeceptore nihil inferior Sophista futurus, lucem 
tamen in tenebris et sibi et aliis accendit." Icones Illustr. Viror. Ee. iij. 
Comp. Spotswood's History, p. 265. Lond. 1677. Ninian Winget, in cer- 
tain letters sent by him to Knox in the year 1561, says, " Ye renunce 
and estemis that ordinatioun null or erar wikit, be the quhilk some- 
tyme ye war callit Schir Johne." And again : " We can persave, be 
your awin allegiance, na power that ever ye had, except it quhilk was 
gevin to you in the sacrament of ordination, be auctoritie of priesthed. 
Quhilk auctoritie give ye esteme as nochtis, be reasoun it was gevin 
to you (as ye speik) by ane Papist Bishope," &c. Winzet's Letteris 
and Tractatis: Keith Append, pp. 212, 213. Winget's drift was to prove, 
that Knox had no lawful call to the ministry ; consequently, he would 
not have mentioned his Popish ordination, if the fact had not been 
well known and undeniable. Nicol Burne, arguing on the same point, 
allows that Knox had received the order of priesthood from the Rom- 
ish Church. Disputation concerning the Controversit Headdis ol Re- 
ligion, p. 128. Paris, 1581. And in a scurrilous poem against the min- 
isters of Scotland, printed at the end of that book, he calls him, 

—that fals apostat priest, 

Enemie to Christ, and mannis salvation, 
Your maister Knox. 



37. NOTES. 

The objection of the Roman Catholics to the legality of our Reform- 
er's vocation, was, that although he had received the power of order, 
he wanted that of jurisdiction; these two being distinct according to 
the canon Jaw. " The powere of urdere is not sufficient to ane man 
to preache, hot he man have also jurisdictione over thame to whom lie 
preaches. Johann Kmnox resavit never sic jurisdictione fra the Ro- 
man Kirk to preache in the realme of Scotland ; thairfbir suppoise he 
receavit from it the ordere of priestheade, yet he had na pouar to 
preache nor to lauchfijllie administrat the Sacramentes." NicoJ 
Burne's Disputation, p. 128. 



Note F, p. 27. 

Number of Scottish Monks. — We have no good Monasticon of Scot- 
land ; and it is now impossible to ascertain the exact number of regu- 
lar clergy, or even religious houses, that were in this country. The 
best and most particular account of the introduction of the different 
monastic orders from England and the Continent, is contained in the 
first volume of Mr. Chalmers's Caledonia. Dr. Jamieson, in his History 
of the Ancient Culdees, lately published, has traced, with much atten- 
tion, the measures pursued for suppressing the ancient monks, to make 
way tor the new orders which were immediately dependent upon 
Rome. In Spotswood's Account, published at the end of Keith's ( Cata- 
logue of Bishops, 170 religious houses are enumerated ; but his account 
is defective. Mr. Dalyell, upon the authority of a MS., has stated the 
number of the monks and nuns in this country, as amounting only to 
1114, about the period of the Reformation. Cursory Remarks prefixed 
to Scottish Poems of the 16th century, vol. i. pp. 38,39. Edin. 1801. 
Taking the number of monasteries according to Spotswood's account, 
this would allow only seven persons to each house on an average, a 
number incredibly small. It will be still smaller, if we suppose that 
there were 260 religious houses, as stated by Mr. Dalyell in another 
publication. Fragment's of Scottish History, pp. 11,28. In the year 
1542, there were 200 monks in Melrose alone. Ibid. The number in 
the abbey of Dunfermline seems to have varied from 30 to 50. Dal- 
yell's Tract on Monastic Antiquities, p. 13. And Paisley, Elgin, and 
Arbroath, were not inferior to it in their endowments. 

In general it may be observed, that the passion for the monastic' life 
appears not to have been on the increase even in the early part of the 
16th century. But if we would form an estimate of the number of 
the monks, we must allow for a great diminution from 1538 to 1559. 
During that period, many of them, and especially the younger ones, 
embraced the reformed opinions, and deserted the convents. Cald. 
MS. i. 97, 100, 151. When the monastery of the Creyfriars at Perth 
was destroyed in 1559, only eisht monks belonged to it. Knox, His- 
torie, p. 128. 



Note G, p. 29. 

Of the Corpse-present. — This was a forced benevolence, not due by 
any law, or canon of the Church, at least in Scotland. It was demand- 
ed by the vicar, and seems to have been distinct from the ordinary 
dues exacted for the interment of the body, and deliverance of the 
soul from purgatory. This perquisite consisted, in country parishes, of 
the best cow which belonged to the deceased, and the uppermost cloth 
or covering of his bed, orthe finest of his body-clothes. It has been 



NOTES. " 377 

suggested, that it was exacted on pretext of dues which the person 
might have failed to pay during his lifetime. But whatever might 
afterwards be made the pretext, i think it most probable that the clergy 
borrowed the hint fiom the perquisites common in feudal times. The 
" cors-presant kow" answers to the " hereyield horse," which was paid 
to a landlord on the death of his tenant. The uppermost cloth seems 
lo have been a perquisite belonging to persons occupying different 
offices. When Bishop Leslie was relieved from the Tower of London, 
a demand of this kind was made upon him. " The gentleman-porter of 
the Tower," says he, " retained my satin gown as due to him, because 
it was my uppermost-cloth when I entered in the Tower." Negotia- 
tions, in Anderson's Collections, iii. 247. 

The corpse-present was not confined to Scotland. We find the 
English House of Commons complaining of it, in 1530. Fox, 907, edit. 
1596. It was exacted with great rigour in Scotland ; and if any vicar, 
more humane than the rest, passed from the demand, he gave an un- 
pardonable offence to his brethren. Lindsay of Pitscottie's Hist. p. 
151, folio edit. Edin. 1728. Fox, 1153. It was felt as a very galling 
oppression, and is often mentioned with indignation in the writings of 
Sir David Lindsay. 

Schir, be quhat law, tell me quharefor, or why, 
That ane vickar suld tak t'ra me three ky ? 
Ane for rny father, and for my wyte ane uther, 
And the third kow he tuke for Maid rny mother. 
They haif na law, exceptand consuetude, 
Quhilk law to them is sufficient and gude. 

And als the vicar, as I trow, 

He will nocht fail to tak ane kow, 

And upmaist claith, thocht babis thame ban, 

From ane pure selie husbandman; 

Quhen that he lyis for til de, 

Having small bairnis twa orthre, 

And hes thre ky withoutin mo, 

The vicar must have ane of tho, 

With the gray cloke that happis the bed, 

Howbeit that he be pureleye cled ; 

And gif the wyfe de on the mome, 

Thocht all the babis suld be forlorae, 

The uther kow he cliekis away, 

With hir pure cote of roplock gray; 

And gif, within twa days or thre, 

The eldest chyld happinis to de, 

Of the third kow he will be sure, 

Quhen he hes all then under his cure, 

And father and mother baith ar deid, 

Beg mon the babis, without remeid. 

Chalmers's Lindsay, ii. 7, 8, iii. 105. 

When the alarming progress of the new opinions threatened the 
overthrow of the whole esfablishment, the clergy professed their wil- 
lingness to remit, or at least to moderate this shameful tribute. But 
they did not make this concession until a remonstrance on the subject 
was presented by a number of persons who were attached to the Ro- 
man Catholic faith. This remonstrance was laid before the Provincial 
Council in 1558 — 9, and contains the following article, which serves to 
corroborate the strong statement which the poet has given of the 
rigour of the clergy in extorting these benevolences. " Item, Because 
yat ye corps presentes, kow, and finest claith, and the silver commonlie 
callit the kirk richts, and Pasch offrands, quhilk is taken at Pasch fra 
men and women for distribution of ye sacraments of ye blessit body 
and blud of Jesus Christ, were at ye beginning but as offrands and 
32* X2 



378 NOTES. 

gifts, at the discretion and benevolence of the givar nly ; and now be 
distance of tym, ye kirkmen usis to eompell men ti ye paying yarof 
be authority and jurisdiction, sua that yai will not only fuhninat yar 
sentence of cursing, but als stop and debar men and women to cum 
to ye reddy using of ye sacraments of haly kirk, quhile yai be satisfiet 
yarof with all rigor : quliilk thing has na ground of ye law of God, nor 
halie kirk, and als is veray sclandrous, and gives occasion to the pun- 
to murmur gretymly againes ye state ecclesiastick for the doing of ye 
premissis; and therefore it is thocht expedient yat ane reformation 
be maid of ye premissis, and that sic things be na mair usit in tymes to 
cum within this realm, at ye least yat na man be compellit be author- 
ity of haly kirk to pay ye premissis ; but yat it shall onlie remain in 
the free will of the giver to gif and offir sic things be way of almous, 
and for uphalding of ye priests and ministers of the halie kirk, as his 
conscience and charitie moves him to : and quhair ye curatis and min- 
isters forsaids, has not eneuch of yar sustentation by the saids kirk 
richts, that ye ordinaries every man within his a win diocesie take order, 
that the persons and uplifters of ye other deutys perteining to the kirk, 
contributs to yar sustentation effeirindlie." Wilkins, Concilia Magna; 
Eritannise, torn. iv. p. 208- 

Upon this, the council came to the following curious resolution on 
the subject: That to " take away the murmurs of those who spoke 
against mortuaries," when any person died, his goods, after paying 
his debts, should be divided into due portions, (debitas partes.) and il" 
the dead's part, (defuncti pars) [see Note X] did not exceed ten 
pounds Scots, the vicar should compound for his mortuary and upper- 
most cloth by taking forty shillings; if it was under ten pounds, and 
not below twenty shillings, that he should compound according to the 
above proportion, (pro rata quadraginta solidorum de decern libris;) 
but if it was under twenty shillings, that the vicar should make no de- 
mand. With respect to barons and burgesses, and all persons whose 
portion exceeded ten pounds, the old custom was to remain in force; 
and the ordinary remedy was to be used against those who should 
make wrong inventories; r. e. they should be subjected to excommuni- 
cation and its penalties. With respect to pasch-offerings, and small 
tithes, the council decreed, that "for avoiding popular murmur, especi- 
ally at the time of Easter," the vicars should, a little before Lent, in the 
month of February, settle (or, make an agreement, rationem ineant) 
with their parishioners for their small tithes, both personal and mixed, 
and also for other offerings due to the Church (aliis quoque oblation- 
ibus ecclesia? debitis ;) and that there should be no exactions during 
Easter, although spontaneous oblations might still be received at that 
time. Can. Concil. 21. and 32: Wilkins, Concil. vt supra, pp. 
214, 216. 

It appears from this, how very cautious the clergy were in their 
plans of reform, and how eagerly they clung to the most illegal and 
invidious claims, at the very time when they were in the utmost dan- 
ger of being deprived of all their usurped prerogatives and possessions. 
Lord Hailes's words need explication, when he says that " the 32d 
canon [of this council] abolishes oblations at East< r." Provincial 
Councils, p. 40. 

I need scarcely add, that all these exactions were abolished at the 
establishment of the Reformation. " The uppermost claith, corps- 
present, clerk maile, the pasche-offering, teind-aile, and all handlings 
upaland, can neither be required nor received of good conscience." 
First Book of Discipline, p. 48. Printed anno 1621. Dunlop's Confes- 
sions, ii. 563. 



NOTES. 379 



Note H, p. 34. 

Scottish Martyrs, and Prosecutions for Heresy. — We are indebted 
to John Fox, the industrious English martyrologist, for a great part 
of the facts respecting our countrymen who suffered for the reformed 
doctrine. John Davidson, minister of Prestonpans, composed, in La- 
tin, an account of Scottish Martyrs, which, if it had been preserved, 
would have furnished us with more full information respecting them. 
Calderwood, however, had the use of it, when he compiled his history. 
A late author has said, that " most of those martyred seem to have 
been weak illiterate men ; nay, they appear even to have been defi- 
cient in intellect." Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems of 
16th century, i. 24. 1 must take it for granted, that this author had 
not in his eye Patrick Hamilton, whose vigorous understanding dis- 
covered truth in the midst of darkness worse than Cimmerian, who 
obtained the praises of Luther, Melancthon, and Lambert of Avignon, 
and of whom a modern historian has said, that he received "the eter- 
nal fame of being the proto-martyr of the freedom of the human mind." 
Nor George Wishart, whose learning, fortitude, and mild benevolence, 
have been celebrated by writers of every description. But even 
among those who suffered, from Hamilton to Wishart, there was 
scarcely one who was not above the ordinary class, both as to talents 
and learning. 

Henry Forrest, who suffered at St Andrews in 1530, for possessing 
a copy of the New Testament, and affirming that Patrick Hamilton 
was a true martyr, had been, though a young man, invested with the 
orders of Bennet and Colet. Fox, 895. Knox, 19. Spotswood, 65. 
David Straiton was a gentleman, and- brother to the Laird of Lauris- 
ton. He was instructed in the Protestant principles by John Erskine 
of Dun, who had newly arrived from his travels. In 1534, he was 
committed to the flames at Greenside, in the neighbourhood of Edin- 
burgh. His fellow-sufferer, Norman Gourlay, was in secular orders, 
and " a man of reasonabell eruditioun." He had been abroad, and 
had married upon his return, which was the chief offence for which he 
suffered. "For," says Pitscottie, "they would thole no priest to 
marry, but they would punish, and burn him to the dead; but if he 
had used then ten thousand whores, he had not been burnt." His- 
tory, pp. 150, 152. Fox, 896. Knox, 21, 22. Spotswood, 66. In 
1533, two young men of the most interesting characters suffered, with 
the greatest heroism, at Glasgow. The one was Jerom Russel, a cor- 
delier friar, " a young man of a meek nature, quick spirit, and of good 
letteris ;■" the other was a young gentleman of" the name of Kennedy, 
only eighteen years of age, and " of excellent ingyne for Scottische 
poetry." Knox, 22. Spotsw. 67. Keith, 9. During the same year, five 
persons were burnt on the Castle Hill of Edinburgh : Robert Forrester 
was a gentleman ; Sir Duncan Simson was a secular priest ; Beveridge 
and Kyllor were friars. The last of these had (according to the cus- 
tom of the times) composed a tragedy on the crucifixion of Christ, in 
which he painted, in a very lively manner, the conduct of the Popish 
clergy, under that of the priests. Ibid. 

The other person who suffered at that time was Thomas Forrest, 
commonly called the Vicar of Dollar. I shall add some particulars 
respecting this excellent man, which are not to be found in the com- 
mon histories. He was of the house of Forret, or Forest, in Fife, and 
his father had been master-stabler to James IV. After acquiring the 
rudiments of grammar in Scotland, he was sent abroad by the kind- 
ness of a noblewoman, and prosecuted his education at Cologne. Re. 



80 NOT E S . 

turning to his native country, he was admitted a canon regular in the 
monastery of St (John's Inch. It happened that a dispute arose be- 
tween the abbot and the canons, respecting the allowance due to 
then), and the latter got the book of foundation to examine into their 
rights. With the view of inducing them to part with it, the abbot gave 
them a volume of Augustine's works, which was in the monastery. 
" ()li, happy and blessed was that book to me," did Forrest often say, 
'• by which 1 came to the knowledge of the truth !" Having applied 
himself to the reading of the scriptures, he was the means of conver- 
ting a number of the young canons : " but the old bottles," he used to 
say, " would not receive the new wine." The abbot frequently ad- 
vised him to keep his mind to himself, else he would incur punishment. 
" I thank you, my lord,*' was his answer, " ye are a friend to my body, 
but not to my soul " He was afterwards admitted to the vicarage of 
Dollar, in which situation he rendered himself obnoxious to his breth- 
ren, by his diligence in instructing his parish, and his benevolence in 
freeing them from oppressive exactions. When the agents of the pope 
came into his bounds to sell indulgences, he said, " Parishioners, I am 
bound to speak the truth to you ; this is but to deceive you. There is 
no pardon for our sins that can come to us, either from pope or any 
other, but only by the blood of Christ." He composed a short cate- 
chism. It was his custom to rise at six o'clock in the morning, and 
study till mid-day. He committed three chapters of the Bible to mem- 
ory every day, and made his servant hear him repeat them at night. 
He was often summoned before the Bishops of Dunkeld and St And- 
drews. These facts were communicated by his servant Andrew 
Kiikie, in a letter to John Davidson, who inserted them in his account 
of Scottish martyrs. Cald. MS. i. 99, 100, 151. 

An amusing account of the vicar's examination before the Bishop 
of Dunkeld maybe seen in Fox, 1153; and an interesting account of 
his trial, in Pitscottie, 150 — 152. But both these authors are wrong as 
to the time of his martyrdom, the latter placing it in 1530, and the for- 
mer in 1540, instead of 1538. Fox says, that three or four men of 
Stirling suffered death at the same time, because they were present at 
the marriage of " the vicar of Twybode, [Tullybody,] near Stirling, 
and did eat flesh in Lent, at the said bridal." P. 1154. 

In consequence of a more diligent search into our ancient records, 
made since the former editions of this work appeared, I have discov- 
ered a number of additional facts respecting those who suffered for 
the reformed opinions in Scotland. I think it best to give these in the 
form, and in the order, in which they occur in the several records 
that I have consulted. It appears that the prosecutions for heresy 
from 1534 to 1540 were numerous. How many poor persons suffered 
during that period it is impossible to ascertain, as the names of those 
only who possessed property have a place in the documents to be 
quoted. 

The following extracts are taken from the books kept by the lord 
treasurer, and preserved in the Register House, under the title of 
"Oompot. Thesaur." The dates will be sufficient to guide those who 
wish to consult the original document.* 

Anno 1534. Item, for 1(3 sereis to thame to turps that was accusit of 
heresy . \0s. 8d. 

Item, (Sept. 1536.) to James Bissat, mr. to pas with lettres to the 

* In an early part of the Record, is the following entry : — 

Item, the 12th of Noveniher, (15160 to Margaret Cornewle for i buk takin fra her and 
geven u> my 1. of Sane *'iclros, . . . ... 33/. 



NOTES. 3S1 

provost and bailies of Dunde and Sanct Johnestoun to serche and 
seik John BJacat and George LowOtt [Lovell'. ! ] suspect of hanging of 
the image of Sanct Francis, and to his wage . . . "20*. 

Item, 28. (May, J 537.) to Cudde George, mr. to pas to summon the 
men of Aire, to compeir befoir the Lordis, anent the geir of theme 
quhilk was convict of heresy 20s. 

Annis 1537, 1538. Et (onerat se) de 4/. integre compositionis 
bonorum eschaetorum quondam Andreas Alexandersoun, justificat. 
pro crimine heresis. 

Et de 14/. 6s. Sd. integre compositionis bonorum eschaetorum Gil- 
berti Wedderburne, et Johannis Patersoun, burgen. de Dunde, perti- 
nent, domino Regi, ratione quod ipsi convicti fuerint per judicium 
ecclesi?e, de crimine heresis eiisd. vendit. 

Annis 1538, 1539. Et (onerat se) de 10/. in completam solutionem 
compositionis bonorum eschaetorum Thome Kyd, Roberti Patersone, 
Alexandri VVannand, et Johannis Patersone, commoran. in oppido de 
Dunde, abiurat. de certis criminibus heresios eisdem concess. de 
mandato domini regis. 

Et de 6/. 13s. Ad. in completam solutionem bonorum eschaetorum 
quondam domini Duncani Symsone capellani condemnati et ad 
mortem justificati pro certis criminibus heresios concess. Jacobo 
Menteith. 

Et de 20/. in completam solutionem compositionis vnius tenementi 
jacen. infra burgum de Dunde, pertinen. domino Regi per decessum 
David Straitoun in Q,uhitstoun, justificati ad mortem pro certis crimi- 
nibus heresios concess. Dauid Game et Mariote Erskyn. 

Et de 6/. 13s. Ad. in completam solutionem compositionis bonorum 
eschaetorum Roberti Cant, abiurati de certis criminibus heresios 
concess. dicto Roberto. 

Et de 20/. in completam solutionem compositionis bonorum eschae- 
torum Walteri Cowsland, burgensis de Striueling, abiurati de simili- 
bus criminibus concess. dicto Waltero. 

Et de 3/. in completam solutionem compositionis bonorum eschae- 
torum Johannis Robesone, pauperis, abiurati certis criminibus heresios 
eidem concess. 

Et de 20/. in completam solutionem compositionis unius partis bono- 
rum eschaetorum Jacobi Rollok, burgensis de Dunde, condampnati 
de certis criminibus heresios concess.' David Rollok, eius fratri. 

Et de 40s. in completam solutionem compositionis bonorum eschae- 
torum magistri Johannis Wedderburn, convict, de certis criminibus 
heresios concess. Henrico Wedderburn eius fratri. 

Et de, &c. Margarete Jamesone in Tulybod3>", condampnate de 
certis criminibus heresios concess. Jacobo Murray, servitori domini 
regis. 

Et de, &c. Henrici Carnys, incole de Leith, fugitiui et condamp- 
nati de certis criminibus heresios concess. uxori et prolibus eiusdem 
de mandato domini Regis. 

Et de, &c. Willielmi Clerk fugitiui et condampnati de certis crimi- 
nibus heresios concess. Alexro. Urrok de Sillebanke. 

Et de, &c. Willielmi Foster abiurati de certis criminibus heresios 
concess. Johanni Cowane et Jonete Tenand, eius sponse. 

Item, idem onerat se de 40/. in completam solutionem compositionis 
bonorum eschaetorun. domini Thome Coklaw, curati de Tulybody, 
condampnati de certis criminibus heresios concess. Jacobo Murray, 
seruitori domini regis. 

Marche (1538-9.) Item, deliuerit to Archibald Heriot, messinger, 
to pass and serche thair gudis, quhilkis war obiurit and declarit heri- 
tikis in Edinburt and Striueling 6s. 



382 NOTES. 

Item, denuerit to Johnne Patersone Pursevant — to pass to Dunde, 
and serche James Rollokis gudis, and Maister Johnne Wedder- 
burn 20s. 

Annis 1539, 1540. (Non onerat se, &c.) Nee de \0l. in completam 
solutionem compositionis bonorum esehaetorum magistri Henrici 
Henderson convict, de crimine heresios ab antiquo concess. Jacobn 
Rannattyne, ex eo quod dominus rex remisit eandem summam dicto 
Jacobo, in compensatione suornm laborum in officio thesaurarie. 

Anno 1542-3. Item, the 21st day of Marche, geven to William 
( 'hampney, messinger, passand with lettres to proclame the act anent 
the having of the New Testament in Inglis in the Westland 40*. 

Similar letters to the Magistrates of Dundee, Aberdeen, Elgin, For- 
res, and Inverness ; and to Lanark, Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Wigton. 

Item, the 23th day of Marche, geven to Johnne Cob, messinger, 
passand to Dumfermeling and Perth, to proclame twa letteris tuiching 
the having of the Scripture in Inglis, and with ane clois writting to 
the erle of Argyle 22». 

Item, the 20th day of Februar, gevin to Carrick pursuivant, passand 
with lettres to proclame in Sanctandrois and Cowper the act tuiching 
the doing of devyne service, and lettres raisit thereupon . 22*. 

Annis 1543-1546. Et (onerat se) de 200/. compositionis bonorum 
esehaetorum Jacobi Huncan et Roberti Cant, convict, pro disputa- 
tione in Sacris Scripturis contra tenorem acti parliaments concess. 
< ristine Pipar. 

— — Willielmi Anderson convict, ut supra ob causam 

suprascriptam, concess. Cristine Kerss, sponse dicti VV illielmi. 

Et de 2001. compositionis remissionis concess. Johanni Elder,* bur- 
gensi de Perth, pro disputatione in Sacris Scripturis contra tenorem 
acti parliamenti. 

Et de 40/. compositionis remissionis concess. Laurencio Pillour, pro 
predicta causa.* 

Item, the 12th day of Januar 1543-4, after the aggreance maid be- 
twixt my lord governour and the saidis lordis, convenit in Leith, 
aganis his grace Writ liiij cart hors quhilk past agane to Striviling with 
the said artalze, and fra Striviling to Sanct Johnstoun, Dunde, for 
punissing of certane hereticks within the said townes, and paid the 
saidis hors eight days wages, &c. 

January 20. At my lord governoris departing toward Sanct John- 
estoun, for punishment as said is. 

Item, (16 March 1545-6,) to summons the laird of Ormistoun to 
underly the law in Edinburgh, the 12th day of Aprile nixt to cum, for 
resetting of Maister George Wischeart, he being at the home, &c. and 
for breaking ward. 

Item, 28th May, (1546.) to ane boy to pas to my lord Argyle with 
ane closit writting of my lord governours, to shew the slaughtar of 
the Cardinal 8s. 

November 24, 1546. For copying of the gret cursing raisit upon 
Normond Leslie, laird of Grange, and their complices, for the slauehter 
of my lord Cardinal], quhilk copie was sent to thame in the castell 5*. 

December. For summonding Jonet Monnypennie, dochter of the 
laird of Pitmilly, for remaining "in the castle, and assisting Leslie and 
his complices. 

December 1 548. Summons of treason against the laird of Pitmilly, 
*nd Mr. Hsnry Etalnaves. 

Januan 1551-2. It^Tv f^v the Inglis bukis to my lord governour" 

* "Jomp. Knox, Historic p. 10. 



J 

NOTES. 383 

viz. ane perraphrasis upoun the Evangelistis, and ane New Testament, 
and Hopper on the ten Commandementes ... 3/. 15<>\ 

The extracts which follow are from the Register of Privy Seal, and 
contain grants of property which had been confiscated by sentences 
of the ecclesiastical courts for heresy, but which was afterwards be- 
stowed on certain individuals upon their paying a composition to the 
royal treasury. 

Ane letter maid to Andro, lord Vchiltre, of the gift of all eschete 
gudis movabill and vnmovabill, als wele of the by run malis of parroche 
clerkschippis, as vtherwais pertenyng to vmqll Walter Stewart, sone 
to the said lord, and pertenis to our souerane lord, be resoun that the 
said Walter was abiurit of heresy, etc. At Linlithgow, the 29th day of 
December, the yeir of God 1537 yeris 201. 
[Reg. Sec. Sigilli, lib. xi. f. 51.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to James Annand, George Annand, Robert Ander- 
soun, Johnne Fle&cheour, and Alexander Flescheour, burges of 
Dunde, makand mentioun that thai ar convict be ane sentence of the 
spirituale juge of heresy, of the quhilk thai wer dilatit and abiurit, 
quharthrow all thare gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, pertenis, and suld 
pertene, to our souerane lord, be resoun of eschete. And for thair 
gude, trew, and thankfull seruice, done be thame to his hienes, and 
compsitioun pait be thame to his thesaurer, his grace hes remittit and 
forgevin to thame the eschete of all thair gudis, movabill and vnmova- 
bill, and hes quitclamit and dischargit thaim thairof, and all that may 
follow thairvpoun, foreuer. And als his grace, of his speciale grace, 
autorite riall and kinglie power, hes rehabilit the saidis personis to 
stand in prief and witness, and to vse and exerce all lefull dedis in 
jugement, and outwith siclik and als frelie in all thingis, as thai myt 
haue done befor the tyme that thai wer convict of the said heresy, and 
ineurrit thairthrow notam infamie. And hes restorit, reponit, and 
reintegrate thame to thare gude fame, heritage, landis, gudis, and 
warldie honouris, in all, and be all thingis, as thai wer befor the tyme 
thai wer convict of the said heresy, without ony reproche, murmur, 
detractioun, or blasphematioun, to be maid, said, or done to thame 
thairthrow, in word or deid, in onywys in tyme coming, &c. At 
Edinburgh, the 17th day of July, the yer of God 1538 yeris, 1007. 
Lib. xii. f. 23.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Dauid Wod, in the craig, his airis and assignais, 
of the gift of all gudis, movable and vnmovable, quhilkis pertenit to 
James Hay, burges of Dunde. And now ar decernit be ane sentence 
of the spirituale juge, to pertene to our souerane lord be resoun of 
eschete for heresy,"of the quhilk he wes dilatit, &c. At Edinburgh, 
27th day of July, the yeire of God forsaid (1538.) 
[Lib. xii. f. 3.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Maister Laurence Young, his airis and assignais, 
ane or ma, of the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, qlkis per- 
tenit to vmqll Andro Alexandersoun, and now pertenyng to our sou- 
erane lord be resoun of eschete, throw being of the said vmqle Andro 
convict of heresy, and justifyit to the deid for the samyn, with power, 
&c. At Stirling, the 23d day of August, the yeir of God 1538 yeris 
41. [Lib. xii. f 19.] 

Ane letter maid to Gilbert Wedderburn, and Johne Patersoun, bur- 
gesses of Dunde, in forme aboue writtin, &c. At Linlithgow, the 8th 
day of September, the yer forsaid. 13/. 6s. 8cZ. . 
[Lib. xii. f. 23.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Richart Rollok, burges of Dunde, in forme follow 
ing: James be the grace of God king of Scottis, to all and sindry our 



\ 
3S4 N O TES. 

officiaris, liegis, and subditis, quhani it efferis, quhais knawlege thw 
our letters sal cum, greting. fforsarnekle as Richart Rollok, burges ol 
our burgh of Dunde, wes dilatit of certane poyntis of heresy, and wes 
abiurit and convict throf, quharthrow all his landis and gudis, &c. &c. 
[as above,] in tyme cuming. Uuharfore we charge straitlie, and com- 
mandis you, all and sindry our officiaris, liegis, and subditis fbrsaidis, 
that nane of you tak apoun hand to do or attempt ony thing in contrar, 
violatioun, or breking of this our remit, and discharge, rehabilitatioun, 
restitutioun, and rehitegratioun, in ony wyse in tyme cuming, vnder all 
iha hieast pane, charge, and offence, that ye, and ilk. ane of you, may 
committ and inrin aganis our maiestie in that part, dischargeing you. 
all our officiaris present and tocum, of all intrometting, poynding, dis- 
trinyeing, and vptaking of the said Richartis gudis, as our eschete for 
the causs forsaid, and of your offices in that part, be thir our letteris 
for euer. Subscriuit with our hand, and vnder our priue sele, at 
Abirbrothok, the 13th day of October, the yere of God 1538 yeris. 
[Lib. xii. f. 33, b.] Subscript per Regem. 

Ane letter maid to Thomas Kyd, Robert Patersoun, Alexander Van- 
nand, and Johne Duncane, bulges of Dunde, in forme of the letter 
befor writtin, &c. At Linlithgow, the last day of September, the yer 
of God 1538 yeris. 10/. [Lib. xii. f. 33.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to maister Johne Porterfeild, his airis and assignais, 
ane or ma, of the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, als weile 
of the birun proffittis of parroche-clerkschippis, as vtheris quhilkis per- 
tenit to vmqll Walter Stewart, sone to Andro, lord Vchiltre, and throw 
his abiuratioun of heresy, pertenyng to our souerane lord be resoun 
of eschete, &c. At Edinburgh, the f3th day of December, the yeire of 
God 1538 yeris. [Lib. xiii. f 18.] Per Signaturam.. 

Ane letter maid to the said James (Murray,) his airis and assignais. 
ane or ma, of the gift of the gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, quhilkis 
pertenit to Sr. Thomas Coklaw, curat of Tulibody, and now to our 
souerane lord, throw being of the said Sr. Thomas abiurit of heresy, 
&c. At Linlithgow, the 17th day of Januar, the yer of God 1533 yeris. 
40/. [Lib. xii. f. 94.] Per Signaturam. 

Presentatio Alexandri Scott, super prebenda capelle regie Striuilin- 
gen. nuncupat. are quam Dominus Johannes Lambert prius habuit 
nunc vacan. ob inhabilitatem ipsius Domini Johannis, ex eo quod ipse 
de suis ordinibus, sacerdotalibus, degradatus, extitit ad presenta- 
tionem domini regis, et collationem episcopi Candidecase et capelle 
regie pleno jure spectan. &c. Apud Edinburgh, vltimo Februarij, 
anno predict (1538.) [lb. f. 71.] " Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to James Menteith, his airis and assignais, of the 
gift of the eschete of all gudis, quhilkis pertenit to vmqll Sir Duncan 
Symsoun, chaplane, and pertenyng to our souerane lord be resoun of 
eschete, throw justifying of the said Sr. Duncane to the deid for cer- 
tane crymes of heresy, imput to him, &c. At Edinburgh, the first day 
of Marche, the yer forsaid (1538.) 6/. 13s. Ad. except takis and sted- 
ingis. [Lib. xii. f 76.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Robert Cant, burges of Edinburgh, of the gift of 
his avne eschete guidis pertenvng to the kins be resoun forsaid, &c. 
At Linlithgow, the 6th day of Marche, the yer forsaid (1538.) 61. 13s. 4eZ 
[lb. f 80.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Walter Cowsland, burses of Striuiling, of the 
gift of his avne gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, pertening to the 
kingis grace be resoun of eschete throw being of the said Robert 
abiurit of heresy, &c. At Linlithgow, the audit day of Marche, the 
yer forsaid (1538.) [lb. f. 80.] Per Signaturam. 

Preceptum carte Davidis Gardin, burgen. de Dunde, et Mariote 



NOTES. 3S5 

Erskin, sue sponse super toto et integro illo tenemento, cum pertinen. 
jacen. infra predictuni burgum, ex parte boreali vici vulgo Murray 
gait eiusdem nuncupat. inter terras heredum quondam .Tohannis Barie 
ex parte orientaii et terras heredum quondam Roberti Ramsay ex 
occidental. Quodquidem terre tenementum quondam Dauid Stratoun 
perprius hereditarie pertinuit et nunc Regi pertinet ratione eschaete 
ob heresis punctus per ipsum commiss. de quibus accusatus et ad 
mortem justificatus extitit, &c. Apud Linlithgow, decimo die mensis 
Martij, anno domini 1538. [Lib. xhi. f. 26.] Per Signetum. 

Ane letter maid to Martyne Ballesky, renunceand to him the eschete 
of all his gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, and quitclamand and dis- 
chargeand him thairof, pertening to our souerane lord throw cumin 
in will of the said Martyne befor the justice, for breking of our soue- 
rane lordis proclamatioun, in having and vsing, efter the making 
thairof, of certane Ino-lis bukis contenit in the samyn, &c. At Linlith- 
gow, the 12th day of Marche, the yer forsaid (1538.) 250Z. 
[Lib. xii. f. 81.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Maister James Foulis of Colintoun, clerk ot 
register, his aids and assignais, ane or ma, of the gift of all and sindry 
the gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, landis, rentis, possessionis, rever- 
sionis, dettis, obligationis, and contractis, with the advocatioun and 
donatioun of the chaplanrie foundit at Sanct Francis altar, within the 
college kirk of Sanct Gele, in Edinburgh, with all richt of the patron- 
age thairof, and all vther richtis quhatsumever quhilkis pertenit to 
Johne Broun, burges of Edinburgh, and now pertenis to our souerane 
lord, be resoun of eschete throw being of the said Johne dilatit, accu- 
sit, and abiurit of certane crymes and poyntis of heresy, as in the pro- 
ces and sentence led, deducit, and gevin aganis him thairupon at mair 
lenth, is contenit, with power, &c. At Linlithgow, the 13th day of 
Marche, the yeire of God 1538 yeiris, 100/. [lb. f. 83.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Andro Cunnynghame, sone to William Cun- 
nynghame, knyt, maister of Glencarne, amittand and forgevand to 
the said Andro his eschete goods, movabill and vnmovabill, pertenying 
to our souerane lord, be resoun of eschete throw being of the said 
Andro abiurit of heresy before the spirituale juge, as "the sentence 
gevin tbairupoun beris, &c, At Linlithgow, the 15th day of Marche, 
the yer of God, 1538. [Lib. xiii. f. 3. b.]" Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Dauid Rollok, burges of Dunde, his airis and 
assignais, ane or ma, of the gift of the eschete of all gudis, movabill 
and vnmovabill, heretages, dettis, takkis, stedingis, cornis, cattale, 
money, gold, siluer, jowellis, and vtheris quhatsumever quhilkis per- 
tenit to James Rollok, burges of the said burgh, except the said James 
part of ane wynd-myln Hand within Dunde and now pertening to our 
souerane lord, be resoun of eschete throw being of the said James 
fugityve fra the law for certane poyntis of heresy imput to him, &c. 
At Linlithgow, the 22d day of Marche, the yer forsaid (1538.) 201. 
[Lib. xii. f. 87, b.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Johnne Cowane, burges of Striueling, and Jonet 
Tennent, his spous, thare airis and assignais, ane or ma, of the gift of 
all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, landis, heretages, cornis, catale, tak- 
kis, stedingis, dettis, obligationis, jowellis, sovmesof money, and vtheris 
quhatsumever quhilkis pertenit to William Forester, sone and apper- 
and are to Johne Forester, burges of the said burgh, and now per- 
tenying to our souerane lord, be resoun of eschete throw abiuration 
of the said William for certane poyntis of heresy confessit be him in 
iueement, &c. At Linlithsrow, the 24th day of Marche, the yer of 
God 1538 yeris. 9/. [Lib. xiii. f. 40.] Per Signaturam. 

Preceptum carte Johannis Domini Erskin super vna domo cum per- 
33 Y2 



386 N O T E S . 

tinen. jacen. ex parte australi vici publici burgi de Striueling inter 
vinellam pretorij eiusdem ex parte oriental i etc. Q,uequidem donius 
quondam Roberto Forester perprius hereditarie pertinuit, et nunc regi 
pertinet ratione eschaete ob nonnulla heresis erimina per dictum 
quondam Robertum commiss., etc. Apud Linlithgow 24to die mensis 
Martij, anno, &c. 1538. [Lib. xiii. f 11.] Per Signetum. 

Ane letter maid to Richard Carmichaell, remittand to him his 
eschete gudis pertenying to our souerane, throw being of the said 
Richard abiurit of heresy, &c. At Linlithgow, the 25th day of Marche, 
the yer of God 1539 yeris. [Lib. xii. f. 8/.] Per signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Walter Scrymgeour of Glaswell his airis and 
assignais, ane or ma, cf the gift of all and haile the takkis and asseda- 
tionis quhilkis James Rollok, burges of Dunde, had of the common 
myln and wynd-myln of the said burgh of Dunde, now fallin and 
cumin into our souerane lordis handis, be resoun of eschete for cer- 
tane crymes of heresis committit be the said James, and he adjugit and 
condamnit thairintill, as the process led thairupon at mair lenth pro- 
portis, with power, &c. At Linlithgow, the 28th day of Marche, the 
yeir fbrsaid (1539.) [Lib. xii. f. 93.]" Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to James Murray, maister of aile seller, his airis and 
assignais, ane or ma, of the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, 
dettis, takkis, stedingis, sovmes of money, and vtheris quhatsumever, 
quhilkis pertenit to Maigarete Jamesoun in Tulibody, and now per- 
tenying, or onywis sail happin or may pertene to our souerane lord, 
be resoun of eschete, throw non fulfilling of certane pennance ordanit 
to be done be hir be the ordinar, for certane crymes of heresy com- 
mittit be hir, of the quhilkis scho wes convict in jugement, &c. At 
Stirling, the aucht day of April], the yer forsaid (1539.) 6/. 13s. Ad. 
[Lib. xii. f. 93.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Charlis, James, Robert, George, Johnne, Andro, 
Archibald, Helene, Margaret, Elizabeth, Isabel], and Agnes Carnis, 
sonis and dochteris to Henry Carnis in Leith, yair airis and assignais, 
ane or ma, off the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, dettis, 
takkis, schip, obligationis, sovmes of money, and vtheris gudis quhat- 
sumever quhilkis pertenit to the said Henry, and now decernit to per- 
tene to our souerane lord, be resoun of eschete for heresy, of the 
quhilk the said Henry was abiurit be ane sentence gevin be the spirit- 
ual juge aganis him for the samyn, &c. At Stirling, the 8th day of 
Aprile, the yer forsaid (1539.) 10/. 12s. 
[Lib. xii. f. 94.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Alexander Orrok of Silhebawke, his airis and 
assignais, of the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, cornis, cat- 
ale, dettis, takkis, stedingis, money, gold, siluer, and vtheris gudis qu- 
hatsumever quhilkis pertenit to William Clerk, clerk of the schip callit 
the Barge, and now pertenying to our souerane lord, be resoun 
of eschete throw beinc of the said William convict of heresv. &c. At 
Stirling, the 8th day of Aprile, the yeire forsaid (1539.) 10/. 
[Lib. xii. f. 94.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to James Lovell, of the gift of his awne eschete 
gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, pertenying to our souerane lord throw 
being of the said James abiurit of heresy, &c. At Sanctandros, the 11th 
day of May, the yer forsaid (1539.) [Lib. xiii. f. 4.] 

Ane letter maid to Johnne Henry, his airis and assignais. ane or 
ma, of the gift of all gudis, movabill and vnmovabill, quhilkis pertenit 
to Johnne ("ameroun, burges of Perth, and now pertening to our soue- 
rane lord, be resoun of eschete throw being of the said Johno declarit 
heretyke, etc. At Sanctandros, the 26th day of May, ye yer forsaid 
(1539.) [Lib. xiii. f. 26.] Per Signaturam. 



NOTES. 387 

Ane letter maid to Johne Stewart, sone to Henry, Lord Methven, 
rehabilland him to stand in preif and witness, and to exerce all lefulJ 
dedis in jugement, and outwith, and als frelie, in all thingis as he myt 
have clone befor the tyme he was convict of heresy, etc. At Edin- 
burgh, the 22d day ofFebruare, the yerforsaid (1539.) 
[Lib. xiii. f. 65, b.J Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Oliuer Sinclar and his assignais, ane or maa, of 
the gift of all gudis, movable and vnmovable, dertis, takkis, obliga- 
tionis, sovmes of monsy, and vtheris gudis quhatsumever quhilkis per : 
tenit to Sir David Huchesone, prouest of Rosling, and now perteiiing, 
or ony wise sal happin or may pertene to ws, throw being of the said 
Sir Dauid abiurit of certane poyntis of heresy, of the quhilkis he was 
dilatit, and ane sentence of the spirituale juge gevin aganis him thair- 
upoun, as the same proportis, with power to the said Oliuer and his 
assignais, ane or maa, to intromet and tak vp ye saidis eschete gudis, 
etc. At Edinburt the 13th day of August, the yer foirsaid (1540.) 
[Lib. xiv. f. 8, b.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid to Maister Williame Arthur, citinare of Sanctan- 
dross, his airis and assignais, of the gift of the escheit of all gudis, 
movable and vnmovable^ dettis, takkis, steiddingis, rowmes, posses- 
sions, teyndis, cornis, catale, actiones, obligationis, sowmes of money, 
and vtheris gudis quhatsumevir, quhilkis pertenit to George Wyn- 
chister, cietinar of the said ciete, and now pertening to oure souerane 
lady, and being in hir hienes handis be resoun of escheit throw the said 
Georgeis noncoraperance before ane maist reverand fader in God, 
Johnne, Archbishop of Sanctandros, his juge ordner, to haif vnderlyne 
the law for certane crymes of herisie quhairof he was dilaittit and con- 
vict of the samyn, and yairfore declarit heretick, as at mair length is 
contenit in the sentence and proces led and gevin aganis him thair- 
vpone, with powar, &c. At Edinburh. the 14th day of September, the 
yeir of God, ane thousand, fyve hundreith, and fyfty yeiris. 
[Lib. xxiv. f 24, b.] Per Signaturam. 

Ane letter maid, makand mentioun, That yair was ane pretendit 
sentence of auld gevin againis Johnne Boirthwikt of Oiueray, knyt, 
declaring him to be ane allegit heretike, as the said sentence beiris, 
quhilk was gevin aganis him in his absence, without ony defence maid 
be him, and he yairby allegit to be depriuit of all honour, and dis- 
possessit of all his landes, rowmes, and possessionis ; Nochttheles, oure 
souerane lady, of hir auctorite royal, speciall grace, and fauour, rehab- 
illis the said Johnne, and restoiris him to all his landis, heretages, 
takkis, stedingis, rowmes, and possessionis, and to all and sindrie his 
gudis, movable and vnmovable, quhatsumevir, and to his honour, 
fame, and dignitie ; and reponis him agane in the same estait he was 
in befoir the leding and deducing of the said pretendit sentence aganis 
him, sua that he ma3>- peaceabihie brouk, joys, occupy, labour, and 
manure his landis, rowmes, takis, stedingis, and possessionis, intro- 
met and vptak the malis, fermes, proffittis, and dewiteis yairof, off all 
yeiris and termes bigane, restand vnpayit sin the geving and dedu- 
ceing of the said pretendit sentence aganis him, and gif neid be, to 
convene, call, follow, and persew the detenaris yairof, befoir quhat- 
sumeuir juge or jugeis, spirituale or temporale, vnto the finall end and 
recovering of the samin vpoun yame, and to stand in jugement, beir 
witnes, and frelie vse and exerce all manner of offices or vther publict 
efferis in hir common weill, in jugement, and outwith, and joys and 
brouk siclike priuilegeis as he did, or myt have done, befoir the leding 
and deduceing of the said pretendit proces aganis him, siclike as the 
samyn had neuer bene gevin or pronunceit, &c. With inhibitioun in 
the samyn to all ane sindrie our souerane lady's liegis and subdittis 



388 NOTES. 

baith spiritual] and temporal], of quhatsumeuir auctoritie or dignitie 
yai be of, that nane of thame tak vpoun hand to molest, truble, or in- 
vaid the said Johnne in his person, fame, Jandis, gudis, or possessions, 
for quhatsumevir caus or actioun bigane ; or to detract, bakbyte, 
sclander, or defame him, in ony manner of way, vnder all hieast pane, 
and charge, and offence. That thai and ilk ane of thame may commit 
and inryn aganis her maiestie, in that parte, &c. At Sanctandrois, 
the last day of Februare, the yeir of God 1502 yeiris. 
[Lib. xxxi. f. 79, b.] Per Signaturam * 

Ane letter maid makand mention that thair wes ane pretendit sen- 
tence gevin and pronunceit againis James Hamiltoun of Kincavill, of 
lang tyme begane in his absence, for null defence, declaring him to be 
ane allegeit heretike, as the pretendit sentence gevin thairupone buir ; 
be the quhilk, he was allegit to be depryvit of all honoure, fame, and 
dignitie, and dispossessit of all his landis, heretages, rowmes, posses- 
sionis, teyndis, and vtheris pertening to him, quhilk pretended de- 
crete and sentence the said James hes gotten retretit and reducit, with 
all that followith thairupoune : Thairfore oure said souerane ladie, of 
her auctorite royall, speciale grace and favoure, rehabillis the said 
James, and restoris him to all his landis, &c. [in similar terms with the 
preceding.] At Edinburgh, the fift day of Merche, the yeir of God, 
1563 yeris. [Lib. xxxi. f. 35, b.] Per Signaturam. 



Note I, p. 34. 

Protestant Exiles from Scotland. — I have not reckoned it necessary 
to insert in this work those particulars respecting Scottish reformers 
before Patrick Hamilton, which have been repeatedly published in the 
Life of Andrew Melville. The reader may consult vol. i. pp. 8, 418 — 
421 of the second edition, of that work. In this note, I shall state 
a few facts respecting those eminent men who were obliged to forsake 
their native country subsequently to Hamilton's martyrdom, in conse- 
quence of having expressed sentiments favourable to the Refor- 
mation. 

Gawin Logie, who, in his important station of rector of St Leonard's 
College, was so useful in spreading the reformed doctrine, drew upon 
himself the jealousy of the clergy. More decided in his sentiments, 
and more avowed in his censure of the prevailing abuses, than the 
sub-prior of the abbey, (who maintained his situation until the estab- 
lishment of the Reformation,) Logie found it necessary to consult his 
safety by leaving the country in 1533. Cald. MS. i. 82. I have not 
seen any notice of him after this. Robert Logie, a kinsman of Gawin, 
was a canon regular of Cambuskenneth, and employed in instructing 
the novices. Having embraced the reformed sentiments, he, in 1 ">3-<, 
fled into England, and became a preacher there. Thomas Cocklaw, 
parish priest of Tullibody, seems to have accompanied him, and was 
also employed as a preacher in England. Ibid. p. 97. 

Alexander Seaton was confessor to James V. The cause of his 
flight from Scotland, his letter to the King, and his retiring to Enir- 
land, are recorded in our common histories. Fox (p. 1000) informs 
us that he was accused of heresy before Gardiner, bishop of Winches- 
ter, in 1541, and induced to recant certain articles which he had 
preached. Spotswood (p. 05) speaks of " the treatises he left behind 
him," and, among others, his "Examination by Gardiner and Bon- 
ner," from which it appears that "he never denied any point which 

* Cunip. Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. p. 253 — '2G3. 



i 



NOTES. 389 

formerly he taught." Fox had not seen this. We learn from another 
quarter, that, after his trial, he continued to preach the truths for 
which he had bet i accused. Bale says that he died in 1542, in the 
family of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, who retained him as his 
chaplain. Script. Brytan. Post. Pars. p. 224. 

Alexander Aless was a canon of the metropolitan church of St An- 
drews.* His conversion to the Protestant faith was very singular. 
Being a young man of quick parts, and well versed in scholastic the- 
ology, and having studied the Lutheran controversy, he undertook 
to reclaim Patrick Hamilton from heresy, and held several conferen- 
ces with him for this purpose. But, instead of making a convert of 
Hamilton, he was himself staggered by the reasoning of that gentle- 
man. His doubts were greatly strengthened by the constancy with 
which he saw the martyr adhere to his sentiments to the last, amidst 
the scorn, rage, and cruelty of his enemies. Alesii Praefat. Comment. ,. 
in Joannem: Jacobi Thomasii Orationes, pp. 307, 303. Lipsiae 1737. 
Bayle, Dictionnaire, Art. Ales. A short time after this, he delivered a 
Latin oration before an ecclesiastical synod, in which he censured the 
vices of the clergy, and exhorted them to diligence and a godly life. 
This was enough to bring him under the suspicion of heresy, and he 
was thrown into prison, from which after a year's confinement, he 
made his escape, and, getting into a vessel which lay on the coast, 
eluded his persecutors." He escaped in 1532. Cald. MS. i. 76. On 
leaving his native country, Aiess went to Germany, where he was 
virulently attacked by Cochlaeus, whom the Scots bishops hired to 
abuse him.* On the invitation of Lord Cromwell and Archbishop 
Cranmer, he came to England in 1535, and was appointed Professor 
of Theology in the university of Cambridge. But he had scarcely 
commenced his lectures, when the Patrons of Popery excited such 
opposition to him that he resolved to relinquish his situation. Having, 
at a former period of his life, applied to medical studies, he went To 
Dr. Nicol a celebrated physician in London, and, after remaining with 
him for some years, commenced practice, not without success. In 
1537, Lord Cromwell having met him one day accidentally on the 
street, carried him to the convocation, and persuaded him to engage 
without preparation, in a dispute with the bishop of London on the 
subject of the sacraments ; of which Aless has given a particular ac- 
count in one of his publications. De Authoritate Verbi Dei Liber 
Alexandri Alesii, contra Episcopum Lundinensem, p. 13 — 31. Argen- 
torati, apud Cratonem Mylium, An. M.D.XLII. Archbishop Parker 
calls him, " virum in theologia perdoctum." In 1540, he returned to 
Germany, was made Professor of Divinity at Leipsic, assisted at seve- 
ral public conferences, and wrote many books, which were much 
esteemed. Strype's Cranmer, pp. 402, 403. Bayle, Diet, ut supra. 
He died on the 17th of March, 1565, in the 65th year of his age. (Vita 
Alex. Alesii, in Observ. Select, vol. v. p. 443. Hate Magd. 1 702.) Bi- 
shop Bale was personally acquainted with him, and has enumerated 
his works. Ut supra, p. 176. 

John Fife fled from St. Andrews, accompanied Aless to Germany, and 
shared in his honours at Leipsic. " Francofurti ad Viadrum, Scotus 
quidam Joannes Fidelis, Theologia? Doctor et Professor fuit ; et anno 
1551 l-ectoratum Academiae gessit, ut in Actis Lipsiensibus Eruditorum 
anno 1684, p. 386, notatum est. Sed dubitarivix debet, Fidelem ilium 
eundem fuisse qui Fife, sive Fief, dicebatur, cum ea vox feudum signifi- 
cet, ad quod alludit nomen Fidelis." Seckendorf Hist. Luth. lib. hi. sec. 

* In the Treasurer's Accompts, under the year 1534, is the following entry : — " Item, 

to ane servand of Cocleus, quhilk brot fra his maister ane buik intitulat ■, to 

his reward, lOi 

33* 



3 < J0 NOTES. 

25. Fife returned to Scotland, acted as a minister, and lied in Su 
Leonard's College, soon after the establishment of the Reformation. 
Cald. MS. i. 78. Knox, 20. Strype's Cranmer, 403. 

John Macbee, known on the continent by the name of Dr. Macca- 
beus, fled to England in 1532, and was entertained by Bishop Shax- 
ton. He afterwards retired to Denmark, and was of great use to 
Christian HI. in the settlement of the reformed religion in his domi- 
nions. He was made a professor in the university of Copenhagen. 
Gerdesii Historia Evang. Renovat. iii. 417—425. The Danish mon- 
arch held him in great'esteem, and, at his request, wrote to Queen 
Mary of England, in behalf of his brother-in-law, Miles Coverdale, 
bishop of Exeter, and the venerable translator of the Bible, who was 
released from prison through his importunity. Bale, ut supra, p. 226. 
Fox, 1390. Maccabaeus was acquainted with the Danish and German 
'languages, and assisted in the translation of the Bible into Danish 
(according to Luther's first German translation,) which was printed 
in folio atCopenhagen, in 1550, by Ludov. Diest, accompanied with a 
marginal index, parallel places, and plates. Maittaire, apud Chal- 
mers's Lindsay, i. 82. Gerdes. Hist. torn. iii. Praefatio, * * 3. An edi- 
tion of Lindsay's " Monarchie" bears on the title-page, that it was 
"imprintit at the command and expensis off Dr. Machabaeus, in Cap- 
manhouin." But the editor of Lindsay insists, that this is " a decep- 
tious title-page." Ut supra, 80, 81. That Maccabaeus was alive in 1557, 
appears from the following passage of a Danish literary work: "In 
facultate Theologica, Doctores creati sequentes in Academia Hafni:e 
Ao. 1557, a D. Joh. Maccabeo, M. Nic. Hemmingius Theolog. Profes- 
sor," &c. Albert Thura, Idea Histor. Literar. Danorum, p. 333. 
Hamburgi, 1723. This writer (p. 274) mentions " Annot. in Matth- 
aeum" as written by him, but does not say whether it was a MS. or a 
printed book. Bale mentions another work of his, entitled, "De vera 
et falsa Religione." Ut supra, p. 226. Those who have access to the 
Bibliotheca Danica, will find some of his writings inserted in that 
work, Part v. and viii. Gerdes. iii. 417. Among the MSS. bequeathed 
by Archbishop Parker to Corpus Christi College, is "De conjugio sa- 
cerdotum, an liceat sacris initiatis contrahere matrimonium, affirmatur 
autore Johanne Macchabeo Scoto." 

We learn from Bale, that Maccabaeus was well born ("prreclara 
familia;") and that, having discovered from his infancy a strong pro- 
pensity to learning, his parents provided him with the best teachers. 
But I have an additional piece of information to communicate, which 
cannot fail to be gratifying to some readers: The proper name of this 
divine was neither Maccabaeus nor Macbee, but Macalpine, and he 
belonged to the noble and celebrated Clan Alpine. In what degree of 
kindred he stood to the noted Roderigh Vich Alpine dhu, and whether 
he was obliged to change his name on account of the outrage which 
caused that chieftain and his whole clan to be proclaimed rebels, 1 can- 
not determine, as I have met with no northern Scald, or Gaelish bard, 
who has touched on these circumstances. But the following are my 
authorities for the statement which I have given : " Ad doeendas sac- 
ras literas accersivit [Danniae Rex] Johannem Maccabaeum, proprio 
nomine Macalpinum, Scotum, virum doctrina et pietate gravem, Re- 
gique ac bonis omnibus modestia longe carissimum. Vinding. Des- 
cript. Acad. Hafhiae, p. 71—73. "Reliquerat is, qui ex nobili et anti- 
qua Macalpinorum in Scotia familia ortum trahebat, Religionis erca, 
Scotiara, et migraverat Witebergam, atque ibi cum Luthero et Me> 
lanchthone familiaritatem contraxerat, unde Hafniam vocatus Aca- 
demiae prfaeuit per annos sedecim, mortuus d. 6. Decemb. 1557." 
Gerdes. iii. p. 417. See also the verses on Maccabaeus in Supplement. 



NOTES. , 391 

Macdowa] repaired to Holland, and was so much esteemed, that he 
was raised, though a stranger, to the chief magistracy in one of its 
boroughs. Knox, 20. 

John Mackbray, or Macbrair, a gentleman of Galloway, fled to Eng- 
land about 1538, and at the death of Edward VI. retired to Frankfort 
where he preached to the English congregation. Troubles at Frank- 
ford, pp. 13, 20, 25. Spotswood, 97. He afterwards became paster of a 
congregation in Lower Germany, and wrote an account of the forma- 
tion and progress of that church. Balei Scriptores M. Brytan. p. 229. 
On the accession of Elizabeth, he returned to England, and officiated 
as a preacher in that country. He is called " an eminent exile," in 
Strype's Annals, i. 130. Grindal, p. 26. On the 13th of November, 
1568, he was inducted to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle, 
and was 'buried there on November 16, 1584. Dr. Jackson complains 
that " Mackbray, Knox, and Udale, had sown their tares in New- 
castle." Heylin speaks in the same strain. Brand's Hist, of New- 
castle, p. 303. Bale (p. 229) mentions several works of Mackbray, 
and says that he " wrote elegantly in Latin." Spotswood also men- 
tions some of his works. Ut supra. 

The causes of Buchanan's imprisonment and escape from Scotland, 
and his reception and employments on the Continent, may be found 
in other publications which are accessible to the reader. See Irving's 
memoirs of Buchanan, and Chalmers's Life of Ruddiman. Some facts 
which have not been fully stated by his biographers, will be found in 
a subsequent part of this work. 

James Harrison was a native of the south of Scotland, and liberally 
educated, says Bale. He seems to have gone to England at a period 
somewhat later than the others mentioned in this note. He wrote a 
treatise, " De regnorum unione," in which he warmly recommended 
to his countrymen the advantages of a union with England. It was 
dedicated to the Duke of Somerset, in 1547. Bale (p. 225) gives the 
first words of it, " Comminiscens, ut soleo per ocium ;" and calls it 
" elegans ac mellitum opus." 

Robert Richardson was a canon of the monastery of Cambusken- 
neth, and fled to England in 1538. Cald. MS. i. 97. I suppose he is 
the person who is called " Sir Robert Richardson, priest," in Sadler's 
Letters. He was sent into Scotland in 1543, by Henry VIII. with a 
recommendation to the regent Arran, who employed him in preaching 
through the kingdom, along with Guillaume and Rough. When the 
regent apostatized from the reformed cause, he withdrew his protec- 
tion from Richardson, who was obliged to flee a second time into 
England, to escape the cardinal's persecution. Sadler's State Papers, 
i. 210, 217, 344. 



Note K, p. 36. 

Influence of Poetry in promoting the Reformation. — As the influence 
which the poets and satirists of the age had upon the Reformation, is 
a subject curious in itself, and to which little attention has been paid, 
the following illustrations of what has been generally stated in the 
text, may not be unacceptable to some readers. Dante, Petrarch, 
Boccacio, and other Italian writers, by descanting on the ambition, 
luxury, and scandalous manners of the clergy, had contributed greatly 
to lessen the veneration in which they had been long held, and to pro- 
duce in the minds of men a conviction of the necessity of a reforma- 
tion. "There was," says John Gerson, chancellor of Ihe university 
of Paris, " one called Johannes Meldinensis, who wrote a book called 






392 NOTES. 

the Komaunt of the Rose, which book, if I only had, and that there 
were no more in the world, I would rather burn it than take rive 
hundred pounds for the same; and if I thought the author thereof did 
not repent of that book before he died, I would no more pray for him, 
than 1 would for Judas that betrayed Christ." Catal. MSS. in Adv. 
Lib. The writings of Chaucer, and especially those of Langland, had 
the same effect in England. When the religious struggle had actually 
commenced, and become hot, a diversion, by no means inconsider- 
able, was made in favour of the reformers by the satirists and poets 
of the age. A pantomime, intended to degrade the court of Rome 
and the clergy, was acted before Charles V. at the Augsburg assembly. 
Lud. Fabricius de Ludis Scenicis, p. 231. Gerdesii Historia Evangel. 
Reno vat. torn. ii. Docum. No. vii. p. 48. In 1524, a tragedy was acted 
at Paris, in the presence of Francis I. in which the success of Luther 
was represented, and the pope and cardinals were ridiculed, by kind- 
ling a fire, which all their efforts could not extinguish. Jacob. Bur- 
chard, de Vita Ulrici Hutteni, pars ii. 293, pars iii. p. 296. Gerdes. 
Hist. iv. 315. As late as 1561, the pope's ambassador complained to 
the queen mother of France, that the young king, Charles IX. had 
assisted at a show, in which he had counterfeited a friar. Letters of 
the cardinal de St. Croix, prefixed to Aymons, Synodes Nationaux de 
France, torn. i. p. 7 — 11. In Switzerland, Nic. Manuel wrote certain 
comedies of this description in the year 1522, which were published 
under the title of Fastnachts Spielen, at Berne, in 1525. Gerdes. ii. 
451. There were similar compositions in Holland. Brand's Hist, of 
the Reformation,!. 127, 128. Lond. 1720. And also in England. Bur- 
net's Hist, of the Reform, i. 318. Nasmith, Catal. Libr. Manuscr. Col- 
leg. ( 'orporis Christi, p. 93. 

In Scotland, the same weapons were employed in attacking the 
Church. The first Protestant books circulated in Scotland came 
chiefly from England. Mr. Chalmers has mentioned "the very first 
reforming treatise which was, probably, written in Scotland," com- 
piled by " Johne Gau," and printed at Malmoe in Sweden, anno 
1533. We would have been still more obliged to the learned author, 
if he had given us some idea of its contents, instead of dismissing it 
with the flourish, " Had all been like this!" which, whether he meant 
to apply to the elegance of the printing, or the orthodoxy of the senti- 
ments, it is difficult to say. Caledonia, ii. 616. Calderwood seems to 
say that books against popery began to be printed in this country in 
1543. MS. ad h. ann. But, previously to that period, the reformed 
sentiments were diffused by metrical and dramactic writings. The 
satire of Buchanan against the Franciscan friars, for which he was 
thrown into prison, was elegant and pungent, but, being written in 
Latin, it could be felt only by the learned. "The same may be said as 
to his " Baptistes." But a passion for Scottish poetry had been lately 
produced in the nation by the compositions of some of our ingenious 
countrymen, and this now began to be improved by the friends of the 
Reformation. Kennedy and Kyllor distinguished "themselves in this 
line. See above, p. 379 Kyllor's Scripture drama was exhibited he- 
fore James V. at Stirling, about the year 1535; and the most simple 
perceived the resemblance between the Jewish priests and the Scottish 
clergy, in opposing the truth, and persecuting its friends. Knox, 22. 
Soon after this, Alexander, Lord Kilmaurs, wrote his Epistle from the 
Hermit of Lareit to the Greyfriars. Ibid. 24, 25. James Stewart, son 
of Lord Methven, composed poems and ballads in a similar strain, 
after the death of the vicar of Dollar ; and Robert Alexander, advo- 
cate, published the earl of Errol's "Testament," in Scottish metre, 
which was printed at Edinburgh, Cald. MS. i. 103. James Wedder 



NOTES. 393 

turn, son of a merchant in Dundee, converted the history of the be- 
heading of John the Baptist into a dramatic form, and also the history 
of the tyrant Dionysius, which were acted at Dundee. In both of 
these, the Popish religion was attacked. Cald. MS. ad an. 1540. Dal- 
yell's Cursory Remarks, p. 31. 

But the poet who had the greatest influence in promoting the Re- 
formation was Sir David Lindsay. His " Satyre on the three Estates," 
and his " Monarchies," had this for their principal object. The former 
was acted at Cupar in Fife, in the year 1535 : at Linlithgow, before the 
king and queen, the court, and country, in 1540; and at Edinburgh, 
betbre the queen regent, a great part of the nobility, and a vast num- 
ber of people, in 1554. Chalmers's Lindsay, i. 60, 61. Row says, that 
it was also acted " in the amphitheatre of St. Johnstoun." MS. History 
of the Kirk, p. 3. It exposed the avarice, luxury, and profligacy of the 
religious orders; the temporal power and opulence of the bishops, 
with their total neglect of preaching ; the prohibition of the reading 
of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue; the extolling of pardons, relics, 
&c. In his " Monarchies," composed by him at a "subsequent period, 
lie traced the rise and progress of the papacy, and has discovered a 
knowledge of history, and of the causes that produced the corruption 
of Christianity, which would not disgrace any modern author. The 
poems of Lindsay were read by "every man, woman, and child." 
Row has preserved an anecdote, which serves to illustrate their influ- 
ence, and the manner in which the reformed sentiments were propa- 
gated at that period. Some time between 1550 and 1553, a friar was 
preaching at Perth in the church where the scholars of Andrew Simson 
attended public worship. In the course of his sermon, after relating 
some of the miracles wrought at the shrines of the saints, he began to 
inveigh bitterly against the Lutheran preachers who were going about 
the country, and endeavouring to withdraw the people from the Ca- 
tholic faith. When he was in the midst of his invective, aloud hissing 
arose in that part of the church where the boys, to the number of 
three hundred, were seated, so that the friar, abashed and affrighted, 
broke off his discourse, and fled from the pulpit. A complaint having 
been made to the master, he instituted an inquiry into the cause of 
the disturbance, and to his astonishment found that it originated with 
the son of a craftsman in the town, who had a copy of Lindsay's 
"Monarchies," which he had read at intervals to his schoolfellows. 
When the master was about to administer severe chastisement to him, 
for the tumult which he had occasioned, and also for retaining in his 
possession such a heretical book, the boy very spiritedly replied, that 
the book was not heretical, requested his master to read it, and pro- 
fessed his readiness to submit to punishment, provided any heresy 
was found in it. This proposal appeared so reasonable to Simson, 
that he perused the work, which he had not formerly seen, and was 
convinced of the truth of the boy's statement. He accordingly made 
the best excuse which he could to the magistrates for the behaviour 
of his scholars, and advised the friar to abstain in future from extolling 
miracles, and from abusing the Protestant preachers. From that time 
Simson was friendly to the Reformation. MS. Historie of the Kirk, 
pp. 3, 4. 

In every Protestant country, a metrical version of the Psalms, in 
the vernacular language, appeared at a very early period The 
French version, begun by Clement Marot, and completed by Beza, 
contributed much to the spread of the Reformation in France. The 
Psalms were sung by Francis I. and Henry II. and by their courtiers. 
The Catholics flocked for a time to the assemblies of the Protestants 
to listen to their psalmody. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Marot, Notes M 
Z2 



394 N O T E S . 

O, P. At a later period, Cardinal Chastillon proposed to the Papa, 
ambassador, as the best method for checking the progress of heresy, 
that his holiness should authorize some "good and godly" songs to be 
sung by the French, " cantar alcune cose in lingua Francese, le quali 
pero fossero parole buono et sante, et prima approvate de sua Beati- 
tudine." Lettres de St. Croix : Aymons, ut supra, torn. i. pp. 7, 9, II. 
It has been said, that there was a Scottish version of the Psalms a* * 
very early period. Dalyelfs Cursory Remarks, p. 35. It is more 
certain, that before the year 154G, a number of the Psalms were trans- 
lated in metre ; for George Wishart sung one of them in the house of 
Ormiston, on the night in which he was apprehended. Knox, Historic, 
p. 49. The two lines quoted by Knox answer to the beginning of the 
second stanza of the 51st Psalm, inserted in Scottish Poems of the 
16th Century, p. 111. They were commonly sung in the assemblies 
of the Protestants, in the year 1556. Knox, 96." John and Robert 
Wedderburn, brothers to the poet of that name mentioned above, 
appear to have been the principal translators of them. ('aid. MS. i. 
108, 109. The version was not completed; and at the establishment 
of the Reformation, it was supplanted in the churches by the version 
begun by Sternhold and Hopkins, and finished by the English exiles 
at Geneva. 

But the most singular measure adopted for circulating the reformed 
opinions in Scotland was the composition of "gude and godly 
ballates, changed out of prophaine sanges, for avoyding of sinne and 
harlotrie." John and Robert Wedderburn were the chief authors of 
this work also. Cald. ut supra. Row's Hist, of the Kirk, p. 4. The 
title sufficiently indicates their nature and design. The air, the 
measure, the initial line, or the chorus of the ballads most common]}' 
sung by the people at that time, were transferred to hymns of devo- 
tion. Unnatural, indelicate, and gross as this association appeals to 
us, these spiritual songs edified multitudes in that age. We must not 
think that this originated in any peculiar depravation of taste in 
our reforming countrymen. Spiritual songs constructed upon the 
same principle, were common in Italy. Roscoe's Lorenzo de Medici, 
i. 309. 4to. At the beginning of the Reformation, the very same 
practice was adopted in Holland as in Scotland. " The Protestants 
first sung in their families and private assemblies, the psalms of 
the noble"~lord of Nievelte, which he published in 1540, ut homines ah 
amatoriis, haud raro obscoenis, aliisque vanis canticis, quibus omnia in 
urbibus et vicis personabant, avocaret. Sed quia modulationes 
vanarum cantionum (alias enim homines non tenebant) adhibuerat," 
&c. Gisberti Voetii Politica Ecclesiastica, torn. i. p. 534. Amstaelod. 
1663, 4to. Florimond de Rernond objected to the psalms of Marot, 
that the airs of some of them were borrowed from vulgar ballads. A 
Roman Catholic version of the Psalms in Flemish verse, printed 
at Antwerp by Simon Cock, in 1540, has the first line of a ballad 
printed at the head of every psalm. Bayle, Diet. art. Marot. Note N. 
The spiritual songs of Colletet, although composed a century after our 
"Godly Ballates," were constructed on still more exceptionable 
models. " Et moy, Monsieur," says Mons. Jurieu, "je vous feray 
voir, quand il vous plaira, lescantiques spirituels de Colletet imprimes 
a Paris, ches Antoine de Rafle avec privilege du Roy, de fan 1660. 
Livre curieux, ou vous trouveres des Noels sur le chant, de ce vaude- 
ville infame qui commence, Rfaut chanter vne histoire de la fenmie 
(Tun manant, &e. le reste est un conte scandaleux autant qu'il 
y en ait dans le Satyricon de Petrone. Vous en trouveres un autie 
sur fair de ces paroles libertines d'une char son de 1'opera : 

A quot/ bon tan/ de raison, dans un hel aage. 



NOTES. 395 

Un autre sur ce vaudeville impudent : 

Allis vous 

. Un galanl tout nouveau, fyc. 

Des le temps de Henri II. parce que toute la Cour chantoit les Pseau* 
mes de Marot, le Cardinal de Lorraine jugea que, pour arrester un si 
grand desordre, il seroit tres edifiant de faire tourner des odes 
d'Horace en rime Francoise, pour nourrir la piete de cette cour si de- 
vote." Apologie pour les Reformateurs, &c. torn. i. 1 29. 4to. A Rot- 
terdam, 1683. 



Note L, p. 41. 

Of George Wishart. — The following graphic description of this in- 
teresting martyr is contained in a letter written by a person 
who had been one of his pupils at Cambridge, and transmitted by him 
to John Fox, who inserted it in his work, p. 1 155. edit. 1596. 

"About the yeare of our Lord, a thousand, five hundreth, fortie and 
three, there was, in the universitie of Cambridge, one Maister George 
Wischart, commonly called Maister George of Bennet's Colledge, who 
was a man of tall stature, polde headed, and on the same a round 
French cap of the best. Judged of melancholy e complexion by 
his phisiognomie, black haired, long bearded, comely of personage, 
well spoken after his country of Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad 
to teach, desirous to learne, and was well traulled, hauing on him for 
his habit or clothing, neuer but a mantell frise gowne to the shoes, a 
blacke Millian fustain dublet, and plaine blacke hosen, course new 
canuasse for his shirtes, and white falling bandes and cuffes at 
the hands. All the which apparell, he gaue to thepoore, some weekly, 
some monethly, some quarterly, as hee iiked, sauing his Frenche cappe, 
which hee kept the whole yeere of my beeing with him. Hee was a 
man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating couetousnesse : for his 
charitie had neuer ende, night, noone, nor daye : hee forbare one meale 
in three, one day in four for the most part, except something to comfort 
nature. [When accused, at his trial, of contemning fasting, he replied, 
' My Lordis, I find that fasting is commend it in the Scriptur. — And not 
so only ; bot I have leirnit by experience, that fasting is gude for the 
healthe and conservation of the body.' Knox, 60.] Hee lay hard upon 
a pouffe of straw : course new canuasse sheetes, which, when he 
changed, he gaue away. Hee had commonly by his bedside, a tubbe 
of water, in the which (his people being in bed, the candle put out, and 
all quiet) hee used to bathe himselfe, as I, being very yong, being 
assured offen, heard him, and in one light night discerned him. Hee 
loved me tenderly, and I him, for my age, as effectually. Hee taught 
with great modestie and grauitie, so that some of his people thought 
him seuere, and would haue slain him, but the Lord was his defence. 
And hee, after due correction for their malice, by good exhortation 
amended them, and he went his way. O that the Lord had left him to 
mee his poore boy, that hee might haue finished that he had begunne ! 
For in his religion he was, as you see heere in the rest of his life, when 
he went into Scotland with diuers of the nobilitie, that came for 
a treaty to King Henry the eight. His learning was no less sufficient 
than his desire, alwayes prest and readie to do good in that hee was 
able, both in the house priuately, and in the schoole publickely, pro- 
fessing and reading divors authours. 

"If I snould declare his loue to mee and all men, 1 is charitie to the 



390 NOTES. 

poore, in giuing, relisuing, caring, helping, prouiding, yea infinitely 
studying how to do good unto all, and hurt to none, 1 should sooner 
want words than just cause to commend him. 

" All this I testhie, with my whole heart and trueth, of this godly 
man. Hee that made all, gouerneth all, and shall iudge all, knoweth 
I speake the throth, that the simple may be satisfied, the arrogant con- 
founded, the hypocrite disclosed. 

T e\H Emery Tylney." 

A particular account of Wishart's trial and execution was published 
in England, apparently soon after the assassination of Beatoun. This 
very rare little book does not appear to have been seen by any of the 
writers who have mentioned it. The following account is taken from 
a copy, belonging to Richard Heber, Esq. who communicated it to me 
with that liberality for which he is so eminently distinguished. The 
general title is, " The tragical death of Dauid Beato. Bishoppe of 
sainct Andrewes in Scotland; Whereunto is ioyned the martyrdom 
of maister George Wyseharte gentleman, for whose sake the aforesay- 
ed bishoppe was not longe after slayne. Wherein thou maist learne 
what a burnynge charitie they shewed not only towardes him : 
but vnto al suche as come to their handes for the blessed Gospels sake." 
On the next leaf begins, "Roberte Burrant to the reader," being 
a preface extending to 12 leaves, ending on B. iiiii. After this is the 
following title of the Tragedy or Poem : "Here followeth the Tragedy 
of the late moste reuerende father Dauid, by the mercie of God Car- 
dinall and archbishoppe of sainct Andrews. And of the whole realme 
of Scotland primate, legate and chauncelor. And administrator of the 
bishoprich of Merapois in Fraunce. And comendator perpetuall of 
the' abbay of Aberbrothoke, compiled by sir Dauid Lindsaye of the 
mounte Knyghte. Alias, Lione, kyng of armes. Anno 1540. Ultimo 
Maii. The wordes of Dauid Beaton the cardinall aforesaied at his 
death. Alas alas, slaye me not, I am a priest." The poem begins on 
the reverse, and ends on the first page of C. vii. On the back of that 
leaf is, — " The accusation of maister George \\ ysehart gentleman, who 
suffered martyrdome for the faith of Christ Jesu, at S. Andrewes in 
Scotland the first day of Marche. In the yere of our Lorde. 1 546, wyllt 
the articles which he was accused of, and his swete answeres to the 
same, wherunto are ioyned his godly orations and praiers. — With most 
tendre affection and unfeyned herte considere," &c. The narrative 
ends on the first page of F. vi. with these words, " complayning of 
thys innocent lambes slaughter." — "Imprinted at London, by John 
Day, and William Seres, dwellynge in Sepulchres parish at the signe 
of the Resurrection, a little aboue Holboume conduiet. Cum gracia 
et priuilegio ad imprimendum solum." In eights. The tragedy of 
Beatoun is printed in small, and the account of Wishart's trial in large 
black letter. The date of printing is not mentioned. Those who 
have fixed on the year 1546, have been influenced by the occurring of 
this date on the title of the tragedy, which evidently refers to the time 
of Beatoun's death. It is probable, however, from some expressions 
in the preface, as well as from other considerations, that it was printed 
soon after that event. Fox has embodied the whole account of Wis- 
harfs trial in his Acts and Monuments, pp. 1154—1158, " Ex Histor. 
Impressa." Knox has transcribed it from Fox. Historic, p. 72. 

Wishart had travelled on the Continent. Knox, 56. Lesly, p. 45& 
Buchanan calls him Sophocardius, supposing his name to be Wise- 
heart,^ mistake which has been corrected by an intelligent foreign 
historian, who says that the original name was Guiscard, a name 
common in France, from which country the Wischards (for so Knox 
writes it) originally came to Scotland. Gerdesii Hist. Reformat, torn. 



NOTES. 39 

.v. p. 314. See also Ruddiman's Propriorum nominum Interpretation 
subjoined to Buchanan's History. 

The following extract from the records of the city of Bristol has 
been obligingly sent me by Theodore Laurance, Esq. 

"30 Henry v r III. That this yere the 15 Maya Scot named George 
Wysard sett furth his lecture in St. Nicholas Church of Bristowe the 
most blasphemous heresy that ever was herd, openly declarying that 
Christ's mother hath not nor coulde merite for him nor yett for us, wich 
heresy brought many of the commons of this towne into a greate 
error and dyvers of theym were persuaded by that hereticall lecture 
to heresy. 'Whereupon the said stiff necked Scot was accused by 
Mr. John Kerne deane of the said diocese and soon after he 

was sent to the moost reverend father in God the archebishop of Can- 
terbury bifore whom and others, that is to signifie, the bishops of Bathe, 
Norwhiche, and Chichester, with others, as doctors and he 

bifore theym was examyned convicted and condemned in and upon 
the detestable heresy above mentioned, whereupon he was ejnoyned 
to bere a fagot in St. Nicholas Church aforsaid and the parishe of the 
same the 13 July, and in Christe church the 20 July abovesaid following, 
which was duely execute! in the time aforesaid. 

This is extracted from the " Mayor's Kalendar," a vellum manuscript 
book of great antiquity, which is usually produced at the swearing in 
of the mayor, as it has a drawing of that ceremony, and refers to 
some old customs observed on the occasion. I have no doubt that 
the person referred to is George Wishart, the Scottish martyr. The 
facts related happened on the year after he left Scotland. In the 
course of that year John Lambert suffered martyrdom for denying 
transubstantiation, and Henry VIII. was using the severest measures 
against the Protestants. The circumstance of George Wysard having 
recanted what he had taught respecting the Virgin, is not sufficient to 
discredit this supposition.^ Whether his recantation proceeded from 
fear, or from his being entangled by the sophistry of his judges, any 
stain which it affixed to his character was completely effaced by the 
fortitude and constancy with which he afterwards suffered. 

The following is the title of a very rare book, which appears to have 
been written by George Wishart during his travels on the Continent, 
and printed after his death. 

" The Confescion of the fayth of the Sweserlandes. 

" This Confescion was fyrste wrytten and set out by the ministers 
of the churche and congregacion of Sweuerland, where all godlyness 
is receyued, and the word hadde in most reuerence, and from thence 
was sent vnto the Emperours maiestie, then holdynge a grayt coun- 
sel! or parliament in the yeare of our Lord God 1537^ the moneth of 
February. 

" Translated out of Laten by George Vsher, a Scotchman, who was 
ourned in Scotland, the yeare of oure Lorde 1546." 



Note M, p. 45. 

Of Knox's Language respecting the Assassination of Cardinal Bea- 
toun. — Mr. Hume has, not very philosophically, inferred the savage- 
ness of Knox's temper from the evident satisfaction with which he 
wrote of Cardinal Beatoun's assassination; and in this judgment he 
has been followed by several writers. If to express satisfaction at 
cutting off one who was regarded as a public enemy be viewed as an 
infallible mark of cruelty, we must pronounce this verdict upon many 
who wei-e never before suspected of" such a disposition. The manner 
34 



39S NOTES. 

in which the Christian fathers expressed themselves, respecting the 
death of the persecutors of the Church, is not unknown. See Julian 
the Apostate, chap. vii. viii. in Works of the Rev. Samuel Johnston, 
pp. 22 — 24. Bayle, Critique General de FHistoire du Cal vinisme, p. 295. 
h.ven the mild and philosophic Erasmus could not refrain from declar- 
ing his joy at the violent death of two of the most learned and eminent 
Reformers. "Bene habet," says he, "quod duo Coryphaei perierunt. 
Zuinglius in acie, Oecolampadius paulo post febri et apostemate. 
Q.uod si illis favisset Ewawsc, actum est de nobis." Epist. 1205 ; Jortin's 
Life of Erasmus, ii. 28. .Sir Walter Scott, in his Cadyow Castle, (See 
Lyrical Pieces,) has lately exerted all his poetic powers to invest Ham- 
ilton of Bothwellhaugh with the character of a hero, in assassinating 
the Regent Murray, a person who is no more to be compared to Car- 
dinal Beatoun, than "Hyperion tu a Satyr." I know the apology 
that will be made for the poet (although 1 trunk he might have found, 
in this, and in some other instances, a subject more worthy of his 
muse ;) but what shall we say of the historian who narrates the action 
of Bothwellhaugh "approvingly," celebrates the "happy pencil of the 
poet" in describing it, and insults over the fall of Murray, by quoting 
a sarcastic line from the poem, in the very act of relating his death ! 
Chalmers's Caledonia, ii. 571. Yet the same writer is highly displeased 
that Sir David Lindsay, in his Tragedy of Beatoun, has "no burst of 
indignation" at the cardinal's murder; and twice in the same work he 
has related with triumph, that, on the margin of one edition of Knox's 
History, the part which James Melvin acted in that scene is called a 
" godly fact." And he pronounces the assassination of Beatoun to 
be "the foulest crime which ever stained a country, except perhaps 
the similar murder of Archbishop tSharpe, within the same shire, in 
the subsequent century, by similar miscreants." Chalmers's Works 
of Lindsay, vol, i. 34, 35, ii. 231. How marvellously does prejudice 
distort the judgment even of learned men ! And how surprising to 
find the assassination of two sanguinary persecutors represented as 
more criminal than the murder of the generous Henry IV. the patriotic 
Prince of Orange, and the brave and pious Coligni ! There are not a 
few persons who can read in cold blood of thousands of innocent per- 
sons being murdered under the consecrated cloak of authority, but who 
" burst into indignation" at the mention of the rare fact (occurring 
once in a century) of a person, who goaded by oppression and reduced 
to despair, has been driven to the extremity of taking vengeance oh 
the proud and tyrannical author of his own and his country's wrongs. 
I mention these things to show the need which certain writers have to 
look at home, and to judge of characters and actions with a little more 
impartiality, or at least consistency. 

Honest Keith, whose personal feelings do not appear to have been 
violent, has expressed with much simplicity the feelings of his party, in 
the reflections which he makes on the cardinal's assassination. 
■' What might have proved (says he) to be the issue of such proce- 
dure [Beatoun's severe measures against the Reformers,] had he en- 
joyed his life for any considerable time, I shall not pretend to judge; 
Only this seems to be certain, that by his death the reins of the 
government were much loosened; and some persons came to be con- 
siderable soon after, who probably, if he had lived, had never got the 
opportunity to perpetrate such villainies under the cloak of religion, 
as 'tis certain they did ; he being at least no less a statesman than a 
clergyman." History, p. 45. This language needs no commentary; 
and the callousness to the interests of (I say not the Reformation, for 
that is entirely out of the question, but) humanity, implied in the 
prospect that Keith takes of the cruelties which the Protestants must 



NOTES. 399 

have suffered from the cardinal, if his life had been spared, is far more 
reprehensible than any satisfaction which Knox expressed at his 
death. 

"It is very horrid," says Hume, "but at the same time somewhat 
amusing, to consider the joy, alacrity, and pleasure which that histo- 
rian [Knox] discovers in his narrative of this assassination." History 
of England, vol. vi. chap. iv. Mr. Hume makes a partial apology for 
Knox by the description which he gives of his own feelings ; while he 
allows that what, in the main, excites horror, may produce some 
amusement. It. is well known that there are writers who can treat 
the most sacred subjects with a levity bordering upon profaneness. 
Must we at once pronounce them profane 1 And is nothing to be set 
down to the score of natural temper inclining them to wit and 
humour ! The Reformer rejoiced at the death of Beatoun ; and even 
those who could not approve of the act of the conspirators, were hap- 
py that he was taken away. 

As for the Cardinal, we grant, 

He was a man we weell might want, 

And we '11 forget him sone ; 
And yet I think, the sooth to say, 
Although the lown is weell away, 

The deed was foully done. 

The pleasantry which Knox has mingled with the narrative of his 
death and burial is unseasonable and unbecoming. But it is to be 
imputed, not to any pleasure which he took in describing a bloody 
scene, but to the strong propensity which he felt to indulge his vein 
cf humour. Those who have read his History with attention, must 
have perceived that he is not able to check this, even on very serious 
occasions. I shall at present refer to one instance only. None will 
doubt that, his mind was deeply affected in relating the trial and exe- 
cution of his esteemed friend, and revered instructor, George Wishart. 
Yet, even in the midst of his narrative of this event, he could not 
abstain from inserting the truly ludicrous description of a quarrel 
which arose on that occasion between the Archbishops of St Andrews 
and Glasgow ; for which he apologizes thus : — " Gif we interlace mer- 
rines with ernest matters, pardone us, gude reidare, for the fact is sa 
notable that it deserves lang memorie." Historie, p. 51. 



Note N, p. 57. 

Knox in the French Galleys. — The following curious notice as to 
this event in our Reformer's life, will form an appropriate introduction 
to the extracts referred to in the text. It has been preserved Dy the 
learned Dr. B'ulke, and is given as an answer to a Popish writer, who 
had said, in the way of detraction, "Knokes was a galley slave three 
yeares." — "The more wicked," replies Fulke, "those Papistes which 
betrayed him into the galley. The master whereof was glad to be rid 
of him, because he never had good successe, so long as he kept that 
holy man in slaverie, whome also in danger of tempest, though an 
errant. Papiste, he would desire to commend him and his galley to 
God in his praiers." T. Stapleton and Martiall (two Popish heretics) 
confuted. By D. Fulke, master of Pembroke-hall, in Cambridge, p. 
116. Lond. 1580. 

I shall give Knox's own account of his feelings on that occasion 
from the MS. copy of his Treatise on Prayer in my possession, pre 



400 NOTES. 

serving the original language, which is altered in the printed edition 
Those who have access to the latter can compare the two. 

" I mene not," says he, " that any man, in extreamitie of trubill, can 
be without a present dolour, and without a greater feir of trubill to 
follow. Trubill and feir are the very spurris to prayer. For when 
man, compassit about with vehement calamities, and vexit with con- 
tine wall solicitude, having by help of man no hope of deliverance, with 
soir oppressit and punissit hart, feiring also greater punisment to fol- 
low, from the deip pit of tribulation, doith call to God for comfort and 
support, such prayer ascendeth into Godis presence, and returneth 
not in vane." Having illustrated this from the exercise of David, as 
described in the 7th psalm, he proceeds, " This is not written for David 
onlie, but for all such as sail suffer tribulatioun to the end of the world. 
For I, the wryter hereof, (lat this be said to the laude and prais of God 
allone) in angusche of mynd, and vehement tribulatioun and afflic- 
tioun, called to the Lord, when not only the ungodlie, but evin my 
faithful] brother, ye and my awn self (that is, all natural understand- 
ing) judgeit my cause to be irremedeable ; and yit in my greatest 
calamitie, and when my panis wer most cruell, wold his eternall wis- 
dome that my handis suld wryt far contrarie to the judgement of car- 
nail reasone, whilk his mercie hath proved trew. Blessit be his halie 
/mine* And therefore dar T be bold in the veritie of Godis word, to 
promeis that, notwithstanding the vehemencie of trubill, the long con- 
tinewance thairof, the desperatioun of all men, the feirfulness, danger, 
dolour, and angusche of our awn hartis, yit, yf we call constantlie to 
God, that, beyound expectatioun of all men, hie sail delyver." pp. 52 
— 54. After showing that prayers for temporal deliverance ought 
always to be offered up with submission to the divine will, that God 
often delays the deliverance of the body while he mitigates the dis- 
tress of the spirit, and sometimes permits his saints "to drink, before 
the maturity of age, the bitter cupe of corporall death, that thairby 
they may receave medicine, and cure from all infirmitie," he adds : 
" Albeit we sie thairfoir no appeirand help to our selves, nor yit to 
otheris afHictit, lat ws not ceis to call, (thinking our prayeris to be 
vane;) for whatsoever cum of our bodeis, God sail gif unspeakabill 
comfort to the spreit, and sail turne all to our comodities beyound oui 
awn expectatioun. The cans that I am so lang and tedious in this 
matter is, for that I knaw how hard the bate]] is between the spirit 
and the flesehe, under the heavie cros of afflictioun, whair no warldlie 
defence, but present death dois appeir. 1 knaw the grudging and 
murmuring complaints of the flesehe ; I knaw the anger, wrath, and 
indignatioun, whilk it consaveth aganis God, calling all his promissis 
in doubt, and being readie every hour utterlie to fall from God : 
aganis whilk restis onlie faith provoking us to call ernistlie, and pray 
for assistance of Godis spreit, whairin if we continew, our maist dis- 
perat calamiteis sail hie turn to gladnes, and to a prosperous end.+ 
To thee, O Lord, allone be prais; for with experience I wryt this, and 
speak." MS. Letters, pp. 65, 66. 

The edition was printed most probably in England, (Kane is on the 
title-page,) during the persecution, from a MS. sent by Knox from 
Dieppe, and so incorrectly, that it is often impossible to make sense 
of it. The following are specimens: — "Diffysed," fol. 2. "difficil." 
MS.— "A pure word of God," fol. 2, "a puritie allowit of God." MS.— 
"Consent." fol. 3, "conceat," MS. — "May any other Jesus Christ, 

* The words in Italics are not in the printed copies. 

t The printed copies, instead of " end," have " fyne ;" a word sometimes used in the 
MS. Letters. 



NOTES. 431 

3xcept I, in these wordes, make intercession for sinners' fol. 11. 
•' May any other (Jesus Christ except) in these wordes mak interces- 
sion for sinners!" MS.; the transcriber having mistaken the con- 
cluding mark of parenthesis for the pronoun. — "Carkese ^tepe," fol. 
16, " carleslie slepeth," MS. In quoting Isa. lxiv. 5. the printed edition 
has employed a word which I have not seen in any old version of the 
Bible. "Thou art crabbid, O Lord, because we have sinned," fol. 4; 
and again in verse 9, " Be not crabbid, O Lord, remember not our 
iniquities for ever." In the MS. it is angrie, in both instances. In 
fol. 16, is a greater variation: " For with such as do aleage that God 
may not chaunge his sentence, and our prayers therefore to be vayne, 
can I no wyse agree." Instead of this the MS. has, " whilk thing if 
we do unfeanedlie, he will revoke his wrath, and in the middis of his 
furie think upon mercie." There are similar variations between the 
MS. and the printed copies of most of his other tracts. They show 
that the MS. which I possess has not been transcribed from these 
copies according to a custom very common in that age. 



Note O, p. 59. 

Extracts from Balnaves r s Confession of Faith, or Treatise on Jus- 
tification. — In reading the writings of the first reformers there are two 
things which must strike our minds. The first is the exact con- 
formity between the doctrine maintained by them respecting the jus- 
tification of sinners, and that of the apostles. The second is the sur- 
prising harmony which subsisted among them on this important doc- 
trine. On some questions respecting the sacraments, and the external 
government and worship of the Church, they differed; but upon the 
article of free justification, Luther and Zuinghus, Melanchthon and 
Calvin, Cranmer and Knox, spoke the very same language. This 
was not. owing to their having read each other's writings, but because 
they copied from the same divine original. The clearness with which 
they understood and explained this great truth is also very observ- 
able. More learned and able defences of it have since appeared; but 
I question if it has ever been stated in more scriptural, unequivocal, 
and decided language, than in the writings of the early reformers. 
Some of their successors, by giving way to speculation, gradually 
lost sight of this distinguishing badge of the Reformation, and landed 
at last in Arminianism, which is nothing else but the Popish doctrine 
in a Protestant dress. Knox has informed us, that his design, in pre- 
paring for the press the treatise written by Sir Henry Balnaves, was 
to give, along with the author, his " confession of the article of justifi- 
cation therein contained." I cannot, therefore, lay before the reader 
a more correct view of our Reformer's sentiments upon this funda- 
mental article of faith, than by quoting from a book which was revised 
and approved by him. 

Having given the philosophical definition of justice or righteousness, 
and explained what is meant by civil and ceremonial justice, the au- 
thor proceeds as follows : — " The justice of the la we moral! or Moses's 
lawe, which is the lawe of God, exceedeth and is far above the other 
two justices. It is the perfite obedience required of man, according 
to all the works and deeds of the same ; not only in externall and out- 
ward deeds, but also with the inward affections and motions of the 
hart, conforme to the commandement of the same (saying,) Thou shalt 
love thy Lord God with all thy hart, with all thy mind, with all thy 
power and strength, and thy neighbour as thyselfe. This is no other 
thins: but the lawe of nature, prented in the hart of man, in the be- 
34* A3 



403 1VOTES. 

ginning , nowe made patent by the mouth of God to man, to utter his 
sin, and to make his corrupted nature more patent to himselfe. And 
so is the lawe of nature and the law of Moses joyned together in a 
knot ; which is a doctrine teaching all men a perfite rule, to know 
what he should do, and what he should leave undone, both to God 
and his neighbour. The justice of the lawe, is to fulfill the lawe ; that 
is, to doo the perfite workes of the lawe as they are required, from the 
bottome of the hart, and as they are declared and expounded by 
Christ; and whosoever transgresseth the same, shall never be pro- 
nounced just of the lawe. But there was never man that fulfilled this 
lawe to the uttermost perfection thereof, except only Jesus Christ. 
Therefore, in the lawe can we not find our justice, because of the 
deecles of the lawe no flesh shall be made just before God." pp. 57, 58. 

"For transgression of the commandment of God, our forefather 
Adam was exiled and banished forth of paradise, and spoiled of the 
integrity, perfection, and all the excellent qualities, dignities,, and god- 
lie vertues, with which he was endued by his creation, made rebel!, 
and disobedient to God in his owne default. And therefore he might 
not fulfill the lawe to the perfection as the same required. For the 
lawe remaining in the owne perfection, just, holye, and good, requireth 
and asketh the same of man, to be indeed fulfilled. But all men pro- 
ceeding from Adam, by natural propagation, have the same imperfec- 
tion that hee had ; the which corruption of nature resisteth the will 
and goodness of the lawe, which is the cause that wee fulfill not the 
same, nor may not of our power and strength, through the infirmitie 
and weakness of our flesh, which is enemie to the spirit, as the apostle 
saith." pp. 79, 80. 

" Notwithstanding, after the fall of man, remained with our first 
parents some rest and footsteppes of this lawe, knowledge, and vertues, 
in the which he was created, and of him descendedin us ; by the 
which of our free will and power, we may do the outward deeds of 
the lawe, as is before written. This knowledge deceaved and be- 
guiled the philosophers, for they looked but to the reason and judge- 
ment of man, and could not perceave the inward corruption of nature, 
but ever supponed man to bee clean and pure of nature, and might, 
of his own free will and naturall reason, fulfill all perfection. And 
when they perceaved the wickedness of man from his birth, they 
judged that to be by reason of the planete under whom he was borne, 
or through evill nourishing, upbringing, or other accidents, and could 
never consider the corrupted nature of man, which is the cause of all 
our wickednes ; and therefore they erred, and were deceaved in their 
opinions and judgements ; but the perfite Christian man should looke 
first in his corruption of nature, and consider what the law requireth 
of him, in the which he findeth his imperfection and sinnes accused, 
(for that is the office of the lawe, to utter sinne to man, and giveth him 
no remedy.) then of necessitie is he compelled either to despaire or 
seek Christ, by whom he shall get the justice that is of value before 
God, which can not be gotten by any lawe or workes, because by the 
deedes of the lawe no flesh shall be justified before God." pp. 81 — 83. 
_" This proposition of the Holy Spirite is so perfite, that it excludeth 
(K"ye will understande the same right) all the vaine foolish arguments 
of sophistrie made by the justifiers, of themselfes, which perverte the 
words of S. Paule (as they doo the other Scriptures of ( Jod) to their 
^ervcrsed sence and mind ; saying, that the apostle excludeth by these 
wordes the workes of the law ceremonial, and not the deeds of the 
lawe of nature, and morall lawe of Moyses. The which shameless 
sayings are expressly evacuat by the wordes of the apostle, insomuch 
that no man of righteous judgement can deny, but shall feel the same 



NOTES. 403 

as it were in their hands, by this probation. The la we speaketh to 
all, that is, aeeuseth all men that are under the iawe. All men are 
under the lawe of nature, of the lawe of Moyses, therefore the apostle 
speaketh of the lawe of nature, or the lawe of Moyses, and of all men 
which he comprehendeth under Jewe and Gentill, as he proveth by 
his argumentes in the first and second chap, to the Romans, and con- 
ciudeth in the third chap, all men are sinners. If all men bee sinners, 
none is just; if none bee just, none fulfill the lawe; if none fulfill the 
lawe, the lawe can pronounce none just; therefore concludeth he, 
that of the deedes of the lawe no fleshe shall be fonde just before God. 
The same is proved by David in the 130 Psalme. Here ye see by the 
words of the apostle, he intends to prove and declare all men sinners ; 
that is, to stoppe all men's mouths, and to dry ve them to Christ by the 
accusation of the lawe. No lawe may make or declare all men sin- 
ners, and subdue the whole world to God, but the lawe of nature and 
Moyses ; therefore, under that word (lawe) the apostle comprehendeth 
the lawe morall, and not the lawe ceremonial only." pp. 84, 85. 

" But think not that I intende through these assertions to exclude 
good workes ; no, God forbid, for good workes are the gift of God, 
and his good creatures, and ought and should be done of a Christian, 
as shalbe showen hereafter at length in their place ; but in this article 
of justification, yee must either exclude all workes, or els exclude 
Christ from you, and make your selfes just; the which is impossible 
to do. Christ is the end of the lawe (unto righteousness) to all that 
beleeve, that is, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling of the lawe, 
and that justice whiche the law requireth ; and all they which beleeve 
in him, are just by imputation through faith, and for his sake are re- 
pute and accepted as just. This is the justice of faith, of the which 
the apostle speaketh, Rom. the 10 chapter: therefore, if ye wilbee just, 
seeke Christ, and not the lawe, nor your invented workes, which are 
lesse than the lawe. Christ shall have no mixtion with the lawe, nor 
workes thereof, in this article of justification ; because the lawe is as 
contrarie to the office of Christ, as darknes to light, and is as farre 
different as heaven and earth. For the office of the lawe is to accuse 
the wicked, feare them, and condemne them, as transgressors of the 
same ; the office of Christ is to preache mercy, remission of sinnes, 
freely in his bloode through faith, give consolation, and to save sin- 
ners ; for hee came not into this world to call them which ar just, or 
think themselves just, but to call sinners to repentance." pp. 100, 126, 
127, 128. 

" This faith which only justifieth and giveth life, is not idle nor re- 
maineth alone ; nevertheless, it alone justifieth, and then it works by 
charitie ; for unfained faith may no more abyde idle from working in 
love, than the good tree may from bringing foorth her fruite in due 
time ; and yet the fruite is not the cause of the tree, nor maketh the 
tree good, but the tree is the cause of the fruite ; and the good tree 
bringeth forth good fruite, by the which it is knowen goode ; even so 
it is of the faithfull man, the workes make him not faithfull nor just, 
nor yet are the cause thereof; but the faithfull and just man bringeth 
forth and maketh good workes, to the honour and glorie of God, and 
profit of his neighbour, which beare witnesse of his inward faith, and 
testify him to be just before man." pp. 131, 132. In the following part 
of the treatise, the author shows at large, that the doctrine of gratui- 
tous justification does not release Christians from obligation to per- 
form good works, and inculcates the duties incumbent upon them in 
the different spheres of life in which they may be placed. Confession 
of Faith, conteining how the troubled man should seeke refuge at hi." 



404 NOTES. 

God; compiled by M. Henry Balnaves of Halhill,* and one of the 
Lords of Session of Scotland, being a prisoner within the old paltaict 
jf Roane, in the year 1548. T. Vautrollier, Edin. 1584 



Note P, p. 66. 

Extracts from Knox's Defence before the Bishop of Durham.— 
Since the publication of the first edition of this Life, I have seen a copy 
of this Defence in print. Its title will be found in the catalogue of 
Knox's works. (See Note UUU at the end of the volume.) The print- 
ed edition agrees more exactly with the MS. in my possession than 
any of his other works which 1 have had the opportunity of compar- 
ing. The extracts given in this note are continued in their original 
form, to preserve the orthography of the MS. which constitutes almost 
the only difference between it and the printed edition. 

" The fourt of Apryle, in the yeir 1550, was appoyntit to Johne Knox, 
preacher of the halie evangell of Jesus Chryst, to gif his confessioun 
why hie affirmed the mes idolatrie ; whilk day, in presence of the con- 
sale and congregatioun, amangis whome was also present the bi 
schope of DuranTand his doctors, on this manner hie beginneth. 

"This day I do appeir in your presence, honourabill audience, to 
gif a reasone why so constantlie I do affirme the mes to 0e, and at all 
tymes to haif bene, idolatrie and abominatioun before God ; and be- 
caus men of great eruditioun, in your audience, affirmed the contra- 
rie, most gladlie wold I that heir thay wer present, either in proper 
persone, or els by thair learnit men, to ponder and wey the causis 
moveing me thairto : for unles I evidentlie prufe myne intent be God- 
dis halie scriptures, I will recant it as wickit doctrine, and confes my 
self maist worthie of grevous punishment. How difficil it is to pull 
furth of the hartis of the pepill the thing whairin opinioun of holines 
standeth, declareth the great tumult and uprore moveit aganis Paule 
by Demetrius and his fellowis, who by idolatrie gat great vantage, as 
our priestis have done be the mes in tymes past. The pepill, I say, 
heiring that the honor of thair great goddes Diana stude in jeopardie, 
with furious voces cryit, ' Great is Diana of the Ephesians;' — and heir- 
unto wer thay moveit be lang custom and fals opinioun. I knaw, that 
in the mes hath not onlie bene estemit great holines and honoring of 
God, but also the ground and fundatioun of our religioun : so that, in 
opinioun of many, the mes taken away, thair resteth no trew wir- 
schipping nor honoring of God in the erth. The deiper hath it persit 
the hartis of men yat it occupyith the place of the last and misticall 
supper of our Lord Jesus. But yf I sal, be plane and evident scrip- 
tures, prove the mes, in hir mair honest garment, to haif been idola- 
trie befoire God, and blasphemous to the death and passioun of Chryst, 
and contrarie to the supper of Jesus Chryst, than gude hope have I, 
honorable audience and belovit brethrene, that the feir, love, and obe- 
dience of God, who in his scriptures hath spokin all veritie necessarie 
for oure salvatioun, sail move yow to gif place to the same. O Lord 
eternal ! move and governe my toung to speak the veritie, and the 

* A charter of confirmation was granted to Mr. Henry Ralnaves and Christian 
Scheves, his spouse, of ihe lands of " Ester Cullcssy vocat. Halhill," on the 10th of Au- 
gust, 1538. Reg. Seer. Sigil. lib. 13. f. 20. On the 12th of May, 1562, a letter under the 
privy seal was granted to Mr. Henry Balnaves of Halhill, restc ring him to his lam s 
honours, &c. of which he had been deprived " for certane allegit rymes of lese majest.e 
imput to him.'' Ibid. lib. 31. f. 16 



NOTES. 405 

hartis of thir pBpill to understand and obey the same." MS. Letters, 
pp. 1, 2. 

In proof of his position, he laid down and defended two syllogisms. 
The first is thus stated : " All wirschipping, honoring, or service in- 
ventit by the brane of man in the religioun of God, without his awn 
expres commandement, is idolatrie : the mes is inventit, by the brane of 
man without any commandement of God : thairfoir it is idolatrie." The 
second syllogism is thus framed : "All honoring or service of God, wmair- 
unto is addit a wickit opinioun, is abominatioun : unto the mes is addit 
a wickit opinioun : thairfoir it is abominatioun." pp. 3, 21. In support 
of the major proposition of his first syllogism, he argues from 1 Sam. 
xiii. 11—14. xv. 22, 23. Deut. iv. 2. xii. 8, 32. 1 Cor. xi. 23. Take the 
following as a specimen : — " We may not think ws so frie nor wyse that 
we may do unto God, and unto his honour, what we think expedient. 
No : the contrarie is commandit by God, saying, ' Unto my word sail ye 
ad nothing, nothing sail ye deminische thairfrome, that ye might ob- 
serve the preceptis of your Lord God.' Whilk wordis ar not to be un- 
derstand of the decalogue and law moral onlie, but of statutis, rytes, 
and ceremonyis ; for equall obedience of all his lawis requyreth God. 
And in witnis thairof, Nadab and Abihu offiring strange fyre, whairof 
God had geven unto thame na charge, wer instantlie, as thay offirit, 
punissit to death by fyre. — In the punisment of theis two afoirsaid is 
to be observit, that Nadab and Abihu wer the principal priestis nixt 
to Aron thair father, and that they were comprehendit neither in adul- 
terie, covetusnes, nor desyre of warldlie honor, but of a gud zeall and 
simpill intent wer making sacrifice, desyreing no profit of the pepill 
thairby, but to honor God, and to metigate his wraith. And yit in 
the doing of this self same act and sacrifice wer they consumit away 
with fyre ; whairof it is plane, that nether the preeminence of the per- 
sone or man that maketh or setteth up any religioun without the ex- 
press commandment of God, nor yet the intent whairof hie doith the 
same, is acceptit befoir God: for nothing in his religioun will hie ad- 
mit without his awn word, but all that is addit thairto doith hie abhor, 
and punisseth the inventoris and doeris thairof, as ye haif hard in Na- 
dab and Abihu." pp. 6, 7. 

The following extracts will exemplify the irony with which he 
treated the Popish tenets : " Jesus Chryst sayeth, " I will lay upon 
yow none other burdene than I haif alreadie ;' and, 'that whilk ya 
haif observe diligentlie.' O God eternal ! hast thow laid none uther 
burdene upon our backis than Jesus Chryst laid be his word? Then 
who hath burdenit ws with all theis ceremonyis ? prescrybid fasting, 
compellit chastitie, unlawfull vowis, invocatioun of Sanctis, and with 
the idolatrie of the mes 1 The divill, the divill, brethrene, inventit all 
theis burdenis to depress imprudent men to perditioun." p. 10. Speak- 
ing of the canon of the mass, he says, " I will preve, that thairin is 
indigest, barbarous, folische congestioun of wordis, imperfectioun of 
sentences, ungodlie invocationis, and diabolicall conjurationis. And 
this is that holie canon whois autoritie precelleth all scriptures ! O ! 
it was so holie it might not be spoken planelie as the rest, but secreitlie 
it behoved to be whisperit ! That was not evil devysit ; for yf all men 
had hard it, sum wold have espyit the vanitie thairof. — Thay say, Hoc 
est enim corpus meum, I pray thame schew, whair find thay enim' 1 . 
O ! heir mak thay a great matter; and heir lyeth a secreit misterie, and 
hid operatioun ! For in fyve wordis conceaved the virgin Marie, say 
thay, when sche conceavit the Sone of God. What yf sche had spo- 
ken sevin, ten, or twentie words? or what yf sche had spokin 
thrie 1 Suld thairby the determinat consalle been impedit? But, O 



406 NOTES. 

papists! is God a juglar? Useth he certane noumer of wordia in 
performing his intent !" pp. 18, 19. 

(iuintin Kennedy, abbot of (Jrossraguel, in an Oration, composed 
by him in 1561, made some remarks on Knox's book against the Mass. 
" Shortly," says he, " will we call to remembrance a notable syllogis- 
me (or argument) sett forth be ane famouss preachour, callit John 
Knox, in his sermon againis the mess, in manner as efter followis." 
And having quoted the first syllogism, as already expressed in this 
note, he answers: "As to the first part of his syllogisme, quhar he 
dois affirme all worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of marine 
without express command of God to be ydolatrie, it is als falss as 
Goddis wourd is trew ; for quhy] did not Abel, Abraham, .\oe, and 
diuerse vtheris of the aulde fatheris, inuent meanis and ways to the 
worschipping of God, without expres commande of God, and wes ac- 
ceptable to the Lord God, as the Aulde Testament techis ws ! Did 
not Cornelius centurio in likewise inuent meanis and ways to the 
worschipping of God, without expres commande of God, quhilk wes 
acceptable to God, as the New Testament plainly teachis ws 1 Thus 
ma we clearlie persaue that this wickit syllogisme aboue rehersit is 
express againis the Scripture of Almychtie God, bayth Aulde Testa- 
ment and New. Secundlie, to preve his fals and wickit syllogisme, 
impropirlie caillis he to remembrance the Scripture of Almychti God, 
quhare mentione is maid how King Saule made sacrifice unto God of 
his owne brayne, and wes nocht acceptable to the Lorde God. Mark 
this place of the scripture, and it sal be easely persavit that it is all 
wayis impropirlie appliit ; for quhy, his syllogisme makis mentione of 
the worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of manne, without ex- 
pres commande of God ; and this place of Scripture testifeis plainly 
of the worschipping of God inuentit be the brayne of manne, express 
contrar to the commande of God. And sua may we clearlie vnderstand 
that this first part of his syllogisme differis far fre the testimonie of 
Scripture, adducit be him forconfirmatione of the samin ; bicaus thair 
is ane grete difference betuix the worschipping of God inuentit be 
manne, without express commande of God, and the worschipping of 
God inuentit be manne, express contrar to the commande of God; the 
ane may neuer stand with the Scripture; the vther aggreis with the 
Scripture, bayth Aulde Testament and New, as I haif all reddy declarit." 
In fine the abbot insists that Saul " committit na ydolatrie," for " albeit 
the Scripture dois affirme that stubborness is as the wicketnes of ydol- 
atrie nochttheles stubbornes is nocht ydolatrie." Ane Oratioune set 
forth be Master Ouintine Kennedy, Commendatour of Crosraguell, 
ye zeir of Gode 1561, pp. 5 — 8. Edinburgh, 1812. 



Note Q.. p. 67. 

Changes on the English Liturgy. — In the Communion-Book, as set 
forth in 1548, the words pronounced by the minister at delivering the 
bread were, " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given 
for thee, preserve thy body and soul into everlasting life ;" and at the 
delivery of the cup, " The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was 
shed for thee preserve," &c. As altered in the corrected Prayer Book 
of Edward VI. the words pronounced were, ' Take and eat this in re- 
membrance that Christ died for thee; and feed on him in thy heart by 
faith — Drink this in remembrance Christ's blood was shed for thee, 
and be thankful." A rubric was also added, to be read at the cele- 
bration of the communion, declaring that, although the posture of 
kneeling was retained to signify our humble and grateful acknow- 



NOTES. 407 

ledgment of the benefits of Christ, and to prevent pr< fanation and 
disorder; yet "no adoration is intended or ought to be done, either to 
the sacramental bread and wine there bodily received, or unto any 
corporal presence of Christ's natural flesh and blood ; for the bread 
and wine retained their natural substances, and Christ's natural body 
was in heaven, and could not be in more places than one at the same 
time." Collier, ii. 310: Records, No. 70. 

In the settlement of religion, at the commencement of Elizabeth's 
reign, the old form of words at delivering the elements was superin- 
duced upon the new, which, like the patching of old and new cloth in 
a garment, marred the whole, and pleased neither Protestants nor 
Papists; and the rubric, explanatory of kneeling, was thrown out. 
At the restoration of Charles II. " the Church thought fit," says Collier, 
"to condescend so far as to restore the rubric of King Edward's 
reign," to please " some people either of weak judgments or conten- 
tious humours." A piece of condescension, with which the historian 
pretty plainly intimates his dissatisfaction. In the liturgy, which was 
attempted to be imposed upon the Scottish Church in 1637, all the 
qualifications and explications in the last prayer-book of Edward VI. 
were completely excluded, and various expressions, postures, and 
gestures, favourable to the Popish notions and superstitions, were un- 
blushingly borrowed from the mass-book. But the rulers of the 
Church in the three kingdoms were then posting fast to Rome, when 
they were overturned in their mad career. 



Note R, p. 78. 

Sentiments of English Reformers respecting the government and 
worship of the Church. — I shall endeavour to compress the body of 
evidence which can be produced for the conformity between the pri- 
vate sentiments of the English reformers respecting worship and 
church-government, and those of Knox, along with the reformers of 
Switzerland and Geneva. Hooper, in a letter dated Feb. 8, 1550, in- 
forms Bullinger that " the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of 
Rochester, Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and Bath, were sincerely bent 
on advancing the purity of doctrine, agreeing in all things with the 
Helvetic churches," Burnet, iii. 201. Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, 
in a letter to Gualter, Feb. 4, 1573, fervently exclaims, "O! would to 
God, would to God, once at last, all the English people would in good 
earnest, propound to themselves to follow the Church of Zurich as the 
most absolute pattern." Strype's Annals, ii. 286, 342. 

Cranmer expressed his opinion formally in writing, that "the bish- 
ops and priests were at one time, and were no two things, but both 
one office in the beginning of Christ's religion." — " The Bishop of St. 
David's, my lord elect of Westminster, Dr. Cox, Dr. Redman, say 
that at the beginning they were all one." Collier, ii. Records, No, 49. 
Burnet, i. Append, pp. 223 — 225. Thirteen bishops, with a great num- 
ber of other ecclesiastics, subscribed this proposition, " that in the 
New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinc- 
tions in orders, but only of deacons or ministers, and of priests or bish- 
ops." Burnet, ut supra, p. 324. Cranmer says, "In the New Testa- 
ment, he that is appointed a bishop or a priest needeth not consecra- 
tion, by the Scripture, for election or appointment thereto is suffi- 
cient." And of the same judgment was the Bishop of St David's. 
Ibid. 228, 230. Latimer and Hooper maintained the identity of bish- 
ops and presbyters, by divine institution. Voetii. Polit. Eccles. torn 
ii. p 837 This was also the opinion of Pilkington, Bishop of Dur 



408 NOTES. 

ham. Treatise on the burning of St Paul's, apud Cald. Altare Dam- 
ascenum, p. 204. Bishop Jewel assents to it in his Answer to Har- 
ding, p. 121. And on the accession of Elizabeth, he expressed his 
hope, that "the bishops would become pastors, labourers, and watch- 
men, and that the great riches of bishoprics would be diminished and 
reduced to mediocrity, that, being delivered from regal and courtly 
pomp, they might take care of the flock of Christ." Burnet, iii. 288. 
In the same year, Dr. Aylmer addressed the right reverend bench in 
these terms : " Come off, you bishops, away with your superfluities, 
yield up your thousands, be content with hundreds, as they be in other 
reformed churches, where there be as great learned men as you are. 
Let your portion be priestlike and not princelike. Let the queen have 
the rest of your temporalities and other lands to maintain these war- 
res which you procured, and your mistresse left her; and with the 
reste builde and found scholes thorow out the realme : that every 
parishe church may have his preacher, every city his superintendent, 
to live honestly and not pompously; which will never be onles your 
landes be dispersed and bestowed upon many which now feedeth and 
fatteth but one. — I would our countryman Wicliefe's boke which he 
wrote, De Ecclesia, were in print, and there should you see that your 
wrinches and cavillations be nothing worthie. It was my chaunce to 
happen of it in ones hand that brought it out of Bohemia." An Harbo- 
rowe for Faithful and Trew Subjects, sig. O, 4. Cranmer expressed 
himself in a similar strain respecting the "glorious titles, styles, and 
pomps," which were come into the Church through the working of the 
spirit of Diotrephes, and professed his readiness to lay them aside. 
Strype's Cranmer, Append, p. 20. Burnet, iii. 105. Append, p. 88. In 
fact, the title of bishop was very generally disused in common speech 
during the reign of Edward VI. and that of superintendent substituted 
in its place. And this change of style was vindicated by Ponet, Bishop 
of Winchester, in an answer which he published to a Popish writer. 
Strype's Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 444, 445. 

It was proposed by Cranmer to erect courts similar to the kirk-ses- 
sions and provincial synods afterwards introduced into the Scottish 
Church. Burnet, iii. 214. Reformatio Leg. Eccles. cap. 8, 10. He 
ardently wished the suppression of prebendaries, "an estate," he said, 
"which St. Paule, reckoning up the degrees and estates allowed in 
his time, could not find in the Church of Christ." Burnet, iii. Ap- 
pend, pp. 157, 158. All the Protestant bishops and divines in the 
reign of Edward VI. were anxious for the introduction of ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline. Dr. Cox (Oct. 5, 1552) complains bitterly of the opposi- 
tion of the courtiers to this measure, and says, that, if it. was not 
adopted, "the kingdom of God would be taken away from them.'' 
Latimer's Sermons, fol. cix. b. Lond. 1570. Strype's Memor. of the 
Reform, ii. 356. Repository of Orig. p. 150. 

Cranmer and his colleagues were far from being satisfied with the 
purity of the last Common Prayer Book of Edward; and the primate 
had drawn up one which is said to have been "an hundred times 
more perfect." Troubles at Franckfort, p. 50. He and Ridley in- 
tended to procure an act for abolishing the sacerdotal habits; "for 
they only defended their lawfulness, buf not their fitness." Burnet's 
Letters respecting Switzerland, &c. p. 52. Rotterdam, 1686. When 
Grindal was appointed to the bishopric of London, he " remained 
under some scruples of conscience about some things, especially the 
habits and certain ceremonies required to be used of such as were 
bishops. For the reformed in these times." says Strype, "generally 
went upon the ground, that, in order to the complete freeing of tie 
Church of Christ from the errors and corruptions of Rome, eve)y 



NOTES. 40S 

usage and custom practised by that apostate and idolatrous Church 
should be abolished, — and that the service of God should be most 
simple, stript of all that show, pomp, and appearance, that had been 
customarily used before, esteeming all that to be no better than super- 
stitious and anti-christian." Life of Grindal, p. 28. Horn and others 
had the same views and scruples. " By the letters," says Bishop Bur- 
net, "of which I read the originals, [in the archives of Zurich,] it ap- 
pears, that the bishops preserved the habits rather in compliance with 
the queen's inclinations, than out of any liking they had to them ; so 
far were they from liking, that they plainly expressed their dislike of 
them." Burnet's Letters, ut supra, p. 51. Before they accepted the 
office, they endeavoured to obtain the abrogation of the ceremonies ; 
and when the act enjoining them passed, they were induced to com- 
ply chiefly by their fears that Papists or Lutherans would be put into 
their places. Strype's Annals, i. 175. Burnet, ii. 376, and his Sermon 
on Ps. cxlv. 15, preached before the House of Commons, Jan. 1688. 
Cox writes to Bullinger, 5th May, 1551, "I think all things in the 
church ought to be pure and simple, removed at the greatest distance 
from the pomps and elements of the world. But in" this our church 
what can I do in so low a station 7" Strype's Memor. of the Reform, 
ii. 305. Burnet, iii. 202. Jewel, in a letter to Martyr, Nov. 5, 1559, 
calls the clerical habits "a stage-dress," (;vestis scenica,) to which those 
alone were attached who " had nothing else to recommend them to 
the people, but a comical dress," — " stipites sine ingenio, sine doctrina, 
sine moribus, veste saltern comica volebant populo commendari." He 
engages that no exertions of his should be wanting to banish utterly 
these ridiculous trifles, "ludicris ineptiis," and relics of the Amorites. 
as his correspondent (he says) had well designed them. And, at a 
period still later, (Feb. 8, 1566,)he writes to Bulhnger, that he " wished 
that the very slightest footsteps of popery might be removed out of 
the church and minds of men ; but the queen would at that time suffer 
no change in religion." Burnet, iii. Append, p. 291. ii. Append, p. 351. 
Strype's" Annals, i. 174. Grindal and Horn wrote to Zurich, that they did 
not approve of, but merely suffered, kneeling in the eucharist, and sign- 
ing with the cross in baptism, with some other ceremonies, hoping that 
they would speedily obtain their abrogation. Burnet, ii. 310, 314. 
As to Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, Pilkington of Durham, and Sands 
of Worcester, the non-conformists bear testimony, that these prelates 
discovered the greatest zeal in endeavouring to procure their abroga- 
tion. Ibid. iii. 316. The most respectable of the clergy in the lower 
house were of the same sentiments with the bishops on this subject. 
In the year 1562, the abrogation of the most offensive ceremonies was, 
after long reasoning, put to the vote in the convocation, and carried 
by a majority of those present, but, when the proxies were included, 
there was found a majority of one for retaining them. The argu- 
ments used by Archbishop Parker's chaplains to prevail upon the 
house to agree to this, derived their chief force from their being un- 
derstood to be the sentiments of the queen. Burnet, ii. Append, pp. 
319, 320. Strype's Annals, i. 298—300. 

From theselfacts (and a collection much more ample could easily oe 
made) the reader will see who were the first puritans, and how very 
different the sentiments of the English reformers were from those of 
their successors. Those good men who had the direction of ecclesi- 
astical affairs in the reign of Edward VI. thought it most prudent to 
proceed gradually and slowly, in removing the abuses, and correct- 
ing the evils, which had overspread the Church; and to indulge the 
people for a season with those external forms to which they had been 
habituated, that t/.ey might draw them more easily from their super- 
35 B2 



no NOTES. 

stitious notions and practices, and in due time perfect the reformat i< r. 
to the satisfaction of all. The plan was plausible ; but its issue was 
very different from what was intended by those who proposed it. 
Nor was this unforeseen by persons who wished well to the Church 
of England. After the bishops had resolved to rest satisfied with the 
establishment which they obtained, and felt themselves disturbed by 
the complaints of the puritans, (as they were afterwards called,) they 
endeavoured to engage the foreign divines on their side; and having, 
by partial representations, and through the respect entertained for 
the government of England, obtained letters from them somewhat 
favourable to their views, they employed these to bear down such as 
pleaded for a more pure reformation. Whitgift made great use of 
this weapon in his controversy with Cartwright. Bishop Parkhurst 
wrote to Gualter, a celebrated Swiss divine, cautioning him on this 
head, adding, that he had refused to communicate some of Gualter's 
letters to Whitgift; because, "if an}' thing made for the ceremonies, 
he presently clapped it into his book and printed it." Strype's Annals, 
•i. 286, 287. But these divines had formerly delivered their unbiassed 
judgment, disapproving of such temporizing measures. Cranmer 
having signified to theGenevese Reformer, that he "could do nothing 
more profitable to the church, than to write often to the king," Calvin 
wrote a letter to the archbishop in 1551, in which he lamented the 
procrastination used, and expressed his fears, that " a long winter 
would succeed to so many harvests spent in deliberation." Epist. p. 
02; Oper. torn. ix. Strype's Cranmer, p. 413. Peter Martyr, in June, 
1550, gave it as his opinion, that "the innumerable corruptions, infi- 
nite abuses, and immense superstition, could be reformed only by a 
simple recurrence to the pure fountain, and unadulterated original 
principles." And the prudential advice, that as few changes as pos- 
sible should be made, he called "a device of Satan, to render the re- 
gress to Popery more easy." Burnet, iii. Append, p. 200. Gualter, 
in a letter dated Jan. 16, 1559, says, that such advices, though "ac- 
cording to a carnal judgment full of modesty, and apparently condu- 
cive to the maintenance of concord," were to be ascribed to " the pub- 
lic enemy of man's salvation;" and he prophetically warns those who 
suffered abuses to remain and strengthen themselves in England, that 
"afterwards they would scarcely be able to eradicate them by all 
their efforts and struggles." Ibid. iii. 273. Append, p. 265. 

Fuller says, that the English Reformers " permitted ignorant people 
to retain some fond customs, that they might remove the most danger- 
ous and destructive superstitions; as mothers, to get children to part 
with knives, are content to let them play with rattles.' 1 '' Very good ; 
but if children are suffered to play too long with rattles, they are in 
great danger of not parting with them all their days. 



Note S, p. 79. 

Plan of Edward VI. for advancing- the Reformation of the Church 
of England. — A plan of improvements in the English Church, which 
Edward VI. drew with his own hand, may be seen in Strype's Me- 
morials of the Reformation, ii. 341—343. He was desirous of the 
establishment of ecclesiastical discipline, but sensible that the incum- 
bent bishops were in general of such a description as to be unfit for its 
exercise. " Some for papistry," says he. " some for ignorance, some for 
their ill-name, some for all these, are men unable to execute discipline." 
Accordingly, he adds, "as for discipline, I would wish no authority 
given generally to all bishops; but that commission be given to those 



NOTES. 411 

of the best sort of them to exercise it in ;neir dioceses." King Ed- 
ward's Remains. Burnet, ii. Records, p. 69. 

Omitting other proofs of his intentions, I shall produce the decisive 
one of his conduct towards the foreign churches settled in London 
under the inspection of John A Lasco. A Lasco was a Polish noble- 
man, who had forsaken his native country from love to the reformed 
religion. In his youth, he enjoyed the friendship of Erasmus, who, in 
one of his letters, passes a high encomium on him. " Senux, juvenis 
convictu, factus sum melior; ac sobrietatem, temperantiam, verecun- 
diam, linguae moderationem, modestiam, prudentiam, integritatem, 
quam juvenis a sene discere debuerat, a juvene senex didici." Erasmi 
Epist. lib. 28, ep. 3. He was offered two bishoprics, one in his native 
country, and another in Hungary ; but he rejected both, and, retiring 
into Friesland, became pastor of a Protestant congregation at Embden. 
Gerdes. Hist. Reform, iii. 145 — 150. The Protestant churches in the 
Low Countries being dissipated in consequence of the troubles pro- 
duced by the Interim, he came to England at the pressing invitation 
of Cranmer, and was chosen superintendent of the German, French, 
and Italian congregations erected in London, which consisted of be- 
tween 3000 and 4000 persons. Strype's Cranmer, pp. 234 — 241. 
Gerdes. ut sup. pp. 150, 235. 

A Lasco afterwards published an account of the form of government 
and worship used in these congregations, which greatly resembled 
that which was introduced into Scotland at the establishment of the 
Reformation. The affairs of each congregation were managed by a 
minister, ruling elders, and deacons; and each of these offices was 
considered as of divine institution. Ut infra, fol. i. 6, b. 11. The in- 
spection of the different congregations was committed to a superin- 
tendent, " who was greater only in respect of his greater trouble and 
care, not having more authority than the other elders, either as to 
the ministry of the word and sacraments, or as to the exercise of eccle- 
siastical discipline, to which he was subject equally with the rest" — 
"Cestuy est appelle, au preuilege du Roy, Superintendant, lequel est 
plus grand que les autres, seulement en ce qu' il a plus de peine et de 
soing que tous les autres, non Seulement. au gouuernement de toute 
P Eglise, mais aussy a la defendre cotre les effortz de tous ses aduer- 
saires, et a retenir vn consentement vnanime de tous, aux differens de 
la doctrine. D'a vantage il n' a point plus d' autorite que les autres 
Andes, au Ministere de la parole, et des sacremens, et en 1' usage de 
la discipline de 1' Eglise. a la quelle il est subiect come tous les autres. 
Et comme il a soing des autres au cause de son Ministere, parielle- 
ment il se soubmet au soing des autres, en P obeissance de la parole 
de Dieu, et obseruation de la discipline." Ut infra, fol. i. b. It is pro- 
per, however, to mention that A Lasco, although he allows no supe- 
riority of office or authority to superintendents, considers that they 
were of divine appointment, and that Peter held this rank among the 
apostles. "Premierement que la Ministere de Superintendant, ou In- 
specteur, est vne ordonnance diuine en P Eglise de Christ, instituee 
du Seigneur Iesus Christ etre les Apostres mesmes : quad il commanda 
a Pierre specialement, de confirmer ses autres freres en la foy. Et non 
pas qu' il luy ait donne autorite sur les autres Apostres: comme le 
Pape de Rome songe : mais qu' il failloit retenir en P Eglise vne puis- 
sance egalle de tous les Apostres, auec Pierre per vng certain ordre d' 
une solicitude, des vns pour les autres: ainsy que tres bien P enseigne 
sainct Ciprian martyr. Et aussy nous voyons manifestement, qu' un 
mesme Ministere est egalement attribue a tousles Anciens de P Eglise, 
qui sont nommez Inspecteurs, et en Grec Euesques. Nous entendons 
aussy lean et laques auoir tel honneur que Pierre en P Eglise de Ieru- 



41^ NO rES. 

salem. Mais a fin qu 1 il y ait quelque ordre, en vn mesme gouuerne 
ment Ecclesiastique, entre tous les Anciens, et que tout soit faict pa: 
ordre et honnestement, ii le faut commencer a vn. Or pour ce qu' ;1 
y a bien a faire de quelz, on doit cumencer le gouuernement en toute 
l'Eglise; ores que tous les Anciens ayent vne mesme puissance." 
Toute la forme et maniere de Ministere Ecclesiastique en 1' Eglise des 
estragers, dressee a Londies en Angleterre. Par M. Jean a Lasco, 
Baron de Polonie. Traduit de Latin en Francois et imprimee par 
Giles Clematius. 1556, fol. 8, b. 9, a. Imposition of hands was used in 
the ordination of superintendents, ministers, ruling elders, and deacons. 
Ibid. fol. 27, 31, 35. The communicants sat at the Lord's table, and A 
Lasco spends a number of pages in proving that this posture is prefer- 
able to kneeling. Fol. 80 — 88. In fine, he says, "We have laid aside 
all the relics of Popery, with its mummeries, and we have studied the 
greatest possible simplicity in ceremonies." Ibid. fol. 79, b. 

Notwithstanding these sentiments, and these pieces of disconfor- 
mity to the practice of the Church of England, A Lasco was held in 
the greatest esteem, and warmly patronized, not only by Cranmer. 
but also by the young king, who granted him letters patent, erecting 
him and the other ministers of the foreign congregations into a body 
corporate. The patent runs in these terms : "Edward, &c. We being 
specially induced, by great and weighty considerations, and par- 
ticularly considering how much it becomes Christian princes to be 
animated with loveand care of the sacred gospel of God, and apos- 
tolical religion, begun, instituted, and delivered by Christ himself, 
without which policy and civil government can neither subsist long 
nor maintain their reputation, unless princes and illustrious persons 
whom God hath appointed for the government of kingdoms, do first 
of all take care that pure and uncorrupted religion be diffused through 
the whole body of the commonwealth, and that a Church, instituted in 
truly Christian and apostolical doctrines and rites, be preserved, &c. 
with this intent and purpose, that there may be an uncorrupted inter- 
pretation of the holy gospel, and administration of the sacraments, ac- 
cording to the word of God, and Apostolical observance, by the minis- 
ters of the" Church of the Germans, &c. we command and strictly 
charge the mayor, &c. that they permit the said superintendent and 
ministers, freely and quietly to enjoy, use, and exercise their own pe- 
culiar ecclesiastical discipline, notwithstanding that they do not agree 
with the rites and ceremonies used in our kingdom," &c. The patent 
may be seen at large in Burnet, ii. Records, p. 202. 

But the ulterior design which the king intended to accomplish by the 
incorporation of this church, is what I have particularly in view. This 
is explicitly stated by A Lasco, in a book which he published in 1555. 
In his dedication of it to Sigismund, King of Poland, he says, "When 
I was called by that king, [Edward VI.] and when certain laws of the 
country stood in the way, so that the public rites of divine worship 
used under popery could not immediately be purged out (which the 
king himself desired ;) and when I was earnest for the foreign churches. 
it was at length his pleasure, that public rites of the English churches 
should be reformed by decrees, as far as could begot done by the laws 
of the country ; but that strangers, who were not strictly bound to 
these laws in this matter, should have churches granted unto them, in 
which they should freely regulate all things wholly according to apos- 
tolical doctrine and practice, without any regard to the rites of the 
country; that by this means the English churches also might be ex- 
cited to embrace the apostolical purity, by the unanimous consent of all 
the estates of the kingdom. Of this project, the kinir himself, from his 
great piety was both the chief author and the defender. For, although 



NOTES. 4 

it was almost universally acceptable to the king's council, and the 
-Archbishop of Canterbury promoted it with all his might, there were 
not wanting some who took it ill, and would have opposed it, had not 
his Majesty checked them by his authority, and the reasons which he 
adduced for the design." Again, in the Appendix to the same book, 
p. 649, he says, " The care of our Church was committed to us chiefly 
with this view, that in the ministration thereof, we should follow the 
rule of the divine word and apostolical observance, rather than any 
rites of other churches. In fine, we were admonished, both by the 
king himself, and his chief nobility, to use this great liberty granted to 
us in our ministry, rightly and faithfully, not to please men but for the 
glory of God, by promoting the reformation of his worship." The fol- 
lowing are the original words of the author : — "Cum ego quoque per 
Regem ilium vocatus essem: et leges quaedam patriae obstarent, quo- 
minus publici potissimum cultus divini ritus sub papismo usurpati 
(pro eo ac rex ipse cupiebat) repurgari protinus possent; ego vero 
peregrinorum ecclesiis sedulo instarem, ita demum placuit, ut ritus 
publici in Anglicis Ecclesiis per gradus quosdam (quantum per leges 
patrias omnino liceret) repurgarentur : Peregrinis vero hominibus 
(qui patriis hac alioqui in parte legibus non usque adeo tenerentur) 
ecclesiae concederentur in quibus omnia libere, et nulla rituum patri- 
orum habita ratione (juxta doctrinam duntaxit atque observationem 
apostolicam) instituerentur, ita enim fore, ut Anglican quoque ecclesiae 
ad puritatem apostolicam amplectendam unanimi omnium regni or- 
dinum consensu excitarentur. Ejus vero consilii rex ipsemet (pro sua 
pietate) praecipuus non autor tantum, sed etiam propugnator fuit. Etsi 
enim id in senatu regio omnibus propemodum placeret, ipseque Can- 
tuariensis archiepiscopus rem omnibus modis promoveret; non dee- 
rant tamen qui id moleste ferrent, adeoque et reluctaturi fuerint huic 
instituto regio, nisi rex ipse, non tantum authoritate sua restitisset: 
sed productis etiam instituti hujus rationibus conatus eorum repres- 
sisset." De Ordinatione Ecclesiarum peregrinarum in Anglia. Epist. 
Dedicat. p. 649. Larger extracts from this work may be seen in Voetil 
Politica Ecclesiastica, torn. i. 420—422. 

Had Mr. Gilpin been acquainted with these facts, he would have 
spoken with a little more moderation and respect concerning this ac- 
complished reformer, than he has done in the following passage. " By 
the favour of Edward VI. he was allowed to open a church for the use 
of his own persuasion. But he made only a bad use of this indulgence ; 
interfering very impertinently in the controversies then on" foot." 
Gilpin's Lives of Latimer and Gilpin, p. 243, Lond. 1780. Writers who, 
.ike Gilpin, deal in abridgments, should be very cautious and sparing 
in the reflections which they make on characters, as they are apt to 
mislead their readers, without furnishing them with the facts which 
would serve to correct their mistakes. 



Note T, p. 80. 

Chaplains of Edward VI. — The following account of the freedom 
used by the chaplains of Edward VI. in reproving the vices of the 
courtiers, is given by Knox, in his " Letters to the Faithful in London," 
&c. I quote" from the MS. 

"How boldlie thair synis wer rebukeit, even in thair faces, sucheas 
wer present can witnes with me. Almost thair wesnone that occupyit 
the place [pulpit] but he did prophesie, and planelie speake, the plaguis 
that ar begun, and assuredlie sail end. Mr. Grindal planelie spak the 
deth of the kingis maieste, complayninsr on hishoushald servandis and 
35* 



414 NOTES. 

officeris, who nether eschameit nor feirit to raill aganis Godis trew 
word, and aganis the preacheris of the same. The godlie and fervent 
man, maister Lever, planelie spak the desolatioun of the commoun weill, 
and the plaguis whilk suld follow schortlie. Maister Bradfurde (whome 
God, for Chrystis his Sonis sake, comfort to the end) spared not tho 
proudest, hut boldlie declareit that Godis vengence suld schortlie 
stryke thame that than wer in autoritie, becaus they abhorrit and 
lothed the trew word of the everlasting God. And amangis many 
uther willit thame to tak exempill be the lait duck of Somerset, who 
became so cald in hering Godis word, that the yier befoir his last ap- 
prehensioun, hie wald ga visit his masonis, and wald not dingyie* 
himself to ga from his gallerie to his hall for hering of asermone. God 
punnissit him (said the godlie preacher,) and that suddanlie; and sail 
hie spair you that be dowbill mair wickit 1 No; hie sail not.f VVill ye, 
or will ye not, ye shall drink the cupe of the Lordis wrath. Judicium 
domini ! judicium domini ! the judgment of the Lord ! the judgment of 
the Lord ! lamentabillie cryit hie, with weipping teiris. Maister Had- 
den most learnedlie opinit the causis of the bypast plagis, affirmyng 
that the wors were to follow, unless repentance suld schortlie be found. 
Thir things, and mekill mair 1 hard planelie spokin, efter that the haill 
counsalehad said, they wald heir no mo of thair sermonis; they wer 
but indifferent fellowis; ye, and sum of thame eschameit not to call 
them pratting knaves. But now will I not speik all that I knaw, for yf 
God continew my lyfe in this trubill, I intend to prepair ane dischefor 
suche as than led the ring in the gospell , but now thay haif bene at 
the scule of Placebo, and amangis laddis [ladies] hes learnit to dance, 
as the devill list to pype !" pp. 120, 121. 

With Knox's representation exactly agrees the affecting " Lamen- 
tation for the change of religion in England," composed in prison by 
Bishop Ridley, in which he names our countryman, along with Lati- 
mer, Lever, and Bradford, as distinguishing themselves by the faith- 
fulness and boldness with which they censured the vices which reigned 
at court. I would willingly make extracts from it, but must refer the 
reader to the paper itself, which he will find inserted at large in the 
account of the bishop's trial and martyrdom, by Fox, p. 1614 — 1620. 
Edit. anno. 1596. 

Grindal was an exile during the reign of Mary, and, under Eliza- 
beth, was made successively Bishop of London, Archbishop of York, 
and Archbishop of Canterbury. Thomas Lever was a very learned 
man, and Master of St. John's College, Cambridge. He was Knox's 
colleague at Frankfort. Upon the accession of Elizabeth, he was ad- 
mitted to a prebend in the cathedral of Durham, but was afterwards 
deprived of it on account of non-conformity. He seems to have been 
allowed to preach through the country, and, in 1577, died Master of 
Sherburn Hospital. Some of his sermons are in print. Troubles of 
Franckfort. pp. 13—28. Strype's Parker, p. 212. App. 77. Grindal, 
170. Annals, iii. 512 — 514. Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 594. John 
Bradford was in prison when Knox wrote the above account of him, 
and was soon after committed to the flames. James Haddon had been 
chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, and went to Strasburg at the death 
of Edward VI. He was chosen, along with Knox, to be one of the 
ministers of the English Church at Franckfort, but declined accepting 
the office. Troubles of Franckfort, 13, 16, 23. Strype's Annals, ii. 
Appen 1 p. 46. 

* i. e. deign: n the printed copies it is "disease himself." 
t The printed opies are unintelligible here. 






NOTES. 415 



Note U, p. 82. 

The Confession or Prayer, composed and used by Knox, after the 
death of Ed ward VI. and the accession of Mary, shows the state of his 
mind at that crisis, and refutes the unfounded charges of the Popish, 
and of some Episcopal writers, that he was guilty of stirring up rebel- 
lion against the queen. I extract it from his treatise on Prayer, printed 
in 1554, which is now exceedingly rare. 

" Omnipotent and everlasting God, father of our Lorde Jesus Chryste, 
who be thy eternal providence, disposeth kingdoms as best seameth 
to thy wisdom, we acknowledge and confesse thy judgmentis to be 
righteous, in that thou hast taken from us, for our ingratitude, and for 
abusinge of thy most holy word, our native king, and earthly com- 
forter. Justly may thou poure forth upon us the uttermoste of thy 
plagues; for that we have not knowen the dayes and tymes of our 
merciful visitacion. We have contempned thy worde, and de- 
spised thy mercies. We have trangressed thylawes: for deceitfully 
have we wrought everie man with our neighbours; oppression and 
violence we have not abhorred ; charitie hath not appeared among us, 
as our profession requireth. We have little regarded the voices of thy 
prophets ; thy threatnings we have esteemed vanitie and wynd : so 
that in us, as of ourselfis, restis nothing worthy of thy mercies. For 
all are found frutless, even the princes with the prophets, as withered 
trees apt and mete toe be burnt in the fyre of thy eternal displeasure. 
But, O Lord, behold thy own mercy and goodness, that thou may 
purdge and remove the most filthy burden of oure most horrible 
offences. Let thy love overcome the severitie of thyjudgmentis, even 
as it did in geving to the world thy onely Sonne Jesus when all man- 
kynde was lost, and no obedience was lefte in Adam nor in his sede. 
Regenerate our hartes, O Lord, by the strength of the Holy Ghost. 
Convert thou us, and we shall be converted. Work thou in us un- 
feigned repentance, and move thou our hartes too obey thy holy lawes. 
Behold our trobles and apparent destruction ; and stay the sword of 
thy vengeaunce, before it devoure us. Place above us, O Lord, for thy 
great mercies sake, such a head, with such rulers and magistrates, as 
feareth thy name, and willeth the glory of Christ Jesus to spred. Take 
not from us the light of thy euangely, and suffer thou no papistrie to 
prevail in this realme. Illuminate the harte of our soveraigne ladye, 
quene Marie, with prignant gifts of thy Holy Ghoste. And inflame 
the hartes of her counsayl with thy trew fear and love. Represse thou 
the pryde of those that wolde rebelle. And remove from all hartes the 
contempte of the worde. Let not our enemies rejoyce at our destruc- 
tion ; but loke thou too the honor of thy own name, O Lorde, and let 
thy gospell be preached with boldnes in this realme. If thy justice 
must punish, then punish our bodies with the rodde of thy mercy. 
But, O Lord, let us never revolte nor turne backe to idolatrie agayne. 
Mytigate the hartes of those that persecute us, and let us not faynte 
under the crosse of our Saviour; but assist us with the Holy Ghoste, 
even to the end." 

Note V, p. 99. 

Call and Invitation to Knox from the English Congregation at 
Pranckfort. — " We haue receiued letters from oure brethren off 
Strausbrough, but not in suche sorte and ample wise as we looked 
for, wheruppon we assembled together in the H. Goaste we hope, and 
haue with one voice and consent chosen yow so particulerly to be one 



41G NOTES. 

off the ministers off our congregation here, to preache vnto vs the 
most liuely worde off God, accordinge to the gift that God hathe giuen 
you, for as much as we haue here throughe the merciful goodnes off 
God achurche to be congregated together in the name off Christe 
and be all off one body7 and also beinge of one natio, tonge, anc 
countrie. And at this presente, hauing neede off suche a one as yow 
we do desier yow, and also require yow in the name off God not tc 
deny vs, nor to refuse theis oure requests, but that yow will aide, 
helpe, and assiste vs with your presence in this our good and godlie 
enterprise, which we haue take in hand to the glorie off God and the 
profit off his congregation and the poore sheepe off Christ disperse* I 
abroad who withe your and like presences, woulde come hither and 
be of one folde, where as nowe they wander abroad as loste sheepe. 
without anie gide. We mistruste not that yow will ioifully aecepte 
this callinge. Fare ye well from Franckford this 24. off September. 

" Your louinge brethern, 
Iohn Bale 
Edmond Sutton 
Iohn Makebraie. 

William VVhittingham Thomas wood Mighell Gill 

Thomas Cole Iohn Stanton Iohn Samford 

William Williams William Walton Iohn Wood 

George Chidley Jasper swyft Thomas Sorby 

Wilham Hammon Iohn Geofrie Anthony Cariar 

Thomas Steward Iohn Graie Hugh Alforde." 

A Brief! Di scours off the Troubles begonne at Franckford in Ger- 
many Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the Booke of Common prayer 
and Ceremonies. Pag. xix. xx. Printed 1575. 



Note W. p. 105. 
Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? 

Knox was accused by the English exiles of High Treason, because 
he charged Queen Mary with cruelty, and said that the Emperor was 
as greal an enemy to Christ as Nero. But his accusers, it might 
easily be shown, used stronger language on this subject than ever he 
did. Mr. Strype informs us that tlie Protestants who felt and outlived 
the persecution of Mary, used the very worst epithets in speaking of 
her character. Memorials of the Reform, iii. 472. We need no other 
proof of this than the Oration composed by John Hales, and pro- 
nounced by a nobleman before Queen Elizabeth, at her entrance upon 
the government. Speaking of the late persecution under Mary, the 
orator exclaims, "O cruelty! cruelty ! far exceeding all crueltys com- 
mitted by those ancient and famous tyrants, and cruel murderers, 
Pharaoh, Herod, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Maximine, Dioclesian, 
Decius; whose names for their cruel persecution of the people of God. 
and their own tyranny practised on the people, have been, lie. and 
ever shall be in perpetual hatred, and their souls in continual tor- 
ments in hell." The late Queen he calls " Athalia, malicious Man/, 
unnatural woman ; no, no woman, but a monster, and the Devil of hell 
covered with the shape of a woman?'' See Works of the Rev. Samue' 
Johnston, p. 144. 

Nor did they speak in more civil terms of foreign princes. Take 



NOTES. 417 

for an example, the invective of Aylmer against the French king, 
Henry II. "Is he a king or a devil, a Christian, or a Lucifer, that bi 
his cursed confederacie so encourageth the Turke ! Oh ! wicked catife 
and fierebrand of hell, which, for th' increasing of his pompe and vayn 
glory, (which he shall not long enjoy,) wil betray Christ and his cross, 
to his mortal enemy. Oh, foolish Germains ! which see not their own 
undoing, which conspire not together with the rest of Christian prin- 
ces to pull such a traytour to God, and his kingdom, by the eares out 
of France, and hang him against the sonne a drying. The devil! hath 
none other of his sede no we but him, to maintain both the spiritual 
and the temporall antichryste, the Pope and the Turke. Wherefore 
seeing he hath forsaken God, lyke an apostata, and sold himself to the 
devil, let us not doubte but God will be with us against him, whenso- 
ever he shall seek to wrong us ; and I trust he will now, in the latter 
age of the worlde, show his myght in cuttynge of this proude Holo- 
fernes' head by the handes of our Judith. Oh ! blessed is that man 
that loseth his lyfe against such a Termagaunt ! Yea, more blessed 
shall they be that that "spend their lyves against him than against bu 
great maister, the Turke: for the Turke never understode the cros.3 
of Christ ; but this Turkish apostata is named a devellis name, Chris- 
tianissimus, and is in the very heart of Christendome, and lyke a 
traiterous Saracene, is Christ's enemy." Harborowe for Faithfull 
Subjects, Q,. 1. Strasborowe, 1559. 

I do not find Collier, nor other high-church historians, quoting or 
commenting upon such language. On the contrary, Aylmer is praised 
by them for "his handsome pen," while every opportunity is taken to 
inveigh against the virulence of our Reformer. We may safely chal- 
lenge them to prove that he ever indulged in language so intemperate, 
or so disrespectful to princes, as that which I have just quoted. 



NoteX, p. 113. 

Canons of Scottish Councils. — " When a house is in flames," says 
Lord Hailes, " it is vain to draw up regulations for the bridling of joists 
or the sweeping of chimneys." Such was the situation of the Popish 
Church in Scotland, when the clergy began to speak of reforming 
abuses. The 21st canon of the council which met in 1549, ordains 
that there should be a reader of theology in each cathedral church, 
whose lectures should be attended b)? the bishop and canons, " si vo- 
luntas fuerit;" and also a lecturer on canon law. The 22d canon de- 
crees that there should be a lecturer on theology in each monastery. 
Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 52. The 26th canon enjoins the rectors of uni- 
versities to see that the students are well instructed in Latin grammar 
and in logic. The 28th appoints the ordinaries to call all the curates 
within their bounds before them, to examine them anew, and to reject 
those who are found insufficient for their office. The last eight ca- 
nons were intended to regulate the consistorial courts. Ibid. pp. 53, 
58, 59. To the 14th canon of the council which sat in 1551-2, we owe 
the establishment of our parochial registers of proclamation of banns 
and baptisms. After renewing former statutes against clandestine 
marriages, and in favour of proclamation of banns of marriage, the 
canon goes on to enact, " Ut singuli curati deinceps habeant regist- 
rum, in quo nomina infantum baptizatorum inscribantur, una cum 
nominibus personarum, quae talium baptizatorum parentes communi- 
ter habentur et reputantur. nee non compatrum et commatrum, cum 
die, anno, mense, adscriptis etiam duobus testibus notent; quod etiam 
ipsum in bannorum proclamationibus servetur, quas pragsens conven- 
es 



418 NOTES. 

tio in erclesiis parochialibus tarn viri quam mulieris respective, si di- 
versariim fuerint parochiarum, fieri niandat ; quae equidem registra 
inter pretiosissima ecclesise jucalia conservari vult et praecipit, quod- 
que decani in suis visitationibus desuper diligentem indaginem faciant. 
et deficientes ad commissarios referant, ut graviter in eosdem ani- 
madvertatur." Wilkins, ut sup. pp. 71, 72. 

The 6th canon enacts regulations respecting testaments. On this 
subject, the following quotation, from the proceedings of a council in 
1420, will serve to explain the canon which modified the exaction of 
mortuaries, mentioned in p. 377. The clergy of each diocese reported 
on oath to the council, " That the practice was first to pay the debts 
of the deceased, and then to divide his effects into three equal por- 
tions, whereof one was given to his widow, and one to his children: 
That the executors bestoVed the remaining third in payment of lega- 
cies, and for the sou! of the deceased (pro exequiis et anima defuncti:) 
That of this third or dead's part (defuncti pars) the executors were 
wont to pay, or to compound with the ordinary, at the rate of five per 
cent for the expense of confirmation." Chartulary of Moray, apud 
Lord Haile"s Prov. Councils, p. 23. Besides the five per cent claimed 
by the bishop, we have already seen that the vicar had twenty per 
cent, even according to the mitigated arrangement, before any legacy 
was paid. No mention is made of the case of a person leaving neither 
wife nor children ; and there it was, says Lord Hailes, "that the clergy 
reaped their harvest." He might have added the case of persons 
dying intestate, to whom the bishops had the power of naming execu- 
tors. That was the golden age of the clergy, when they were under no 
necessity of instituting processes for augmentation from unexhausted 
teinds, or of count and reckoning to recover the use of funds destined 
to their support ! 



Note Y, p. 113. 

Of the Catechism commonly called Archbishop Hamilton's. — Very 
different and discordant accounts have been given of this book. My 
account is taken from the catechism itself, compared with the canon 
of the council which authorized its use. The title is as follows : — 

" The Catechisme, That is to say, ane comone and catholik instrue- 
tioun of the christin people in mater is of our catholic faith and reli- 
gioun, quhilk na gud christin man or woman suld misknaw: setfurth 
be ye maist reuerend father in God Johne Archbischop of sanct And- 
rous Legatnait and primat of ye kirk of Scotland, in his prouincial 
counsale haldin at Edinburgh the 26th day of Januarie the zeir of our 
Lord 1551, with the aduise and counsale of the bischoippis and other 
prelatis, with doctours of Theologie and Canon law of the said realme 
of Scotland present for the tyme. — S. Aug. libro 4 de trinitate, cap. 6. 
— Contra rationem nemo sobrius, contra scripturam nemo christianus, 
contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit. — Agane reasone na sober 
man, agane scripture na christin man, agane the kirk na peaceabil or 
quiet man will iudge, or hald opinoun." " On the back of the title are 
two copies of Latin verses, " Ad Pivm Lectorem." The title, preface 
by the archbishop, and " table of materis," are on thirteen leaves. 
The catechism begins on folio i. and ends on folio ccvi, after which 
there are three pages of errata, on the last of which is the following 
colophon. 0^/= " Prentit at .Sanct Androus, be the command and ex- 
pesis of the maist reuerend father in God, Johne Archbischop of sanct 
Androus, and primat of ye hail kirk of Scotland, the 29th day of Au- 
gust, the zeir of our Lord 1552." 



NOTES. 419 

The archbishop's epistle addressed to " Personis, Vicars, and Cu- 
rattis," prefixed to the catechism, informs us of its design and use. 
" First to your avvin erudition. — Secundly, According to the decreit 
maid in our prouincial counsale, our will is that ye reid ye saymn 
catechisme diligently, distinctly, and plainly, ilk ane of yow to your 
awin parochianaris for thair comon instructioun and spiritual edifica- 
tioun in the word of God. necessarie of thame to be knawin." The 
canon of the council provides that it be read " omnibus dominicis et 
festivis," which is thus explained in the close of the archbishop's epistle : 
" Euerilk Sonday and principal halydai, quehn yair commis na pre- 
cheour to thame to schaw thame the word of God, to haue yis cate- 
chisme usit and reid to yame in steid of preching, quhil [until] God of 
his gudnes prouide ane sufficient nowmer of catholyk and abil pre- 
cheouris, quhilk sal be within few yeiris as we traist in God." 

As it is entitled a catechism, was printed in the vulgar language, is 
said to be designed for the instruction of the people, and no prohibition 
of its use is mentioned in the book itself we might be apt to conclude, 
that it was intended to be circulated among the people, and to be pro- 
miscuously read ; and accordingly several writers have represented 
the matter in this light. But that this was very far from being the de- 
sign of those who approved and set it forth, is placed beyond all doubt 
by the directions which the council gave respecting it, both to the 
archbishop and to the clergy. " Cujus quidem libri exemplaria omnia, 
ubi excusa fuerint, praesentari ipsi reverendissimo mandat et ordinat 
praesens concilium, ut ipse singulas tam suis ecclesiasticis, quam aliis 
singulis locorum ordinariis, quot cuique diocesi pro rectorum, vica- 
riorum, ac curatorum numero et multitudine sufficere videntur, eis 
tribuat ; reliqua vero apud ipsum reverendissimum remaneant, et firma 
custodia serventur, prout tempus et necessitas postulaverint, disper- 
tienda. Caveant vero ipsi rectores, vicarii, et curati, ne sua exem- 
plaria secularibus quibusque indiscrete communicent, nisi ex judicio, 
concilio, et discretione sui ordinarii ; quibus ordinariis licebit nonnullis 
probis, gravibus, bona? fidei, ac discretis viris laicis, ejusdem catechismi 
exemplaria communicare, et iis potisimum, qui videbuntur potius sua? 
instructionis causa, quam curiositatis cujuscunque eadem expetere." 
Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 72. Lord Hailes had therefore reason for saying 
(in opposition to Mackenzie's tale to the archbishop allowing "theped- 
lers to take two pennies for their pains in hawking it abroad") that the 
council" uses as many precautions to prevent it from coming into the 
hands of the laity, as if it had been a book replete with the most pesti- 
lent heresy." Provincial Councils, p. 36. It would have been impru- 
dent to insert the prohibition in the book itself, copies of which, not- 
withstanding all their precautions, would come into the hands of im- 
proper persons ; but the canon of the council remained the rule for 
regulating the clergy in the use of it. Nor is there an}' thing in the 
catechism which is inconsistent with the canon, or which implies that 
it was to come into the hands of the people. It is all along supposed 
that they were to be instructed by hearing, not by reading it. This 
is particularly evident from the concluding address. " O Christin pepil, 
we exhort yow with all diligence, heir, understand, and keip in your 
remembrance, the haly wordis of God, quhilk in this present catechisme 
are trewly and catholykly exponit to your spiritual edification." And 
again : " Gif ye persaif be frequent heiring heirof your self spiritually 
instruckit mair than ye haue bein in tymes bygane, geue the thankis 
thairof only to God." 

If any of the hearers presumed to move any controversy respecting 
the passage read from the catechism, they were to be delivered over 
to the inquisitors, and no clergyman was allowed to answer their 



420 NOTES. 

questions, or to enter into any dispute with them on the si oject, un- 
less ne had a written licence for this from his bishop. "Hoc tamen 
proviso, ut non liceat cuiquam auditorum super lectis, aut modo quo 
supra recitatis, controversiam ipsi rectori seu vicario seu curatn 
movere. Et si aliquis id attentare praesumpserit deferatur inquisitori- 
bus haeretica3 pravitatis ; nee vicissim licebit ulli rectori, vicario, seu 
curato, nisi ad hoc ipsum (specialiter habita consideratione ipsius 
qualificationis) fuerit ab ordinario loci ei facultas concessa in scriptis, 
ullis controversias et qua^stiones hujusniodi moventibus desuper re- 
spondere, aut disputationes ingredi, sed mox respondeatur, se hujus- 
niodi disputationis resolutiones ad ipsos ordinarios remittere, et hoc 
sub poena privationis ab hujusmodi officio seu beneficio." Wilkins, 
ut supra, p. 73. 

The catechism consists of an explication of the ten commandments, 
the apostles' creed, the seven sacraments, the Lord's prayer, and the 
Ave Maria. Lord Hailes has animadverted on Keith for saying that 
the author shows " his wisdom and moderation in handsomely eviting 
to enter upon the controverted points ;" and he has given extracts 
from it asserting the doctrine of transubstantiation, the propriety of 
withholding the cup from the laity, and of prayers to the saints. 
Prov. Councils, pp. 35, 36. I may add, that the use of images in wor- 
ship, purgatory, prayers for the dead, the removal of original sin by 
baptism, the sinlessness of concupiscence after baptism, the mystical 
signification of the ceremonies practised in that ordinance, — the exor- 
cism, or blowing upon the child at the church door, and making the 
sign of the cross on its brow and breast, putting salt into its mouth, 
anointing its nostrils and ears with spittle, and its breast and back 
with oil, with the application of chrism to the forehead, the clothing 
of it with the cude, or white linen cloth, and putting a lighted torch o"r 
candle into its hand ; these, with other doctrines and ceremonies of 
the Popish Church, are all taught and vindicated. At the same time, 
while the opinions peculiar to Popery are stated and defended, there 
is an evident design of turning away the attention of the people from 
these controversies, by reminding them of their duty to "belief as the 
haly catholic kirk beliefis ;" and a great part of the book is occupied 
in declaring duties and general doctrines about which there was no 
dispute between Papists and Protestants. Considerable art is also 
used in introducing some of the most exceptionable articles of Popery 
under the cover of unquestionable truths. Thus, on the question, 
" Quhat things suld move us to belief the word of God I" The first 
reason which is given is, " Ye eternal and infallible veritie of God, fra 
whom na lesing may procede, na mair than myrknes may cum fra 
the cleir schenand sonne." But how gradually and artfully are the 
people led away from the Scriptures in what follows! "The secund 
thing that suld raoue us to belief the word of God, and to knaw quhilk 
is the worde of God, quhilk are the haly bukis quharin the word of 
God is contenit, and quhat is the trew sense of the same bukis, is ye 
consent and authoritie of our mother the haly kirk, ft a the apostils 
tyme hitherto, and specially quhen it is lawfully gadderit be the Haly 
Spirit in ane general counsel, quhairof sainct Augustine sais thus :— 
'I wold nocht gif credence to the euangel. except that the universal 
kirk warnis me sa to do.' And tharfor lair thir twa lessonis. The 
ane is, quhatsaeuir the haly spirit reuelis and schawis to us, other in 
the bukis of haly scripture, or in ye determinatiouns and definition/)* 
of general counselors, lawfully gadderit for the corroboracion and main- 
tenans of our faith, we suld belief ye same to be trew word of God, 
and thairto gyf ferme credence as to the verite that is infallible. The 



NOTES. 421 

second lesson, ye that ar simple and unleirnit men and wemen suld 
expressly belief al the artickils of your Crede, as for all uthir hie mis- 
teries and matteris of the scripture ye aucht to belief generally as the 
kirk of God beleiffis. And this faith is sufficient to yow, for the per- 
fectioun of that faith quhilk ye are bund to haif." Fol. xiv. b. xv. a. 
A specimen of the same kind occurs on the question, How is the true 
sense of the Scripture to be discerned 1 where, after being gravely 
taught the usefulness of collating one place with another, and attend- 
ing to the connection of the passage, the people are told that this be- 
longs to such as have the gift called interpretatio sermonum, and are 
then devoutly set down at the feet of the doctors of the Church, and 
taught implicitly to receive the decisions of councils, "Quharfor, he 
that will nocht heir, resaif, and obey ye deffinitionis and determina- 
tionis of lauchful general counsellis concerning materis of our faith, 
he is nocht to be accountit a trew Christin man, according to the 
wordis of our Salviour, — 'Gif he will nocht heir the kirk, lat him be to 
the as ane infidele, unchristinit, and ane publican.' Thus ye haif quha 
is ane herityk, and how he brekis the first command." Fol. xviii. 
b. xix. b. 

As all who question the infallible decisions of the Church are pro- 
nounced guilty of a breach of the first commandment, the Roman Ca- 
tholics are, with no less ease, exculpated from a breach of the second, 
by the insertion of a convenient parenthesis. The reader will observe, 
that, according to a division of the law first countenanced by Augus- 
tine, and of which the Popish Church is extremely fond, the first and 
second commandments are thrown into one, and, to make up the 
number, the tenth is split into two ; although the compilers of the cate- 
chism found it impracticable to keep to this last division in their ex- 
plication. The following is their enunciation of the first command- 
ment : " I am ye Lord thi God, quhilk hais brocht ye fra the land of 
Egypt, fra the house of bondage. Thow sail haif no other goddis but 
me, thou sal nocht make to thee (as gods) ony grauit ymage, nother ony 
similitude of ony thing that isin the heuin abone, or in ye erd beneth, nor 
of ony thing yat is in the watter under the erd. Thow sal nocht adore 
yame, nor worschip yame {as goddis.'''') Fol. xii. a. It is fair, however, to 
hear the explication which the authors of the catechism give respecting 
images. " Ar ymages aganis the first command 1 Na, sa thai be weil 
usit. Q,uhat is therycht use. of ymages J Imagis to be made na haly 
writ forbiddis (sais venerabil Bede) for the sycht of thame, specially 
of the crucifixe, giffis greit compunction to thame quhilk behaldis it 
with faith in Christ, and to yame that are unletterat, it geffis a quik re- 
membrance of ye passion of Christ. Salomon in tyme of his wisdom, 
nocht without the inspiration of God, made ymages in ye temple. 
Mosyes the excellent prophet and trew sernand of God, made and 
ereckit a brassin ymage of a serpent, (quhilk figurit the lifting vp of 
our Salwiour Jesus Christ vpon the crosse,) and als, be the cumand 
of God, causit mak the ymages of twa angellis callit cherubinis, quhilk 
thing thir twa sa excellet men in wisedome wald neuir haif done, gif 
the makin of ymages war aganis ye comand of God. Bot utterly yis 
command forbiddis to mak ymagis to that effect, that thai suld be 
adornit and wirschippit as goddis, or with ony godlie honour, ye quhilk 
sentence is expremit by thir wordis : Non adorabis ea neq ; coles. 
Thow sail nocht adore yame nor wirschip thame as goddis. Now we 
suld nocht gif goddis honour, or Christis honour to ony ymage, but 
to God allanrjfly, represents be ane ymage." Fol. xxiii. b. 

In the explication of the fifth article of the Creed, is a particular ac- 
count of the fourp ">ces in hell; infernus damnatorum, puerorum, pur- 
36 



422 NOTES. 

gandorum, et pair urn. The following proc r is given of our Saviour's 
descent into hell, to deliver the saints who had been confined in the 
last mentioned place until the time of his death. " Also ye same de- 
lieurace was prophesit to the prophet Osee : Ero mors tua. o mors, ero 
morsus tuus, o inferne. O dede (says our Saluiour) / sal be thi dede — 
O hel I sal bite the. The man yat bytes ony thing, he takis part to 
him, and lattis part remaine behind. Sa our Saluiour passand doune 
to hell, he fulfyllit this prophesye, takand part of saulis out fra hell 
with him, and leiffand part behind him. Q,uhom tuk he with him .' 
bot thame that was holy and gude, quhilk was haldin thair as preson- 
aris." Fol. cviii. 

Upon the whole, this catechism has been written with great care, 
and the style is by no means bad. It is singular that it should have 
been so little noticed by the writers of that age, and that "r does not 
appear who was its compiler. The provincial council •-^•v.ribe i! 
merely as "a certain book written in the vulgar and Scottish dialect, 
— librum quendam vulgari et Scotico idiomate conscriptum ;" and 
having examined and approved of it, they commit to the archbishop, 
as primate, the care of seeing it printed. As it was printed at his ex- 
pense, and as his name appears on the title page and colophon, it has 
been usually called Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism. But there is 
not the least reason for thinking that the primate would have taken 
the trouble to compose a book consisting of 411 pages quarto, even 
although he had been in other respects, qualified for the task. Bale, in 
his account of Scottish writers, mentions "Joannes Wouram, vel Wy- 
rem," whom he calls "a canon regular in St. Andrews;" and he as- 
cribes to him ' ; a catechism in his vernacular language, scripsit in vul- 
gari sermone catechismum fidei." Scriptores M. Brytannia? Post. 
Pars, p. 224. I have little doubt that John Winram, sub-prior of the 
abbey of St. Andrews, and afterwards superintendent of Fife, is the 
person to whom Bale refers. Could he be the author of the catechism 
under consideration'! Though early regarded as favourable (o the 
reformed opinions, Winram did not leave the Popish Church until a 
very late period ; and his conduct, during the intermediate struggle, 
was extremely ambiguous, and often contradictory. The clergy fre- 
quently availed themselves of his talents, and of his reputation with 
the people, to diminish the odium of their obnoxious measures, or to 
recommend their partial and inefficient plans of reform. lie was em- 
ployed to preach at the trial of Wishart, and was present at the trials 
of Wallace and Mill. Fox, 1155, 1158, 1161, edit. 159G. He was a 
member of the provincial council which met in 1540, and is styled, in 
the register, " ecclesiae metrop. primitialis, S. Andreae canonicus regu- 
lam's, supprior, theologian doctor." Wilkins, ut supra, p. 46. That 
council employed him to draw up the canon intended to settle the 
ridiculous dispute, which had been warmly agitated among the clergy, 
whether the Pater Nosier should be said to the saints, or to God 
alone. Comp. Fox, 1161, with Wilkins, 57, 58. And in the council 
which sat in 1559, he was nominated one of the six persons to whose 
examination and admonition the Archbishops of St. Andrews and 
Glasgow submitted their private conduct. Wilkins, p. 209.* 

Spotswood seems to have confounded this catechism with a smaller 
treatise called by the people The twa-penny Faith. History, p. 92. 
This last was set forth by the council which met in 1559. Knox, His- 
torie, pp. 109, 110. The following extracts from the proceedings of 

* In a list of books belonging to the university of St. Andrews. Winram's Catechism 
is entered as a work distinct from that of Hamilton. Life of Andrew Melville, vol. i 
p. 191. 



NOTES. 423 

that council may, perhaps, throw some light on the history of this 
publication. The Roman Catholic Remonstrants, in their representa 
tions to the council, required, "yat yar be an godlie and fruitfull dec- 
laration set forth in Inglis toung, to be first shewin to the pepill at all 
times, quhen the sacrament of the blissit body and blud of Jesus Christ 
is exhibit and distribut, and sicklyke, when baptism and marriage are 
solemnizit, in face of halie kirk ; and yat it be declarit to yaim, yat 
assist at the sacraments, quhat is the effect yarof and yat it be sperit 
at yam be ye prist ministrant, gif yai be reddy to resave the samen ; 
with sick utheris interogatories, as ar necessar for instructing of the 
poynts of men's salvation, and requires to be answerit unto be all yai, 
that wald be participant, etc. and yir things to be done before ye 
using of ye ceremony of haily kirk," etc. Wilkins, ut supra, pp. 207, 
208." The following canon of the council seems to contain the answer 
to this petition. "Insuper ut populus Christianus sacramentorum 
ecclesiae verum effectum, vim ac usum facilius ac commodius intelli- 
gere valeat, statuit hoc prassens concilium quasdam catholicas exhor- 
tationes, easque succinctas declarationes sacramentorum baptismi, 
sacrosanctae eucharistiae, extremae unctionis, matrimonii, auctoritate 
hujus concilii edendas, et inferius inserendas, quas singuli parochi, vel 
alii presbyteri eorundem sacramentorum legitimi ministri, ipsa sacra- 
menta ministraturi, singulis suam propriam et debitam exhortationem 
pramiittant, et publice et distincte recitent, et legant singuli curati et 
vicarii, dum sacra? missae sacrificium diebns dominicis et aliis majori- 
bus festis sunt celebraturi, infra scriptam exhortationem ; et ejusdem 
sacrificii declarationem publice in ecclesia similiter legant, quo popu- 
lus christianus majori pietatis effectu rebus divinis assistat, et inter- 
sit," &c. Wilkins, ut supra, p. 213. These Exhortations and Declara- 
tions were not inserted in the MS. from which Wilkins copied. I am 
inclined to think that they were published, and that they formed what 
was called, in derision, The two-penny Faith. Comp. Buchanani Oper. 
i. 312. 



NoteZ, p. 127. 

Knox's Letter of Instruction to the Protestants of Scotland during 
his absence. — In the first edition I printed this letter in the Appendix 
as an unpublished paper. I have since discovered a printed copy; 
but as it is exceedingly rare, and as the letter itself is so valuable, I 
shall insert it in this place. 

"To his brethren in Scotland efter hie had bene quyet among 
thame. The comfort of the haile Gaist for salutatioun. 

" Not sa mekill to instruct you as to leave with you, dearlie belovit 
brethren, sum testimony of my love, I have thought gud to communi- 
cate with you, in theis few lynis, my weak consall, how I wald ye suld 
behave yourselves in the middis of this wickit generatioun, tuiching 
the exercis of Godis maist hailie and sacred word, without the whilk, 
nether sail knawledge incres, godlines apeir, nor fervencie continew 
amang yow. For as the word of God, is the begyning of lyfe spi- 
ritual], without whilk all flesche is deid in Godis presence, and the 
lanterne to our feit, without the bryghtnes whairof all the posteritie 
of Adame doith walk in darknes, and as it is the fundament of faith, 
without the whilk na man understandeth the gud will of God, sa is it 
also the onlie organe and instrument whilk God useth to strenthin 
the weak, to comfort the afflictit, to reduce to mercie be repentance 
sic as have sliddin, and finallie to preserve and keip the verie lyfe of 
the saule in all assaltis and temtationis, and thairfoir yf that ye desyr 



4J1 NOTES. 

your knawledge to be incressit, your faith to be confirmit, your con- 
sciencis to be quyetit and comfortit, or finallie your saule to be preser- 
vit in lyfe, lat your exercis be frequent in the Jaw of your Lord God; 
despys not that precept whilk Moses, (who, be his awn experience 
had learnit what comfort lyeth within the word of God,) gave to the 
Isralitis in theis wordis: 

'Theis wordis whilk 1 command the this day salbe in thi hart, and 
thou sal exercis thi children in thame, thou sal talk of thame when 
thou art at home in thi hous, and as thou walkest be the way, an I 
when thou lyis doun, and when thou rysis up, and thou sail bin I 
thame for a signe upon thi hand, and thay salbe paperis of remem- 
brance betwene thi eis, and thou sail write thame upon the postis of 
thi hous and upon thi gatis." And Moses in another place comman- 
dis thame to ' remember" the law of the Lord God, to do it, that it may 
be weill unto thame. and with thair children in the land whilk the 
Lord sail gif thame;' meanyng that, lyke as frequent memorie an I 
repetitiourTof Godis preceptis Ts the middis whairby the leir of Go I, 
whilk is the begynning of all wisdome and filicide, is keipif recent in 
mynd, sa as negligence and oblivioun of Godis benehtis ressavit the 
first grie of defectioun fra God. Now yf the law, whilk be reasone of 
our weakness can wirk nathing but wraith and anger, was sa effectual 
that, rememberit and rehersit of purpois to do, it brought to the pepill 
a corporall benedictioun, what sail we say that the glorious gospell of 
Chryst Jesus doith wirk, so that it be with reverence intreatit ! St. 
Paule calleth [it] the sueit odour of lyfe unto thois that suld resaif lyfe, 
borrowing his similitude fra odoriferous herbis or precious ungue- 
rnentis, whais nature is the mair thay be touchit or moveit to send 
furth their odour mair pleasing and delectabill : even sic, deir breth- 
ren, is the blissit evangell of oure Lorde Jesus; for the mair that it be 
intreatit, the mair comfortable and mair plissant is it to sic as do heir, 
read, and exercis the sam. I am not ignorant that, as the Isralitis 
lothit manna because that everie day thay saw and eat but ane thing, 
sa sum thair be now a dayis (wha will not be haldin of the worst sort) 
that efter anis reading sum parcellis of the Scriptures do convert 
thame selves altogether to prophane autors and humane letteris, be- 
caus that the varietie of matteris thairin conteanyit doith bring with 
it a daylie delectatioun, whair contrairwys within the simpill scrip- 
tures of God, the perpetuall repititioun of a thing is fascheous and 
werisome. This teraptatioun I confess may enter in Godis verie elect 
for a tyme, but impossibill is it that thairin thay continew to the end: 
for Godis electioun, besydis othir evident signis, hath this evir joynit 
with it that Godis elect ar callit from ignorance (I speik of thois that 
ar cumin to the yeris of knawledge) to sum taist and feilling of Godis 
mercie, of whilk thay ar never satisfeit in this lyfe, but fray tyme to 
tyme thay hunger and thay thirst to eat the breid that descendit fra 
the heavin, and to drink the watter that springeth into lyfe everlast- 
ing, whilk thay can not do but be the meanis of faith, and faith luketh 
ever to the will of God revealit be his word, sa that faith hath baith 
her begynning and continewance be the word of God ; and sa J say 
that impossibill it is that Godis chosin children can despys or reiect 
the word of their salvatioun be any lang continewance, nether yit 
loth of it to the end. Often it is that Godis elect ar haldin in sic bond- 
age and thraldome that they can not have the breid of lyfe brokin un- 
to them, neither yit libertie to exercis thame selves in Godis halie 
word, but then doith not Godis deir children loth but maist gredilie 
do thay covet the fude of thair saulis ; then do they accuse thair former 
negligence, then lament and bewail thay the miserable afflictioun of 
thair brethren, and than cry and call thay in thair hartis (and opinlie 



NOTES. 425 

whair thay dar) for frie passage to the gospel]. This hungir and 
thrist doith argue and pruie the lyfe of their saulis. But gif sic men 
as having libertie to reid and exercis thame selves in Godis halie 
scripture, and yet do begin to wearie because fra tyme to tyme thay 
reid but a [one] thing, 1 ask, why weirie thay not also everie day to 
drink wyne, to eat bread, everie day to behaid the bryghtnes of the 
sone, and sa to use the rest of Godis creatures whilk everie day do 
keip thair awn substance, cours, and nature] Thay sail anser, 1 
trust, because sic creatures have a strenth as oft as thay ar usit to 
expel! hungir and quenche thrist, to restoir strenth, and to preserve 
the lyfe. O miserabill wreachis, wha dar attribut mair power and 
strenth to the corruptible creatures in nurisching and preserving the 
mortall karcass, than to the eternall word of God in nurissment of the 
saule whilk is immortal ! To reasone with thair abominable unthank- 
fulnes at this present it is not my purpois. But to yow, deir brethrene, 
I wryt my knawledge, and do speik my conscience, that sa necessarie 
as meit and drink is to the preservation of lyfe corporal], and so ne- 
cessarie as the heit and bryghtnes of the sone is to the quicknying of 
the herbis and to expel! darknes, sa necessarie is also to lyfe everlast- 
ing, and to the illuminatioun and lyght of the saule, the perpetuall 
meditation, exercis, and use of Godis halie word. 

"And thairfoir, deir brethrene, yf that you luke for a lyfe to cum, of 
necessitie it is that ye exercise yourselves in the buke of the Lord 
your God. Lat na day slip over without sum comfort ressavit fra the 
mouth of God. Opin your earis, and hie will speak evin pleasing 
thingis to your hart. Clois not your eis, but diligentlie let thame 
behaid what portioun of substance is left to yow within your fatheris 
testament. Let your toungis learne to prais the gracious gudness of 
him wha of his meir mercie hath callit you fra darkness to'lyght and 
fra deth to lyfe. Neither yit may ye do this sa quyetlie that ye will 
admit na witnessis; nay, brethren, ye are ordeynit of God to reule 
and governe your awn housis in his trew feir, and according to his 
halie word. Within your awn housis, I say, in sum cassis ye are 
bishopis and kingis, your wyffis, children, and familie ar your bishop- 
rik and charge; of you it sal be requyrit how cairfullie and diligentlie 
ye have instructit thame in Godis trew knawledge, how that ye have 
studeit in thame to plant vertew and to repress vyce. And thairfoir, 
I say, ye must mak thame partakeris in reading, exhortation, and in 
making commoun prayeris, whilk 1 wald in everie hous wer usit anis 
a day at leist. But above all things, deir brethren, studie to practis in 
lyfe that whilk the Lord commandis, and then be ye assurit that ye 
sail never heir nor reid the same without frute : and this mekill for the 
exercises within your housis. 

" Considdering that St. Paul callis the congregatioun the bodie of 
Chryst, wheirof everie ane of us is a member.teaching ws thairby 
that na member is of sufficience to susteane and feide the self without 
the help and support of any uther, I think it necessarie that for the 
conferrence of scriptures, assemblies of brethren be had. The order 
thairin to be observit, is expressit be sanct paule, and thairfoir 1 need 
not to use many wordis in that behalf; onlie willing that when ye 
convene, (whilk I wald wer anis a week,) that your begynning suld 
be fra confessing of your offences, and invocatioun of the spreit of the 
Lord Jesus to assist yow in all your godlie interprysis ; and than lat 
sum place of scripture be planelie and distinctlie red, samekill as sail 
be thocht sufficient for a day or tyme, whilk endit, gif any brother 
have exhortation, interpretatioun, or dout, lat him not feir to speik 
and move the same, sa that he do it with moderatioun, either to edifie 
or to be edifeit. And heirof I dout not but ereat profit sail schortlie 
36* D3 



426 NOTES. 

onsew, for first be heiring, reiding, and conferring the scrq Aires in 
the assemble, the haill bodie of the scriptures of God saloecum fa- 
miliar, the judgement and spreitis of men sal be try it, thair pacience 
and modestie sallbe knawin, and finallie thair giftis and utterance sail 
appeir. Multiplicatioun of wordis, perplexit interpretatioun, and wil- 
fulnes in reasonyng is to be avoydit at all tymes and in all places, but 
cnieflie in the congregatioun, whair nathing aucht to be respectit 
except the glorie of God, and comfort oredificatioun of our brethrene. 
Yf any thing occur within the text, or yit arys in reasonyng, whilk 
your judgementis can not resolve, or capacities aprehend, let the same 
be notit and put in wryt befoir ye depart the congregatioun, that 
when God sail offir unto yow any interpreter your doutis being notit 
and knawin, may have the mair expedit resolutioun, or els that when 
ye sail have occasion to wryt to sic as with whome ye wald commu- 
nicat your judgementis, your letteris may signifie and declair your 
unfeaned desyre that ye haue of God and of his trew knawledge, and 
thay, I dout not, according to thair talentis, will endeuour and bestow 
thair faithful! labors, [to] satisfie your godlie petitionis. Of myself I 
will speak as I think, I will moir gladlie spend xv houris in communi- 
catting my judgment with yow, in explainyng as God pleasis to oppin 
to me any place of scripture, than half ane hour in any other matter 
besyd. 

"Farther, in reading the scripture I wald ye suld joyne sum bukis 
of the aid and sum of The new Testament together, as genesis and ane 
of the evangelistis, exodus with another, and sa furth, euer ending sic 
bukis as ye~begyn, (as the tyme will suffer,) for it sail greitly comfort 
yow to heir that harmony and weiltunit sang of the halie spreit speik- 
ing in oure fatheris frome the begyning. It sail confirme yow in theis 
dangerous and perrellous dayis, to behald the face of Christ Jesus his 
loving spous and kirk, from Abell to him self, and frome him self to 
this day, m all ageis to be ane. Be frequent in the prophetis and in 
the epistillis of St. Paul, for the multitude of matteris maist comfortable 
thairin conteanit requyreth exercis and gud memorie. Lyke as your 
assemblis aucht to begyn with confessioun and invocatioun of Godis 
halie spreit, sa wald I that thay wer never finissit without thanksgiv- 
ing and commoun prayeris for princes, rulers, and maiestratis, for the 
libertie and trie passage of Chrystis evangell, for the comfort and 
delyverance af our afflictit brethrene in all places now persecutit, but 
maist cruellie now within the realme of France and Jngland, and for 
sic uther thingis, as the spreit of the Lord Jesus sal teache unto yow 
to be profitable ether to your seines, or yit to your brethren whairso- 
eur thay be. If this, or better, dear brethrene, I sail heir that ye exer- 
cise your selues, then will I prais God for your great obedience, as for 
thame that not onlie haue ressavit the word of grace with gladnes, 
but that also with cair and diligence do keip thelsame as a treasure 
and jewell maist precious. And becaus that I can not expect that ye 
will do the contrarie, at this present I will vse na threatenyngis, for 
my guid hoip is, that ye sail walk as the sonis of lyght in the uiiddis 
of this wickit generatioun, that ye salbe as starris in the nyght ceas- 
sone, wha yit ar not changeit into darknes, that ye salbe as wheit 
amangis the kokill, and yitthat ye sail not change your nature whilk 
ye haue ressavit be grace, through the fellowschip and participatioun 
whilk ye haue with the Lord Jesus in his bodie and blud. And final- 
lie, that ye salbe of the novmber of the prudent virginis, daylie renew- 
ing your lampis with oyle, as thai that pacientlie abyd the glorious 
aparitioun and cuming of the Lord Jesus, whais omnipotent spreit 
r ule and instruct, illuminat and comfort your hartis and myndis in all 
assaltis, now and euer. Amen. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest 



N<_ TES. 427 

with yow. Remember my weaknes in your daylie prayeris, the 7 of 
July 1557. Your brother vnfeaned Johnne Knox." 

MS. Letters, p. 352—359. 



Note A A, p. 131. 

William Whittingham, the successor of Knox at Geneva, was the 
son of William Whittingham, Esq. of Holmeside, in the county of 
Chester. He was born anno 1524, and educated at Oxford, where he 
was held in great reputation for his learning. On the accession of 
Queen Mary, he went first to Frankfort, and afterwards to Geneva, 
where he married Catherine, the sister of John Calvin. He was one 
of the translators of the Geneva Bible, and composed several of the 
metrical psalms published at the same time, which have his initials 
prefixed to them. He fell under the displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, 
on account of a commendatory preface which he wrote to Christopher 
Goodman's book on Obedience to Superior Powers, in which, 
among other free sentiments, female government was condemned. 
But he enjoyed the protection of some of her principal courtiers. In 
1560, he accompanied the Earl of Bedford on an embassy to France, 
and, in 1562 and 1563, acted as chaplain to the Earl of Warwick, dur- 
ing the defence of Havre de Grace. That brave nobleman was at a 
loss for words to express his high esteem of him. In a letter to Cecil, 
Nov. 20, 1562, Warwick writes : — " I assure yow, we may all here thinck 
our selves happy in having soch a man amongest us as Mr. Whyt- 
tingham is, not only for the greate vertues in him, but lykewise for 
the care he hath to serve our mistris besydes : wherfore, in my opyii- 
ion, he doth well deserve grete thankes at her majesties handis." 
And in a letter written by him, July 24, 1563, when he was in daily 
expectation of an assault by the French, he says to his brother, Lord 
Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of Leicester: — "My deare brother, 
for that I had, in my letter to the quene's majesty, forgot my humblest 
thancks for the behalff of m'y deare frinde Mr. Whittingam, for the 
great favour it hath pleased her to shew him for my sake: I besetch 
yow therefore do not forget to render them unto her majesty. Fare- 
well, my deare and loving brother, a thousand tymes, and the Lord 
send you well to do." Forbes, State Papers, ii. 207, 418, 487. 

In ] 563, Whittingham was made Dean of Durham, which seems to 
have been the favour for which Warwick was so grateful to Eliza- 
beth. I have already mentioned (p. 48) that an unsuccessful attempt 
was made to invalidate the ordination which he had received at Ge- 
neva. On that occasion, Dr. Hutton, Dean of Yorke, told Archbishop 
Sandys, that Whittingham " was ordained in a better manner than 
rven the archbishop himself;" and the Lord President said, he could 
not in conscience agree to " allow of the Popish massing priests in our 
ministry, and to disallow of ministers made in a Reformed Church." 
Whittingham never conformed fully to the English Church, and died 
in 1579/ Hutchinson's History and Antiquities of the County Palatine 
of Durham, ii. 143—152, 378. 



Note BB, p. 145. 

Aylmer's Sentiments respecting- the English Constitution. — The view 
which Aylmer has sriven of the English constitution is very differ- 
ent from that which Mr. Hume has laboured to establish, by dwelling 
upon some arbitrary measures of the house of Tudor. As his work 



428 NOTES. 

is seldom consulted, I may be excused for inserting a few extracts 
from it on this subject. It will be seen that he carefully distinguishes 
between the principles of the constitution, and those proceedings 
which were at variance with them. " But if this be utterly taken from 
them [women] in this place, what maketh it against their government 
in a politike weale, where neither the woman nor the man ruleth, (if 
there be no tyrants,) but the laws. For, as Plato saith, Mi civitati 
paratum est exitium ubi magistratus legibus imperat, et non Leges 
magistratui : That city is at the pit's brinke, wherein the magistrate 
ruleth the lawes, and not the lawes the magistrate." And a little 
afterwards: "Well; a woman may not reigne in Englande. Better 
in Englande, than any where, as it shall wel appere to him that, with 
out affection, will consider the kind of regimen. Whyle I confer ours 
with other (as it is in itselfe, and not mained by usurpacion,) I can 
find none either so good or so indifferent. The regemente of Eng- 
lande is not a mere monarchic, as some for lacke of consideracion 
thinke, nor a mere oligarchic nor democracie, but a rule mixed of all 
these, wherein ech one of these have or should have like authorise. 
The image whereof, and not the image, but the thinge in dede, is to be 
sene in the parliament hous, whereinyou shall find these 3 estats ; the 
king or quene which represented the monarche, the noblemen which 
be the aristocratie, and the burgesses and knights the democratcie. — 
If the parliament use their privileges, the king can ordain nothing 
without them: If he do, it is his fault in usurping it, and their fault in 
permitting it. Wherefore, in my judgment, those that in king Henry 
the VIII.'s daies would not grant him that his proclamations should 
have the force of a statute, were good fathers of the countrie, and 
worthy commendacion in defending their liberty. Wold God that 
that court of late daies had feared no more the farceness of a woman, 
than they did the displeasure of such a man. Then should they not 
have stouped, contrary to their othes and alledgeaunce to the crowne, 
against the privilege of that house, upon their marye bones to receive 
the devil's blessenge brought unto them by Satan's apostle, the cardi- 
nal. God forgeve him for the doing, and them for obeying! But to 
what purpose is all this? To declare that it is not in England so 
daungerous a matter to have a woman ruler, as men take it to be. — 
If, on thother part, the regement were such as all hanged upon the 
king's or quene's wil, and not upon the lawes written; if she might 
decreand make lawes alone, without her senate; if she judged offences 
according to her wisdom, and not by limitation of statutes and laws ; 
if she might dispose alone of war and peace; if, to be short, she wer 
a mer monarch, and not a mixed ruler, you might peradventure make 
me to fear the matter the more, and the less to defend the cause.'' 
Harborowe for Faithfull and Trew Subjects. H. 2 & 3. 



Note CO, p. 146. 

Female Supremacy. — " Our countryman, John Knox, has been much 
censured for want of civility and politeness to the fair sex ; an 1 par- 
ticularly for sounding a first and second ' blast of the trumpet against 
the monstrous regiment of women.' He was indeed no milksop cour- 
tier, who can sacrifice the public weal to the punctilios of politeness, 
or consider the interests of nations as a point of gallantry. His rea- 
sons for the abolition of all female government, if they are not entirely 
convincing, may be allowed at least to be specious; and might well 
be indulged as a harmless speculative opinion in one who was dis- 
posed as he was to make no bad use of it in practice, and to give all 



Nl TES. 429 

dutiful respect to wnomsoever the will of God and the commonwealth 
had assigned the sovereign power. But though the point may be 
conceded in regard to secular government, in ordering of which the 
constitutions and customs and mere pleasure of communities may be 
allowed to establish what is not morally evil; it will not follow that 
the essential order and positive law of the spiritual kingdom may also 
be sported with, and subverted. Let the English, if they please, admit 
a weak, fickle, freakish, bigoted, gallantish or imperious woman, to 
sway the sceptre of political dominion over millions of men, and even 
over her own husband in the crowd, to whom at the altar she had 
previously vowed obedience, they shall meet with no opposition from 
the presbyterians ; provided they do not also authorize her to lord it, 
or lady it, over their faith and consciences, as well as over their bodies, 
goods, and chattels. 

" By the laws of the Romish Church, no female can be admitted to 
a participation of clerical power. Not so much as the ancient order 
of deaconesses now remains in her. Her casuists have examined and 
debated this thesis, Whether a woman may have the degree of doctor 
of divinity conferred upon her ; and have determined it in the negative.* 
But of the philosophical dignity they are not quite so jealous. Helen 
Lucrecia Piscopia Cornaca, of famous memory, once applied for her 
degree in divinity in an Italian university; but Cardinal Barbarigo, 
Bishop of Padua, was far from being disposed to grant it ; so that this 
learned lady was obliged to content herself with a doctorate in philo- 
sophy, which, with universal applause, was actually conferred upon 
her, June 25, 1678.f But the English climate savours nothing of this 
Italian jealousy ; nor are the divines in it so niggardly of their hon- 
ours. We do not hear, indeed, that they have formally matriculated 
any ladies, in the universities, or obliged them, by canon, or act of 
parliament, to take out degrees, either in law, in philosophy, or divi- 
nity, to qualify them for ecclesiastical preferment, (even the highest 
pinnacle of it ;) though their laws hold males utterly unqualified for 
holding any lucrative place in the church, or in ecclesiastic courts, 
without these : Nor can a man be admitted to the lowest curacy, or 
be fellow or student in a university, until he have learned and digested 
all the articles, homilies, canons, rubrics, modes, and figures of the 
Church of England, as he cannot even be sergeant or exciseman, till 
he understand perfectly the superior devotion of kneeling above sit- 
ting. But it is very possible, though they do not bear the learned 
titles, the ladies may know as much of learning and divinity, as those 
who do. And though they may not receive ordination on Ember- 
week for the inferior orders, yet it is enacted and provided, that one 
of their number may be raised at once per saltum, not only above all 
the peers and peeresses, but over all the graduates, reverend dignita- 
ries, and mitred heads in the kingdom. This solemn inaugurating 
unction once applied, then cech'te Romani, doctor es, ceditegraij. Hence- 
forward, as the Queen of Sheba came from the uttermost end of the 
earth, to hear the wisdom of Solomon, and to have every enigma and 
hard question solved, so must every master, doctor, heads of univer- 
sities, every diocesan and metropolitan, however wise, have recourse 
to their queen, by reference or appeal, with every difficult question, 
and every learned and deep controversy, and be responsible to her 
for their every decision. How flattering a constitution this to woman- 
kind — if they be indeed so very fond of precedence and rule, as is 
commonly said! She must have an unreasonable and unbounded 

* Carol. Rinaldinij. Mallli. Analit. art, pars dtia. 
+ Nouvell. de la Republ. de Lett. 1685. 



430 NOTES. 

ambition indeed whom this will not content ; though she should not 
be also further told in plain terms, that she is a goddess, and in her 
office suDerior to Christ ; as some court-clergymen have ventured to 
affirm of their visible head." — A Historico-Politico-Ecclesiastical Dis- 
sertation on the Supremacy of Civil Powers in Matters of Religion, 
particularly the Ecclesiastical Supremacy annexed to the English 
Crown ; by Archibald Bruce, Minister of the Gospel, pp. 46 — 50. Ed- 
inburgh, 1802. 



Note DD, p. 148. 

Of the Form of Prayer used in Scotland at the beginning of the Re- 
formation. — It is natural to inquire here what is meant by the " buik 
of comon prayeris," which the Protestants, in 1557, agreed to use, or 
which was afterwards followed in their public worship. Was it the 
common prayer-book of Edward VI. or was it a different one'} This 
question was keenly canvassed, after the Revolution, by the Scottish 
Episcopalians and Presbyterians. Mr. Sage, the most able champion 
of the Episcopalians, insisted that it was the English liturgy, and en- 
deavoured to prove that this was, during, " at least, seven years, in 
continued practice in Scotland," i. e. from 1557 to 1564. Fundamental 
Charter of Presbytery Examined, pp. 95 — 101, 349, 2d edit. Lond. 
1697. Mr. Anderson, minister of Dumbarton, who was the most acute 
advocate of Presbytery, answered this part of the Fundamental 
Charter, and adduced a number of arguments to prove that it was the 
liturgy, not of Edward VI. but of the English Church at Geneva, of 
which Knox was minister, which was used in Scotland from the time 
that Protestant congregations were formed in this country. The 
Countreyman's Letter to the Curat, pp. 65—77, printed in 1711. I shall 
state a few facts, without entering into reasoning. Mr. Anderson 
says, that he had in his possession a copy, in Latin, of the liturgy used 
in the English Church at Frankford, the preface of which bears date 
the 1st of September, 1554. He adds, that this had been translated 
from English into Latin; and that the prayers in it are exactly the 
same with those which are found in the Order of Geneva, afterwards 
adopted by the Scottish Church ; only there are some additional 
prayers in the latter accommodated to the circumstances of Scotland. 
Ibid. p. 64. This must have been the form of worship agreed on by 
the exiles immediately after their arrival at Frankfort. Troubles of 
Franckford, p. 7. Before the end of that year, the form of worship ob- 
served by the Genevan Church was printed in English. Ibid. p. 27. 
In the beginning of the following year, the form afterwards used by 
the English Church at Geneva was composed, which differed very 
little from that which was first used at Frankfort. Ibid. p. 37. This 
was printed in the beginning of 1556. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 401. 
It is not unlikely that Knox, in his visit to Scotland, in 1555, would 
carry with him copies of the two former liturgies, and that he would 
send copies of the latter, on his return to Geneva. After all, I think it 
extremely probable, that copies of the liturgy of Edward VI. were still 
more numerous in Scotland at that time, and that they weve used by 
some of the Protestants at the beginning of the Reformation. Tins 
appears from a letter of Cecil to Throkmorton, 9th July, 1550. » The 
frotestants be at Edynborough. They offer no violence, but dissolve 
religiose howsees ; directyng the lands thereof to the crowne, ;md to 
ministery in the chirch. The parish churchees they delyver of altars 
and imagees, and have receved the service of the Church of England, 
accordyng to King Edward's Borke." Forbes's State Papers, i. 155. 



NOTES. 431 

Another thing which inclines me to think that the English liturgy was 
in the eye of those who made the agreement in Dec. J 557 is, that they 
mention the reading of" the lessonis of the New and Auld Testament, 
conforme to the ordour of the Buik of Commoun-Prayeris." Ander- 
son gives a quotation from the preface to the Frankfort liturgy, in 
which the compilers vindicate themselves against the objection, that 
they had omitted the reading of the gospels and epistles, by saying 
that they read in order not only these, but all the books of Scripture - . 
And he insists that by the " lessonis of the New and Auld Testament," 
our reformers meant no more than the reading of the Scriptures in 
general. This reply does not appear to me satisfactory. 

But though the Scottish Protestants, at that time, agreed to make 
use of the prayers and Scripture-lessons contained in the English 
liturgy, it cannot be inferred from this, that they approved of it with- 
out limitations, or that they meant to bind themselves to all its forms 
and ceremonies. The contrary is evident. It appoints lessons to be 
read from the Apocrypha ; but they expressly confined their reading 
to " the lessons of the New and Old Testament." A great part of the 
English liturgy can be read by a priest only ; but all that they proposed 
to use could be performed by " the most qualifeit in the parochin," pro- 
vided the curate refused, or was unqualified. I need scarcely add, 
that, if they had adopted that liturgy without qualification, their invita- 
tion to Knox must have come with a very bad grace. It must have 
been to this purpose, (to use Mr. Anderson's words,) " Pray, good Mr. 
Knox, come over and help us; and for your encouragement against 
you come, you shall find the English liturgy, against which you 
preached in Scotland, against which you declared before the counsel 
of England, for opposing which you were brought in danger of your 
neck at Francford ; this English liturgy you shall find the authorized 
form of worship, and that by an ordinance of our making." The 
Countreyman's Letter, ut supra, p. 69. 

We can trace back the use of the Book of Common Order, (or, 
Order of Geneva,) by the Church of Scotland, from the year 1564. 
The General Assembly, Dec. 26, 1564, ordained " that everie minister, 
exhorter, and reader sail have one of the Psalme Bookes latelie printed 
in Edinburgh, and use the order contained therein in prayers, marriage, 
and ministration of the sacraments." Keith, 538. This refers to the 
edition of the Geneva Order and Psalms, which had been printed during 
that year by Lepreuik. " In the general! assemblie convened at 
Edinr. in Dec. 1562, for printing of the psalmes, the kirk lent Rob. 
Lickprivick, printer, tva hundreth pounds to help to buy irons, ink, 
and papper, and to fie craftesmen for printing." Reasons for con- 
tinuing the use of the old metrical Version of the Psalms, p. 232, of a 
MS. (written in 1632) belonging to Robert Graeme, Esq. advocate. 
But although this was the first edition of the book printed in this 
country, it had been previously printed both at Geneva and in Eng- 
land; and was used in the Church of Scotland. For in the assembly 
which met in Dec. 1562, it was concluded, "that an uniforme Order 
sould be keeped in ministration of the sacraments, solemnization of 
marriage, and burial of the dead, according to the Booke of Geneva." 
Keith, 519. Petrie, part ii. p. 233. Nor was it then introduced for 
the first time; for the Abbot of Crossraguel, in a book set forth by him 
in 1561, mentions it as the established form of prayers at the time he 
wrote. " I will call to remembrance, says he, " the sayings ofquhilkis ar 
written to the redar, in thair buke callit the forme of prayeris, as eftir 
followis, viz. ' As for the wourdis of the Lordis supper, we rehers 
thaim nocht bicaus thai sulde change the substance of the breid and 
wine, or that the repetitione tharoCwith the entent of the sacrificear, 



432 NOTES. 

sulde make the sacraments (as the papists falslie belevis.") Ane Ora- 
tioune be Master Gluintine Kennedy, p. 15, Edin. 1812. The passage 
quoted by Kennedy is in the Book of Common Order. Dunlop, ii. 454. 
The First Book of Discipline, framed in 1560, expressly approves of 
the Order of Geneva, which it calls "our Book of Common Order," 
and mentions its being " used in some of our churches," previous to 
that period. DunJop's Confessions, ii. 520, 548, 583. From these 
facts it is evident that, although the Scripture lessons and the prayers 
in the English liturgy were at first used by some of the Scottish Pro- 
testants, yet they never received that book as a whole ; that the Order 
of Geneva was introduced among them before *be establishment of 
the Reformation: and that it became the universal form of worship as 
soon as a sufficient number of copies of it could be procured. If any 
other evidence of this were necessary, I might produce the testimony 
of Sir Francis Knollys, the English ambassador. When queen Mary 
fled into England, in 1568, she feigned her willingness to give up with 
the mass, and to adopt the English Common Prayer Book, provided 
Elizabeth would assist her in regaining her crown. Lord Herries 
having made this proposal in her name, Sir Francis replied, "that, yf 
he meant thereby to condempne the form and order of common prayer 
now used in Skotland, agreeable with divers well reformed churches, 
— or that he meant to expel all the learned preachers of Skotland, yff 
they would not return back to receave and wayr cornered capes and 
typpets, with surpless and coopes, which they have left by order con- 
tynually since their first receavyng of the gospel into that realme ; 
then he myght so fyght for the shadow and image of religion that he 
myght bring the body and truth in danger." Anderson's Collections, 
vol. \v. parti, pp. 110, 111. 

As this subject has been introduced, I may make an observation or 
two respecting the form of prayers used in the Church of Scotland at 
the beginning of the Reformation. What has been called Knox's 
Liturgy, was the Book of Common Order, first used by the English 
Church at Geneva. It contains forms of prayers for the different parts 
of public worship; and this is the only resemblance which k bears to 
the English liturgy. But. there is this important difference between 
the two : in the English, the minister is restricted to the repetition of 
the very words of the prayers; in the Scottish, he is left at liberty to 
vary from them, and to substitute prayers of his own in their room. 
The following quotations will exemplify the mode of the latter. " When 
the congregation is assembled at the hours appointed, the minister 
useth one of these two confessions, or like in effect.'''' — " The minister 
after the sermon useth this prayer following, or such like.'''' Similar 
declarations are prefixed to the prayers to be used at the celebration 
of baptism and of the Lord's Supper. And at the end of the account 
of the public service of the sabbath this intimation is subjoined : " It 
snail not be necessarie for the minister daylie to repeat all these things 
before mentioned, but, beginning with some manner of confession, to 
proceed to the sermon, which ended, he either useth the prayer for all 
estates before mentioned, or else prayeth as the Spirit of God shall 
move his heart, framing the same according to the time and matter 
which he hath entreated of." Knox's Liturgy, pp. 74, 83, 86, 120 
Edin. 1611. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 417, 421, 426, 443, 450. And at 
the end of the Form of Excommunication, it is signified, "This order 
may be enlarged or contracted as the wisdome of the discreet minister 
shall think expedient; for we rather shew the way to the ignorant, 
than prescribe order to the learned that cannot be amended." Dunlop, 
ii. 746. The Scottish prayers, therefore, were intended as a help to 
the ignorant, not as a restraint upon those who could pray without a set 



NOTES. 433 

form. The readers and exhorters commonly used them ; but even 
they were encouraged to perform the service in a different manner. 
Knox's Liturgy, p. 189. Dunlop, ii. 694. 



Note EE, p. 151. 

Of the Petitions presented by the Protestants to the Queen Regent. — 
The petition which Sir James Sandilands presented, in the name of 
his brethren, contained five requests. 1. That, as by the laws of the 
land, they had, after long debate, obtained liberty to read the Scrip- 
tures in their native language, it should also be lawful for them to use, 
publicly or privately, "comoun prayaris in our vulgar toung." 2. 
That if, in the course of reading the Scriptures in their assemblies, 
any difficulty occurred, it should be lawful for any "qualifeit persone 
in knawledge" to explain it, subject to the judgment of "the maist 
godlie and maist learnit within the realme." 3. " That the holy sacra- 
ment of baptisme may be used in the vulgar toung," accompanied 
with instruction to the parties and to the Church. 4. " That the sacra- 
ment of the Lordis Supper, or of his most blessed body and blude, 
may likewise be ministrate in the vulgar toung, and in both kindis." 
And lastly, "that the wicket, slanderous, and detestabill lyif of Pre- 
latis, and of the stait ecclesiastical, may be so reformed that the pepili 
by thame have not occasioun, as of mony dayis they have had, to 
contempe their ministrie and the^preiching, whairof they should be 
messengers ;" and to remove suspicion of interested motives in mak- 
ing this request, they add, " we ar content that not only the reulls and 
preceptis of the New Testament, but also the wryttings of the ancient 
Fatheris, and the godly approved lawis of Justiniane, decyde the con- 
troversie that is betwix us and thame." Knox, Historie, pp. 120, 121. 
Spotswood (p. 119) omits the article respecting baptism, and intro- 
duces another : " that the election of ministers should be according to 
the manner used in the primitive Church." See also Buchanani Oper. 
i. 311. 

This petition discovers great moderation on the part of the Protes- 
tants. Historians differ as to the precise time at which it was pre- 
sented. Spotswood (p. 108) places his account of it after the martyr- 
dom of Mill. And the writer of the Historie of the Estate of Scotland 
from 1559 to 1566 (p. 1) says that it was presented in July, 1558. On 
the contrary, Knox (pp. 120, 122) places it before the death of Mill. It 
is highly probable that the Protestants petitioned the queen regent 
both "before and after that event, and that on both occasions they em- 
ployed Sir James Sandilands as their representative. In this light I 
have represented the matter in the text. But I am inclined, upon the 
whole, to consider Knox's statement as the most correct. He had the 
best opportunity of ascertaining the fact. This was the part of his 
history which was first written by him, soon after his arrival in Scot- 
land, when the transaction must have been fresh in the recollection 
of all his associates. There is no reference in the petition to the illegal 
execution of Mill, which would scarcely have been omitted, if it had 
previously taken place. The objection urged by Keith, from the clause 
in the petition which supposes that the queen was married, does not 
appear to have great weight. The parliament, in December.^ 1557, 
had agreed to the solemnization of the marriage; their commissioners 
had sailed for France, in February, to be present at the ceremony, 
wnich was appointed to take place on the 24th of April. In these cir- 
cumstances, the Protestants might, without any impropriety, reouest 
that, they should be allowed liberty to use the common prayers in the 
37 E3 



434 NOTES. 

vulgar tongue, to the end that they might " be induced, in fervent and 
oft prayers, to commend unto God— the queen our soverane, hir hon- 
orabill and gracious husband," &c. Keith is wrong when he says that 
Knox has fixed the execution of Mill "to the 8th of April, which was 
above two weeks before the queen's marriage." History, p. 80, note. 
Knox says he was put to death " the twentie audit day of Aprylle," 
which was four days after the marriage. Historie, p. 122. 

After the martyrdom of Mill, the Protestants renewed their applica- 
tion to the regent, with a warm remonstrance against the cruelty of 
the clergy. Knox, Historie, p. 122. As the parliament held in No- 
vember, 1558, was approaching, they delivered another petition to her, 
desiring that it should be laid before the meeting of the estates. In 
this they requested, that the laws, by which the clergy justified their 
severe and cruel proceedings against them, should be abrogated, or 
suspended until the present controversies in religion were regularly 
determined ; or, if this could not be granted, that the clergy should 
not act as judges, but be obliged to sustain the character of accusers 
before a temporal judge, and that the same mode of defence should be 
granted to persons accused of heresy as in other criminal processes. 
Being persuaded by the promises of the regent to desist from laying 
this petition before that meeting of parliament, they substituted a pro- 
testation ; in which they declared that, having waived urging their 
petitions from regard to the state of public affairs, they should not be 
liable to any penalties for using that liberty to which they had a just 
title, and for which they had "frequently petitioned, and that, if any 
tumult was excited by religious differences, or by violent attempts to 
reform those abuses in religion which were become intolerable, this 
should not be imputed to them, who had always requested an orderly 
reformation of these abuses, but to the persons who had resisted every 
attempt of this kind. Ibid. pp. 122—125. Spotswood, 119, 120. 



Note FF, p. 158. 

Dissi initiation of the Queen Regent. — I am sensible that my account 
of the conduct of the queen regent to the Protestants differsfrom that 
which has been given by Dr. Robertson. He imputes her change of 
measures entirely to the overruling influence of her brothers, and 
seems to acquit her of insincerity in the countenance which she had 
shown, and the promises which she had repeatedly made, to the Pro- 
testant leaders. In any remarks which I shall make upon this account. 
1 wish to be understood as not detracting in the slightest degree from 
the merit of his able, accurate, and luminous statement of the plans 
conceived by the princes of Lorrain. Having mentioned the first 
symptoms of the regent's alienation from the reformers. Dr. Robe t- 
son says : " In order to account for this, our historians do little more 
than produce the trite observation concerning the influence of pros- 
perity to alter the character and corrupt the heart." I do not know 
the particular historians to whom he may refer, but those of the Pro- 
testant persuasion whom 1 have consulted, impute her change of con- 
duct, not to the above cause, but to the circumstance of her having 
accomplished the great objects which she had in view, upon which 
she no longer stood in need of the assistance of the reformers. Ac- 
cordingly, they charge her with duplicity in her former proceedings* 
with them. Knox, 9G, 110, 122, 125. Buchanan, i. 312. Spotswood. 
117, 119, 120. I think they had good reasons for this charge. At a 
very early period, she gave a strikine proof of her disposition and 
talent for the deepest dissimulation. I refer to her behaviour in the 






NOTES. 435 

intercourse which she had with Sir Ralph Sadler, in 1543, on which 
occasion she acted a part not less important than Cardinal Beatoun 
himself, threw the ambassador into the greatest perplexity, and com- 
pletely duped the English monarch. Sadler, i. 84—88, 100, 111—113, 
249 — 253. The governor wanted not reason to say, "as she is both 
subtle and wily, so she hath a vengeable engine and wit to work her 
purpose." It is impossible to read the account of her smooth conduct 
to the reformers, without perceiving the art with which she acted. 
There is also reason for thinking that she was privy to the execution 
of Walter Mill, and had encouraged the Archbishop of St. Andrews 
to take that step Indeed, in his letter to the Earl of Argyle, written 
a few weeks before that event, the archbishop expressly says, that she 
murmured heavily against him because he did not use severe mea- 
sures to check the progress of heresy ; and Argyle, in his answer, 
does not call this in question. Knox, 103, 10S. 

I do not doubt that the regent was precipitated into the most violent 
measures which she adopted by the counsels of her brothers; and 
that she remonstrated against the impolicy qf these, is attested by 
Castelnau, to whom Dr. Robertson refers as one of his authorities. 
But I think that she had altered her conduct to the Protestants, and 
declared her resolution to abet the measures of the clergy against 
them, previous to the time that she is said to have received these 
strong representations from France. This appears even from the 
narrative of Castelnau, who has connected the advice given by the 
princes of Lorrain with the mission of La Brosse and the Bishop of 
Amiens, who did not arrive in Scotland until September, 1559, after 
the civil war was kindled. Jebb, ii. 246. Keith, 102. Sadler, i. 470. 
But it will be still more apparent from an examination of the testi- 
mony of Sir James Melvil, the other authority to whom Dr. Robertson 
appeals. Melvil says that, after the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis was 
concluded, Bettancourt was sent into Scotland to procure the ratifi- 
cation of it by the queen regent ; and that he was charged by the 
Cardinal of Lorrain to inform her, that the Popish princes had agreed 
to join in extirpating heresy, and to require that she should imme- 
diately take steps for suppressing the Scottish Protestants. Melvil 
adds, that these instructions, mixed with some threatenings, having 
been received, the regent " determined to follow them. She, there- 
fore, issued out a proclamation, a little before Easter, commanding 
every man, great and small, to observe the Roman Catholic religion.'' 
Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 23, 24. Lond. 1683. The proclamation to ob- 
serve Easter in the Catholic manner is mentioned by all our histori- 
ans as the decisive declaration of the queen's change of measures. 
Now the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis was not concluded until the 
2d of April, 1559. Forbes, i. 68, 81. But Easter fell that year on the 
29th of March, six days before Battancourt could undertake his jour- 
ney to Scotland. The proclamation respecting the observance of that 
festival must, therefore, have been issued some weeks before Bettan- 
court's arrival. Nay, we know from other evidence, that the breach 
between the queen regent and the Protestants had taken place on the 
6th of March ; for this" is the date from which the act of oblivion after- 
wards granted is reckoned. Keith, 141, 151. There is, therefore, a 
glaring anachronism in Melvil's narrative; and whatever influence 
Bettancourt's embassy had in instigating the regent to more violent 
measures, she had previously taken'her side, and declared her deter- 
mination to oppose the progress of the Reformation. 

There are several other mistakes which Sir James Melvil has com- 
mitted in his narrative of the transactions of this period. Even in the 
account of his own embassy into Scotland in the reign of Henry II. 



436 NOTES. 

and of the speech which the Constable Montmorency made to him or 
that occasion, he has introduced the constable as mentioning, among 
his reasons, the shipwreck of the Marquis D'Elbeuf, which did not 
happen till some months after, when the French king was dead. Me- 
moirs, p. 31. Sadler, i. 417. In my humble opinion, all our historians 
have given too easy credit to Melvil, both in his statements of fact, 
and in his representations of character. 



Note GG, p. 165. 

Trial of the Reformed Preachers. — July 7, 1558. Item, the said day, 
to David Lindsay, Rothesay herauld, passand of Edinburgh, with let- 
teris, to summond George Luvell, David Fergusone, and certain uthe- 
ris personis within the burt. of Dunde, to tak sourte of thame that 
thai sail compeir befoir the justice and his deputies in the tolbuith of 
Edinburgh, the 28th day of Julii instant, for their wrongus using and 
resting of the Scripture, and disputting upoun erroneous opinions, and 
eiting of flesche in Lehterone and utheris forbidding tymes, contrair 
the actis of parliament, 31. 5s. (C'ompot. Thesaur.) 

Feb. 9, 1558-9. Proclamation to St. Andrews, Cowper, Dundee, 
Montrose, Aberdeen, charging all and sundrie or. soverane ladies 
liegis, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to commit, attempt, or do 
any injurie or violence, disturbe the service usit in the kirkis, strike 
manneis, or bost priestis, or to eit flesche in Lenterone, under the 
pane of deid. — Also to Linlithgow, Glasgow, Irvine, Ayr, with siclike 
letteris. (Compot. Thesaur.) 

Curia Justiciarie S D N regis et regine, tenta et inchoata in pretorio 
burgi de Striueling, xo. die mensis Maij, anno, &c. lixo. per Henri- 
cum Levingstoum prepositum de Striueling, Justiciarium depu- 
tatum. 

Quo die, Georgius Luvell, burgen. de Dunde, per literas S D N regis 
et regine sepe vocat. ad intrand. Paulum Meth wen, Joannes Erskin 
de Dvne sepe vocat. ad intrand. fratrem Joannem Cristesoun, Patri- 
cius Murray de Tibbermuir sepe vocat. ad intrand. Willielmum 
Harlaw, et Robertus Campbell de Kinzeclent. sepe vocat. ad intrand. 
Joannem VVillok coram justiciario S D N regis et regine, ejusue dep- 
utatis, dictis die et loco ad subeund legem pro vsurpatione auctorita- 
tis ministerij ecclesie ad manus suas proprias ipso in ministrum eius- 
dem minime legitime admisso existen. in festo Pasche, viz. 26to die 
mensis Martij vltimo elapso et quotidie per spatium trium dierum 
hujusmodi festum immediate preceden. atque abhinc continue suo 
more sacramentum altaris pluribus SDN regis et regine subditis 
infra burgos de Dunde, Month ros, aliisque diversis partibus et locis 
infra vicecomitatus de Foirfare et Kynkardin, eisdem adjacen. a diuinc 
et laudabili vsu fidelis ecclesie catholice longe diuerso et differente 
administrando, necnon pro conventione et congregatione hujusmodi 
subd.torum infra burgos et bondas predict, temporibus suprascript. 
ipso minime per loeorum ordinarios admisso seu approbato eriain 
absque earundem licentia dictis subditis sermocinan. et predican. ' 
atque per suos sermones illos ad suas errabiles et seditiosas doctrinas 
et scismata perswaden. et seducen. auctoritatem SDN regis et regine 
inde vsurpan. atque inter suos subditos antediet. seditiones et tnmul- 
tus facien. contra tenorem literarum proclamation'^ de super confect. 
vt in hujusmodi Uteris criminalibus latins continet ir. Et non compa- 
rer amerciatus fuit dictus Georgius Luvell pro nonintroitu prefati 



NOTES. 437 

Fauli Methwen in pena 407. Et judicium redditum fuit quod ipse Tau- 
rus ad cornu SDN regis et regine denunciator et quod omnia bona 
sua mobilia suis vsibus applicantur tanquam fugitiuus a lege pro 
dictis criminibus. 

Eodem die, Joannes Erskin de Dvne, per literas SDN regis et re- 
gine sepe vocat. ad intrand. fratrem Joannem (Jristesoun coram dicto 
justiciario deputato ad subeund. legem, pro vsurpatione auctoritatis 
ministerij eccjesie ad inarms suas proprias, [&c. ut supra,] quod dictus 
frater Joannes ad cornu SDN regis et regine denunciatur, &c. 

Dicto die, Patricius Murray de Tibbermuir sepe vocat. per literas 
SDN regis et regine ad intrand. Willielmum Harlaw coram dicto 
justitiario deputato ad subeund. legem pro criminibus immediate pre- 
scripts. Et non comparen. amerciatus fuit dictus Patricius, pro non 
introitu dicti AVillielmi Harlaw in pena xlta. lib. Et judicium reddi- 
tum fuit quod ipse Willielmvs ad cornu SDN regis et regine denun- 
ciatur. Et quod omnia bona sua mobilia suis usibus applicantur tan- 
quam fugitiuus a lege pro dictis criminibus. 

Prefato die, Robert us Campbell de Kinzecluch per literas SDN 
regis et regine sepe voct. ad intrand. Joannem Willok coram dicto 
juslitiaro deputato, dictis die et loco ad subeund. legem pro vsurpa- 
tione auctoritatis ministerij ecclesie ad man us suas proprias ipso io 
ministrum eiusdem minime legitime admisso existen. in festo Pasche, 
viz. 26to die mensis Martij ultimo elapso et quotidie per spatium trium 
•dierum hujusmodi festum immediate preceden. &c. Et judicium red- 
ditum fuit quod dictus Joannes Willok ad cornu SDN regis et regine 
denunr. Et quod omnia bona sua mobilia suis vsibus applicantur 
tanquam fugitiuus a lege pro dictis criminibus. 

Eodem die, prefati Paulus Methwen, frater Joannes Cristesoun, 
Willielmus Harlaw et Joannes Willok denunciati fuerunt rebelles 
SDN regis et regine, et ad cornu eorundem positi fuerunt per publi- 
cam proclamationem apud crucem foralem burgi de Striueling, per 
Joannem Duncane, seriandum et officiarium dicte curie demandato 
prefati justitiarij deputati, coram his testibus, Roberto Forrester de 
Calzemuke, Alexandra Forrester alias Carrik signifero, Willielmc 
Symth, et Joanne Grahame, notario publico, cum diuersis aliis. [Jus- 
ticiary Records. Book extending from 14th February, 1558, to 22d 
May, 1559.] 



Note HH, p. 172. 

Lamentation over the demolition of the Religious Houses. — " Truely, 
among all their deeds and devises, the casting doune of the churches 
was the most foolish and furious worke, the most shreud and execra- 
ble turne that ever Hornok himself culd have done or devised. For 
out of al doubt that great grandfather of Calvine, and old enemie of 
mankind, not only inspired every one of those sacrelegious hellhounds 
with his naming spirit of malice and blasphemie, as he did their fore- 
fathers Luther and Calvine : bot also was then present as maister of 
worke, busily beholding his servands and hirelings working his" wi] 
and bringing to pass his long desired contentment. — They changed 
the churches (which God himself called his house of prayer) into filthie 
and abominable houses of sensual men, yea, and of unreasonable 
beasts: when as they made stables in Halyrudhous, sheep-houses ofS. 
Antoine, and S. Leonard's chapels, tolbooths of S. Gillis, &c. which this 
day may be seene, to the great griefe and sorrow of al good Chris- 
tians, to the shame and confusion of Edinburgh, and to the everlast- 
ing damnation of the doers thereof, the sedicious ministers, Knox 
37* 



436 NOTES. 

and his complices." After weeping over the ruins of " Abbirbroth 
the writer returns to St. Giles, and represents our Saviccir as lament 
ing its profanation by the setting up of " the abomination of desola- 
tion," the courts of justice, within that holy ground. " How wold he 
say, if he were now* entering in at S. Giles, and looking to bare wals, 
and pillars al cled with dusCs weepings and cobwebs, instead of paint- 
ing and tapestrie; and on every side beholding the restless resorting 
of people treating of their worldly affaires, some writing and making 
of obligations, contracts and discharges, others laying countes or tell- 
ing over sowmes of money, and two"and two walking and talking to 
and fro, some about merchandise or the lawes, and too many, alas ! 
about drinking and courting of woeman, yea, and perhaps about 
worse nor I can imagine, as it is wont to be done al the day long 
in the common Exchanges of London and Amsterdam and other 
great cities? And turning him farther towards the west end of the 
church, which is divided in a high house for the Colledge of Justice, 
called the Session or Senat-house, and a lower house called the low 
Tolbooth, where the balives of the town used to sit and judge com- 
mon actions and pleas in the one end thereof, and a number of har- 
lots and scolds for flyting and whoredom, inclosed in the other. And 
these, I mean, if our Saviour were present to behold such abominable 
desolation, that where altars were erected, and sacrifices, with con- 
tinual praises and praiers, were wont to be offered up to the Lord, in 
remembrance of that bloody sacrifice of Christ on the crosse, there 
now are holes for whores, and cages for scolds, where nothing is hard 
bot banning and swearing, and every one upbraiding another: O 
what grieve and sorrow wold our Lord tak at the beholding of such 
profanation and sacrilege !" Father Alexander Bailie's True Informa- 
tion of the unhallowed offspring, progress and impoison'd fruits of our 
Scottish-Calvinian Gospel and Gospellers, pp. 24, 25, 27, 28. Wirts- 
burer, 1623. 



Note II, p. 174. 

Alleged Excesses of the Reformers. — It would be endless to enter 
into an examination of the exaggerated accounts which have been 
given of the " pitiful devastation" committed by the reformers. I shall 
content myself with stating a few facts, which may satisfy the candid 
and considerate that no such great blame is imputable to them. The 
demolition of the monasteries^ with their dependencies, will be found 
to comprehend the sum of what they can be justly charged with. And 
yet again, I would ask those who are most disposed to blame them for 
this, What purpose could the allowing of these buildings to stand have 
served, if not to cherish the hopes and excite the desires of the catho- 
lics, to regain possession of them? To what use could the reformers 
possibly have converted them 1 Is it to be supposed that they could 
form the idea of preserving them for the gratification of a race of an- 
tiquaries, who were to rise up in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- 
turies? Have these gentlemen, with al ft heir zeal, ever testified their 
regard for these sacred monuments, by associations and subscriptions 
to preserve the mouldering remains from going to their original dust 1 
The reformed ministers had enough to do,"in exciting the nobility and 
gentry to keep the parish churches in decent repair, without under- 
taking the additional task of supporting huge a id useless fabrics. But 
enousrh of this — Let not any distress themselves by supposing that 
the costly furniture of the monasteries and churches was all consumed 
bv the flames. Fanatical as the reformers were, they " reservit the 



NOTES. 439 

best part thairof unburnt," and converted it into money, some of which 
went into the public purse, but the greater part into the private pockets 
of the nobles. Winzet, apud Keith, Append. 245. The idols and images 
were indeed committed to the flames without mercy; but considering 
the example that their adversaries had set them of consigning the 
living images of God to this fate, the retaliation was certainly mode- 
rate ; and that these were the only sacrifices which they offered up, 
we have the testimony of a Popish writer. Leslaeus, de Reb. Gest. 
Scotorum, lib. x. p. 537, edit. 1675. 

The act of privy council for demolishing idolatrous houses did not 
extend to cathedrals or to parish churches. Spotswood, pp. 174, 175. 
In the First Book of Discipline, indeed, cathedral-churches, if not used 
as parish-churches, are mentioned among the places to be suppressed ; 
but so far was this case from "occurring, that it was found necessary 
to employ many of the chapels attached to monasteries, and collegiate 
churches, as places for the Protestant worship. That, in the first 
effervescence of popular zeal, some of the cathedrals and other 
churches should have suffered, is not much to be wondered at. " What 
you speak of Mr. Knox preaching for the pulling down of churches," 
says Mr. Baillie, in his answer to bishop Maxwell, " is like the rest of 
your lies. I have not heard that in all our land above three or foure 
churches were cast down." Historical Vindication of the Government 
of the Church of Scotland, p. 40. Mr. Baillie had the historical collec- 
tions of Calderwood in his possession when he composed that workj 
This statement is confirmed by the testimony of Cecil in the letter 
quoted above, (p. 430.) The churches were merely to be stripped of 
monuments of idolatry and instruments of superstition ; and in carry- 
ing this into effect, great care was ordered to be taken that the build- 
ings should not be injured. Lord James Stewart (afterwards earl of 
Murray) was the person to whom the execution of the act in the 
northern part of the kingdom was committed ; and we have an au- 
thentic document of the manner in which he proceeded, in an order 
issued by him, and written with his own hand, for purging the cathe- 
dral church of Dunkeld.* The following is an exact copy of that 
order : 

"To our traist friendis, the Lairds of Arntilly and Kinvaid. 

" Traist friendis, after maist harty commendacion, we pray yow faill 
not to pass incontinent to the kyrk of Dunkeld, and tak doun the haill 
images thereof, and bring furth to the kyrkzayrd, and burn thaym 
oppinly. And siclyk cast" down the altaris, and purge the kyrk of all 
kynd of monuments of idolatrye. And this ze faill not to do, as ze will 
do us singular empleseur; and so committis you to the protection of 
God. From Edinburgh, the xii. of August, 1560. 
" Faill not, hot ze tak guid heyd (Signed) 

that neither the dasks, windocks, " Ar. Ergyll. 

nor durris, be ony ways hurt 

or broken eyther " James STEwart. 

glassin wark or iron wark." 

" RUTHVEN." 

We may take it for granted that the same caution was used in the 
rest of the commissions. If it be asked, how it happened that the 
cathedrals, and many other churches, fell into such a ruined state, the 
following quotations may serve for an answer. They are taken from 
a scarce" work written by Robert Pont, commissioner of Murray, and 
one of the lords of Session. "Yet, a great many, not onely of the 
raskall sorte, but sundry men of name and worldly reputation, joyned 

* Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. x.x. p. 42? 



440 NOTES. 

themselves with the congregation of the reformers, not so much for 
zeale of religion, as to reape some earthly commoditie, and to be en- 
riched by spoyle of the kirkes and abbey places. And when the 
preachers told them that such places of idolatrie should be pulled down, 
they accepted gladly the enterprise; and rudely passing to worke. 
pulled down alf, both idoles and places where they were found. Not 
making difference between these places of idolatrie, and many parish 
kirks, "where ( iod's word shuld have bin preached in many parts 
where they resorted, as in such tumult.es and suddainties useth t<> 
come to passe; namelye, among such a nation as we are. Another 
thing fell out at that time, which may be excused by reason of neces- 
sities when as the lordes, and some of the nobilitie, principal! enter- 
pry sers' of the Reformation, having to dp with the Frenchmen, and 
many their assisters of our owne nation, enemies to these proceedings, 
were forced, not onely to ingage their owne landes, and best owe 
whatsoever they were able to furnishe of their own patrimonie, for 
maintenance of men of warre, and other charges, but also to take the 
lead and belles, with other jewelles and ornaments of kirkes, abbayes, 
and other places of superstition, to employ the same, and the prises 
thereof, to resist the enemies. The most parte of the realme beand 
in their contrarie. This, I say, cannot be altogether blamed." Against 
Sacrilege, Three Sermons preached by Maister Robert Pont, an aged 
Pastour in the Kirk of God. B. 6, 7. Edinburgh, 1599. Comp. Keith, 
*>. 468. 

But what shall we say of the immense loss which literature sus- 
tained on that occasion ! " Bibliothecks destroied, the volumes of the 
fathers, councells, and other books of humane learning, with the regis- 
ters of the Church, cast into the streets, afterwards gathered in heaps, 
and consumed with fire." Spotswood's MS. Keith, Historie, p. 503. 
Does not such conduct equal the fanaticism of the Mahometan chief- 
tain who deprived the world of the invaluable Alexandrine library .' 
As every one is apt to deplore the loss of that commodity upon which 
he sets the greatest value, I might feel more inclined to join in this 
lamentation, were I not convinced that the real loss was extremely 
trifling, and that it has been compensated ten thousand fold. Where 
and of what kind were these bibliothecks! Omneignotum magniji- 
cum. The public was long amused with the tale of a classical library 
at Iona, which promised a complete copy of Livy's works, not to be 
found in all the world beside; a miracle which Mr. Gibbon, in the 
abundance of his literary faith, seems to have been inclined to admit. 
Danes, and Reformers, and Republicans, were successively anathe- 
matized, and consigned to the shades of barbarism, for the destruction 
of what (for aught that appears) seems to have existed only in the 
brains of antiquarians. It has been common to say, that all the learn- 
ing of the times was confine 1 to monasteries. This was true at a 
certain period; but it had ceased to be the fact in the age in which 
the Reformation took place. Low as literature was in Scotland at the 
beginning of the 16th century, for the credit of my country, I trust 
that it was not in so poor a state in the universities as it was in the 
monasteries. Take the account of one who has bestowed much atten- 
tion on the monastic antiquities of Scotland. "Monkish ambition 
terminated in acquiring skill in scholastic disputation. If any thing 
besides simple theology was read, it might consist of the legends of 
saints, who were pictured converting infidels, interceding for offend- 
ers, and overreaching fiends; or of romances, recording the valour 
of some hardy adventurer, continually occupied in wars with pagans, 
or in vanquishing giants, foiling necromancers, and combating dra- 
gons. Some were chroniclers; and books of the laws might be tran- 



NOTES. 441 

scribed or deposited with monks. Some monks might be conversant 
in medicine and the occult sciences." Dalyell's Cursory Remarks, 
prefixed to Scottish Poems, i. 17, 18. 

But we are not left to conjecture, or to general inferences, concern- 
ing the state of the monastic libraries. We have the catalogues of 
two libraries — the one of a monastery, the other of a collegiate church 
— which may be deemed fair specimens of the condition of the remain- 
der in the respective ages to which they belonged. The former is the 
catalogue of the library of the Culdean monastery at Lochleven 
in the twelfth century. It consisted of only seventeen books, all of 
them necessarily in manuscript. Among these were a pastoral, gra- 
duale, and missale, books common to all monasteries, and without 
which their religious service could not be performed; the Text of the 
Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles ; an Exposition of Genesis ; a 
Collection of Sentences ; and an Interpretation of Sayings. The rest 
seem to have consisted of some of the writings of Prosper, and per- 
haps of Origen and Jerom. Jamieson's Historical account of the 
ancient Culdees, pp. 376 — 8. It may be granted that this collection of 
books was by no means despicable in that age ; but certainly it con- 
tained nothing, the loss of which has been injurious to literature. I 
have no doubt that, if a copy of the Gospels, with the Lochleven seal 
or superscription, (whether authentic or fictitious,) were to occur, it 
would, with antiquarians, give as high a price as a Polyglot : without 
the smallest regard to its utility in settling the original text. From 
the twelfth to the sixteenth century, the monastic libraries did not im- 
prove. The catalogue of the library at Stirling exhibits the true state 
of learning at the beginning of the last mentioned period. It con- 
tained, indeed, a copy of the gospels and epistles in manuscript, most 
probably in Latin ; the remainder of its contents was purely monkish. 
There were four missals, two psalters, four antiphonies, three brevia- 
ries, two legends, four graduate, and ten processionals. Dalyell's 
Fragments of Scottish History, p. 77. 

I have occasionally met, in the course of my reading,- with notices 
of volumes of the Fathers being in the possession of the Scottish mon- 
asteries, but nothing from whfch I could conclude that they had com- 
plete copies of any" of their writings. The abbot of Crossraguel, 
indeed, speaks of his being in possession of a large stock of this kind, 
(Keith, Append. 193,) which some writers have been pleased to calcu- 
late at " a cart-load." It does not appear, however, that they belonged 
to the monastery over which he presided. But. whatever books of 
this kind were to be found in them, the reformers would be anxious to 
preserve, not to destroy. The chartularies were the most valuable 
writings deposited in monasteries; and many of these have been 
transmitted to us. The reformers were not disposed to consume these 
records, and we find them making use of them in their writings. 
Knox, Historic, pp. 1, 2, 3. The mass-books were the most likely 
objects of their vengeance ; and I have little doubt that a number of 
these were committed to the flames, in testimony of their abhorrence 
of the Popish worship. Yet they were careful to preserve copies of 
them, which they produced in their disputes with the Roman Catho- 
lics. Ibid. p. 261. 

But whatever literary ravages were committed, let them not be im- 
puted exclusively to the tumultuary reformation of Scotland, to. the 
fanaticism of our reformers, or the barbarous ignorance of our nobles. 
In England, the same proceedings took place to a far greater extent, 
and the loss must have been far greater. " Another misfortune," says 
Collier, "consequent upon the suppression of the abbeys, was an igno- 
rant destruction of a great many valuable books. The books, instead 
F3 



442 NOTES. 

of being removed to royal libraries, to those of cathedrals, ,»r the uni- 
versities, were frequently thrown in to the grantees, as things of 
slender consideration. Their avarice was sometimes so mean, and 
their ignorance so undistinguishing, that when the covers were some- 
what rich, and would yield a little, they pulled them off, threw away 
the books, or turned them to waste paper."— "A number of them 
which purchased these superstitious mansions," says Bishop Bale, 
"reserved of those library books, some to serve their jacks, some to 
scour their candlesticks, and some to rub their boots, and some they 
sold to the grocers and soap-sellers, and some they sent over the sea 
to bookbinders, not in small numbers, but at times whole ships full. 
Yea, the universities are not clear in this detestable fact ; but cursed 
is the belly which seeketh to be fed with so ungodly gains, and so 
deeply shameth his native country. I know a merchant man (whicl 
shall at this time be nameless) that bought the contents of two nobk 
libraries for forty shillings price; a shame it is to be spoken. This 
stuff hath he occupied Instead of grey paper by the space of more 
than these ten years, and yet hath he store enough for as many years 
to come." Bale's Declaration : Colliers Eccles. Hist. ii. 166. 



Note KK, p. 183. 

Aversion of Queen Elizabeth to the Scottish War. — The personal 
aversion of Elizabeth to engage in the war of the Scottish Reforma- 
tion, has not, so far as I have observed, been noticed by any of our 
historians. It is, however, a fact well authenticated by state papers, 
whether it arose from extreme caution at the commencement of her 
reign, from her known parsimony, or from her high notions respect- 
ing royal prerogative. Cecil mentions it repeatedly in his correspon- 
dence with Throkmorton. "God trieth us," says he, "with many 
difficulties. The queen's majestie never liketh this matter of Scotland ; 
you knowe what hangeth thereuppon : weak-hearted men and flatter- 
ers will follow that way. — I have had such a torment herin with the 
queen's majestie, as an ague hath not in five fitts so much abated." 
Forbes, i. 454, 455. In another letter he says, " What will follow of 
my going towardes Scotlande, I know not ; but I feare the success, 
quia, the queen's majestie is so evil disposed to the matter, which 
troubleth us all." Ibid. 460. It was not until her council had pre- 
sented a formal petition to her. that she gave her consent. Ibid. 390. 
Even after she had agreed to hostilities, she began to waver, and listen 
to the artful proposals of the French court, who endeavoured to amuse 
her until such time as they were able to convey more effectual aid to 
the Queen Regent of Scotland. Killigrew, in a letter to Throkmorton. 
after mentioning: the repulse of the English army in an assault on the 
fortifications of Leith, says: — "This, together with the bishopes [of 
Valance] relation unto the queen's majestie, caused her to renew the 
opinion of Cassandra." Ibid. 456. This was the principal cause of 
the suspension of hostilities, and the premature attempt to negociate, 
in April, 1560, which so justly alarmed the lords of the Congregation : 
an occurrence which is also passed over in our common histories. 
Sadler, i. 719, 721. The Scottish Protestants were much indebted to 
Cecil and Throkmorton for the assistance which they obtained from 
England. A number of the counsellors, who had been in the cabinet 
of Q,ueen Mary, did all in their power to foster the disinclination of 
Elizabeth. Lord Gray, in one of his despatches, complains of the 
influence of these ministers, whom he calls Philippians, from their 
attachment to the interest of the King of Spain. Haynes, p. 295. 



NOTES. 443 



Note LL, p. 186. 

Loyalty of the Scottish Protestants. — Tie lostile advance of the 
regent against Perth, first drove the lords oft: e Congregation to take 
arms in their own defence. Her reiterated infraction of treaties, and 
the gradual development of her designs, by the introduction of French 
troops into the kingdom, rendered the prospect of an amicable and 
permanent adjustment of differences very improbable, and dictated 
the propriety of strengthening their confederation, that they might be 
prepared for a sudden and more formidable attack. These consider- 
ations are sufficient to justify the posture of defence in which they 
kept themselves during the summer of 1559, and the steps which they 
took to secure assistance from England. If their exact situation is 
not kept in view, an accurate judgment of their conduct cannot be 
formed, and their partial and temporary resistance to the measures of 
the regent will be regarded as an avowed rebellion against her autho- 
rity. But whatever be the modern ideas on this subject, they did not 
consider the former as necessarily implying the latter, and they con- 
tinued to profess not only their allegiance to their sovereign, but also 
their readiness to obey the Queen Regent in every thing not incon- 
sistent with their security, and the liberties of the nation ; nay, they 
actually yielded obedience to her, by paying taxes to the officers 
whom she appointed to receive them. Knox, p. 176. Private and 
confidential letters are justly considered as the most satisfactory evi 
dence as to the intentions of men. Our Reformer, in a letter to Mrs 
Locke, written on the 25th of July, 1559, says, " The queen is retired 
unto Dunbar. The fine [end] is known unto God. We mean no 
tumult, no alteration of authority, but only the reformation of reli- 
gion, and suppression of idolatry." Cald. MS. i. 429. At an early 
period, indeed, she accused them of a design to throw off their alle- 
giance. When the prior of St. Andrews joined their party, she indus- 
triously circulated the report that he ambitiously aimed at the sover- 
eignty, and that they intended to confer it upon him. Knox, 149. 
Forbes, i. 180. It was one of the special instructions given to Sir 
Ralph Sadler, when he was sent down to Berwick, that he should 
" explore the very trueth" as to this report. Sadler, i. 731. In all his 
confidential correspondence with his court, there is not the slightest 
insinuation that Sadler had discovered any evidence to induce him to 
credit that charge. This is a strong proof of the prior's innocence, if 
it be taken in connection with what I shall immediately state; not to 
mention the testimony of Sir James Melvil. Memoirs, p. 27. 

When the Earl of Arran joined the Congregation, the Queen Regent 
circulated the same report respecting him. Knox, p. 174. So far as 
the Congregation were concerned, this accusation was equally un- 
founded as'the former. Ibid. p. 176. But there are some circum- 
stances connected with it, which deserve attention, as they set the 
loyalty of the Scottish Protestants in a very clear light. The Earl of 
Arran, and not the prior of St. Andrews, was the favourite of the 
English court. Messengers were appointed by them to bring him 
from the Continent, and'he was conducted through England into Scot- 
land, to be placed at the head of the Congregation. Forbes, i. 164, 
166, 171, 216. Sadler, i. 417, 421, 437, 439. There is also good evi- 
dence that the ministers of Elizabeth wished him to be raised to the 
throne of Scotland, if not also that they had projected the uniting of 
the two crowns by a marriage between him and Elizabeth. " The 
way to perfait this assuredly," says Throkmorton to Cecil, " is, that 
the erle of Arraine do as Edward the IV. did, when he landed at Ra- 



4 11 NOTES. 

venspurg, [he pretended to the duchy of York, and having that, he 
would not leave till lie had the " diademe,"] for then of necessitie th' 
erie of Arran must depend upon the devotion of England, to inaintein 
and defend himself. 1 feare all other devises and handelings will prove 
like an apotecary his shop ; and therefore I leave to your discretion 
to provyde by all meanes for this matter, both there and in Scotland." 
And again: " Methinks, the lord of Grange, Ledington, Balnaves, and 
the chief doers of the Congregation, (which I wold wish specially to 
be done and procured by the prior of St. Andrewes,) should be per- 
suaded to set forward these purposes before : for there is no way for 
them to have any safety or surety, oneles thei make the earl of Arran 
king; and as it is their surety, so it is also ours. In this matter there 
must be used both wisdome, courage, and sped." Forbes, i. 435, 43b\ 
Throkmorton, it is to be observed, was at this time the most confiden- 
tial friend of Cecil, and, in his despatches from France, pressed the 
adoption of those measures which the secretary had recommended to 
the queen and council. Had not the Congregation been decidedly 
averse to any change of the government which would have set aside 
their queen, it seems highly probable that this plan would have been 
carried into execution. The report of an intended marriage between 
Elizabeth and Arran was general at that time ; and whatever were 
the queen's own intentions, it seems to have been seriously contem- 
plated by her ministers. Forbes, 214, 215, 282, 288. This accounts 
for the recommendation of this measure by the Scottish Estates, after 
the conclusion of the civil war. Keith, 154. 



Note MM, p. 192. 

Authorities for the statement of Knox's Political Principles. — The 
following extracts from his writings relate to the principal points 
touched in the statement of his political sentiments: — 

" In few wordis to speik my conscience; the regiment of princes is 
this day cum to that heap of iniquitie, that no godlie man can bruke 
office or autoritie under thame, but in so doing hie salbe compellit not 
only aganis equitie and justice to oppress the pure, but also express- 
edlie to fycht againis God and his ordinance, either in maintenance of 
idolatrie, or ellis in persecuting Godis chosin childrene. And what 
must follow heirof, but that ether princeis be reformit and be compellit 
also to reform their wickit laws, or els all gud men depart fra thair 
service and companie." Additions to the Apology of the Parisian 
Protestants: MS. Letters, p. 477. Dr. Robertson has ascribed to 
Knox and Buchanan an "excessive admiration of ancient policy;" 
and he says, their "principles, authorities, and examples, were all 
drown from ancient writers." and their political system founded '• not 
on the maxims of feudal, but of ancient republican government." His- 
.ory of Scotland, vol. i. b. ii. p. 391. Lond. 1809. These assertions 
need some qualification. If republican government be opposed to 
absolute monarchy, the principles of Knox and Buchanan may be de- 
nominated republican ; but if the term (as now commonly understood) 
be used in contradistinction to monarchy itself, it cannot be shown 
that they admired or recommended republicanism. They were the 
friends of limited monarch)'. It is the excellence of the government 
of Britain, that the feudal maxims which once predominated in it, 
have been corrected, or their influence counteracted, by others bor- 
rowed from republican constitutions. And it is not a little to the cre- 
dit of these great men, and evinces their good sense and moderation, 
that, notwithstanding all their admiration of ancient models of learis- 



NOTES. 445 

ation, in comparison with the existing feudal monuments, they con- 
tented themselves with recommending such principles as tended to 
restrain the arbitrary power of kings, and secure the rights of the 
people. Nor were all their authorities and examples drawn from 
ancient writers, as may be seen in Buchanan's dialogue, Dejureregni 
apud Scot os. 

In a letter written by him to the queen dowager, a few days after 
her suspension from the regency, Knox says, " My toung did bothe 
perswade and obtein, that your authoritie and regiment suld be obey- 
ed of us in all things lawfull, till ye declair yourself opin enemie to 
this comoun welthe; as now, allace! ye have done." Historie, p. 180. 
This declaration is justified by the letters which he wrote to his breth- 
ren before his arrival in Scotland. The following extract from a letter 
addressed to the Protestant nobility, December 17, 1557, is a speci- 
men: — "But now, no farder to trubill you at the present, I will onlie 
advertis you of sic bruit as I heir in thir partis, uncertainlie noysit. 
whilk is this, that contradictioun and rebellioun is maid to the autori- 
tie be sum in that realme. In whilk poynt my conscience will not 
suffer me to keip back from you my consall, yea, my judgment and 
commandement, whilk I communicat with yow in Godis feir, and by 
the assurance of his trueth, whilk is this, that nane of you that seik to 
promot the glorie of Chryst do suddanlie disobey or displeas the estab- 
lissit autoritie in things lawful, neither yet that ye assist or fortifie 
such as, for their awn particular caus and warldlie promotioun, wald 
trubill the same. But, in the bowallis of Chryst Jesus, I exhort yow, 
that, with all simplicitie and lawfull obedience, with boldness in God, 
and with opin confessioun of your faith, ye seek the favour of the 
autoritie, that by it (yf possible be) the cause in whilk ye labour may 
be promotit, or, at the leist, not persecutit: Whilk thing, efter all 
humill request, yf ye can not atteane, then, with oppin and solemp 
protestation of your obedience to be given to the autoritie in all 
thingis not planelie repugnying to God, ye lawfullie may attemp the 
extreamitie, whilk is, to provyd (whidder the autoritie will consent or 
no) that Chrystis evangell may be trewlie preachit, and his haly sacra- 
mentis rychtlie ministerit unto yow and to your brethren, the subjectis 
of that realme. And farder ye lawfully may, yea, and thairto is bound, 
to defend your brethrene from prosecutioun and tiranny, be it aganis 
princes or emprioris, to the uttermost of your power; provyding 
alwayis (as I have said) that nether your self deny lawful obedience, 
nether yit that ye assist nor promot thois that seik autoritie and pre- 
eminence of warldlie glorie." MS. Letters, pp. 434, 435. 

In a conversation with Queen Mary at Lochleven, we find him 
inculcating the doctrine of a mutual compact between rulers and sub- 
jects. " It sail be profitabill to your majesty to consider quhat is the 
thing your grace's subjects luiks to receave of your majesty, and 
quhat it is that ye aucht to do unto thame by mutual contract. They ar 
bound to obey you, and that not bot in God ; ye ar bound to keip 
lawes unto thame. Ye crave of thame service; they crave of you 
protectioun and defence against wicked doars. Now, madam, if you 
sail deny your dewty unto thame, (quhilk especially craves that ye 
punish malefactors,) think ye to receave full obedience of thame ?" 
Historie, p. 327. This sentiment was adopted by his countrymen. 
The committee appointed by the Regent Murray, to prepare overtures 
for the parliament which met in December, 1567, (of which committee 
our Reformer was a member,) agreed to this proposition : — " The 
band and contract to be mutuale and reciprous in all tymes cuming 
betwixt the prince and God, and his faithful! people, according to the 
word of God." Robertson's Records of Parliament, p. 796. This was 
38 



446 NOTES. 

also one of the articles subscribed at the General Assembly in July 
preceding; and their language is still more clear and express, — "mu 
tual and reciproque in all tymes coming betwixt the prince and God, 
and also betwixt the prince and faithful people." Buik of the Univer- 
sall Kirk, p. 34, Advocates' Library. Keith, 582. See also the pro- 
clamation of the king's authority, in Anderson's Collections, vol. ii. p. 
205. Keith, 441. The right of resistance was formally recognized in 
the inscription on a coin stamped soon after the coronation of James 
VI. On one of the sides is the figure of a sword with a crown upon 
it; and the words of Trajan circumscribed, Pro me; si mereor,in h*e; 
i. e. Use this sword for me; if I deserve it, against me. Oardonell s 
Numismata Scotiae, plate ix. p. 101. Our Reformer's Appellation may 
be consulted for the proof of what has been asserted (pp. 191, 192) as 
to his endeavours to repress aristocratical tyranny, and to awaken 
the mass of the people to a due sense of their rights. See also his 
Historic, p. 100. The effect of the Reformation in extending popular 
liberty was very visible in the parliament which met in August, 1500, 
in which there were representatives from all the boroughs, and a hun- 
dred lesser barons, " with mony otheris baronis, fre-halderis, and 
landit men." Keith informs us that, during a space of no less than 
seventy-seven years preceding, "scarcely had one of the inferior gen 
try appeared in parliament. And therefore," adds he, " I know not 
but it may be deemed somewhat unusual, for a hundred of them to 
jump all at once into the parliament, especially in such a juncture as 
the present was." History, pp. 147, 148. The petition presented by 
the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and vote in the parliament, has this 
remarkable clause in it: "otherwise we think that whatsomever ordi- 
nances and statutes be made concerning us and our estate, we not 
being required and suffered to reason and vote at the making thereof, 
that the same should not oblige us to stand thereto." Robertson's 
History of Scotland, Append. No. 4. 

Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied the pro- 
gress of the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence of English 
bishops in his doctrine concerning the limited authority of kings, and 
the lawfulness of resisting them. See above, Note BB, and Note III. 
And he had the express approbation of the principal divines in the 
foreign churches. Historie, 363, 366. In the seventeenth century, some 
of the French reformed divines, in their great loyalty to the Grand 
Monarque, disclaimed our Reformer's political sentiments, and repre- 
sented them as proceeding from the fervid and daring spirit of the 
Scottish nation, or adapted to the peculiar constitution of their gov- 
ernment. Riveti Castig. in Balzacum, cap. xiii. \ 14: Oper. torn. iii. p. 
539. Quotations from other French authors are given by Bayle, Diet. 
Art. Knox, Note E. In the controversy occasioned by the execution 
of Charles I. our Reformer's name and principles were introduced. 
Milton appealed to him, and quoted his writings, in defence of that 
deed. One of Milton's opponents told him that he could produce in 
his support only a single Scot, " whom his own a<re could not suffer, 
and whom all the Reformed, especially the French, condemned in this 
point." Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Coelum, p. 129. Hagae-Coniit. 1625; 
written by Pierre du Moulin, the son. Milton, in his rejoinder, urges 
with truth, that Knox had asserted, that his opinions were approved 
of by Calvin, and other eminent divines of the reformed churches. 
Miltoni Defensio Secunda, p. 101. 

Long before the controversy respecting the execution of Charles, 
Milton had expressed himself in terms of high praise concerning our 
Reformer. Arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the 
press, he says, " Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any 



NOTES. 447 

deceased author, though never so famous in his lifetime and even to 
this day, come to their hands for licence to be printed or reprinted, :'f 
there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered 
in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it mightnot be the 
dictate of a divine spirit ?) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit 
humour of their own, though it were Knox himself, the Reformer of a 
kingdom, that spake it, they will not pardon him their dash : the sense 
of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or 
the presumptuous rashness of a prefunctory licenser. And to what 
an author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of 
greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, 
but shall lorbear till a more convenient season." Prose Works, vol. i. 
p. 311. The tract from which this quotation is made, was first pub- 
lished in 1644, the year in which David Buchanan's edition of Knox's 
History appeared; and Milton evidently refers to that work. 



NoteNN, p. 213. 

I shall, in this note, add some particulars respecting the early 
practice of the Reformed Church of Scotland, under the following 
heads : — 

Of Doctors. — The doctrine of the Church of Scotland, and indeed 
of other reformed churches, on this head, has not been very uniform 
and decided. The First Book of Discipline does not mention doctors, 
out it seems to take for granted what has been stated respecting them 
in the Book of Common Order, where they are declared to be " a 
fourth kind of ministers left to the Church of Christ," although the 
English Church at Geneva could not attain them. Knox's Liturgy, p. 
14. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 409, 410. In the Second Book of Discip- 
line, the office of doctor is expressly mentioned as "ane of the twa 
ordinar and perpetual functions that travel in the world," and " differ- 
ent from the pastor, not only in name, but in diversity of gifts." The 
doctor is to " assist the pastor in the government of the kirk, and con- 
cur with the elders his brethren in all assemblies," but not "to minis- 
ter the sacraments or celebrate marriage." Dunlop, ii. 773, 774. The 
Book of Common Order and Second Book of Discipline agree in com- 
prehending, under the name and office of a doctor, " the order in 
schooles, colledges, and universities." Ibid. The fact seems to be 
that there never were any doctors in the Church of Scotland, except 
the teachers of divinity in the universities. " Quamvis ecclesia nos- 
tra," says Calderwood, "post primam reformationem, quatuor agnos- 
cat ministrorum genera, pastorum, doctorum, presbyterorum, et dia- 
conorum, tamen doctores alios nondum habuit quam scholarchas." 
De Regimine Ecclesia? Scoticanse Brevis Relatio, pp. 1, 2. Anno, 1618. 
Some writers have asserted, that it was as doctors that Buchanan 
and Andrew Melville sat, and sometimes presided, in the church 
courts. The Episcopalians having objected, that the Church of Scot- 
land admitted persons to act as" moderators in her assemblies who 
were in no ecclesiastical office, and having appealed to the instances 
of the two persons above mentioned, Mr. Baillie gives this answer : 
" Mr. Melvil was a doctor of d.ivinity, and so long as episcopal perse- 
cution permitted, did sit with great renowne in the prime chair we 
had of that faculty : George Buchanan had sometimes, as I have heard, 
been a preacher at St. Andrews: after his long travells he was em- 
ployed by our church and state to be a teacher to King James and his 
family: of his faithfulnesse in this charge he left, I believe, to the 
world good and satisfactory tokens: the eminency of this person was 



44S NOTES. 

so great, that no society of men need be ashamed to have been mode- 
rated by his wisdome." Historical Vindication, pp. 21, 22. The re- 
port which Mr. Baillie had heard of Buchanan having been a preacher, 
probably originated from the divinity lectures which Calderwood 
informs us he read with great applause in the university of St. An- 
drews. " Buchanan and Mr. Melville were doctors of divinity," says 
Rutherford, in his Lex Rex, pref p. 5. London, 1644. 

Of Readers. — Those employed as readers appear to have often 
transgressed the bounds prescribed to them, and to have both solemn- 
ized marriage, and administered the sacraments. Different acts of 
Assembly were made to restrain these excesses. The General As- 
sembly, in October, 1576, prohibited all readers from administering 
"the holie sacrament of the Lord, except such as hes the word of ex- 
hortation." The Assembly which met in July, 1579, inhibited them 
from celebrating marriage, unless they were found meet by " the com- 
mission, or synodal assembly." At length, in April. 1581, the order 
was suppressed. " Anent readers : Forsamekle as in assemblies pre- 
ceding, the office therof was concludit to be no ordinar office in the 
kirk of God, and the admission of them suspendit to the present as- 
semblie, the kirk in ane voyce hes votit and concludit farder, that in 
na tymes coming any reider be admitted to the office of reider, be any 
having power within the kirk." Buik of the Universal] Kirk, in loc. 

Of Superintendents. — The Church of Scotland did not consider 
superintendents as ordinary or permanent office-bearers in the Church. 
They are not mentioned in the Book of Common Order. The First 
Book of Discipline explicitly declares, that their appointment was a 
matter of temporary expedience, for the plantation of the Church, and 
on account of the paucity of ministers. Its words are, " Because we 
have appointed a larger stipend to them that shall be superintendents 
than to the rest of the ministers, we have thought good to sigmfie to 
your honours such reasons as moved us to make difference betwixt 
teachers at this time." And again: " We consider that if the minis- 
ters whom God hath endowed with his singular graces amongst us 
should be appointed to several places, there to make their continual 
residence, that then the greatest part of the realme should be destitute 
of all doctrine; which should not onely be the occasion of great mur- 
mur, but also be dangerous to the salvation of many. And therefore 
we have thought it a thing most expedient at this time, that from the 
whole number of godly and learned men, now presently in this realme. 
be selected ten or twelve, (for in so many provinces we have divided 
the whole,) to whom chame and commandment should be given, to 
plant and erect kirkes, to set, order, and appoint ministers, as the 
former order prescribes, to the countries that shall be appointed to 
their care where none are now." First and Second Books of Discip- 
line, p. 35, printed anno 1621. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 538, 539. 
Archbishop Spotswood has not acted faithfully, if his History has been 
printed, in this place, exactly according to his manuscript. He has 
omitted the passages above quoted, and has comprehended the whole 
two paragraphs from which they are extracted in a short sentence of 
his own, which is far from being a full expression of the meaning of 
the compiler. History, p. 158. Lond. 1677. This is the more inexcus- 
able, as he says that, for "the clearin<r of many questions which were 
afterwards agitated in the Church," he "thought meet word by word 
to insert the "same [the First Book of Discipline] that the reader may 
see what, were the grounds laid down at first for the government of 
the church." Ibid. p. 152. He could not be ignorant that the grounds 
of the appointment of superintendents formed one of the principa" 
questions agitated between him and his Anti-Episcopal opponents 



NOTES. 449 

hav° examined the copy of the First Book of Discipline, inserted in an 
old MS. copy of Knox's Historie, and find that it exactly agrees with 
the quotations which I have made from the editions puolished in 1621, 
and "by Dunlop. Dr. Robertson has been misled by the archbishop. 
" On the first introduction of his system," says he, " Knox did not 
deem it expedient to depart altogether from the ancient form. Instead 
of bishops, he proposed to establish ten or twelve superintendents in 
different parts of the kingdom." As his authority for this statement, 
he refers solely to the mutilated account in Spotswood. Hist, of Scot- 
land, ii. 42, 43. Lond. 1809. Mr. Laing, from an examination of the 
original documents, has given a more accurate account, and pro- 
nounced the appointment of superintendents to have been a "tempo- 
rary expedient." History of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 17, 18. Lond. 1804. 

The superintendents were elected and admitted in the same manner 
as other pastors. Knox, 263. They were equally subject to rebuke, 
suspension, and deposition, as the rest of the ministers of the Church 
In the examination of those whom they admitted to the ministry, they 
were bound to associate with them the ministers of the neighbouring 
parishes. They could not exercise any spiritual jurisdiction without 
the consent of the provincial synods, over which they had no nega- 
tive voice. They were accountable to the General ilssembly for the 
whole of their conduct. The laborious task imposed upon them is 
what few bishops have ever submitted to. " They must be preachers 
themselves ;" they are charged to " remain in no place above twenty 
daies in their visitation, till they are passed through their whole 
bounds." They " must thrice everie week preach at the least." When 
they return to their principal town of residence, " they must likewise 
be exercised in preaching;" and having remained in it "three or foure 
monthes at most, they shall be compelled (unless by sicknesse they be 
retained) to re-enter in visitation." Dunlop, ii. 542. De Regimine 
Eccles. fc-'cotican. Brevis Relatio, pp. 5, 6. Epistolte Philadelphi Vindi- 
ciae contra calumnias Spotswodi: Altare Damascenum, pp. 724 — 727. 
Lugd. Batav. 1708. In the last mentioned tract (of which Calderwood 
was the author) the difference between the Scottish superintendents 
and Anglican bishops is drawn out under thirteen heads, Spots- 
wood's treatise is entitled, Refutatio Libelli de Regimine Ecclesiae 
Scoticanae. Lond. 1620. 

The insiters, or commissioners of provinces, exercised the same 
power as the superintendents ; the only difference between them was, 
that the former received their commission from one Assembly to an- 
other. Altare Damascenum, p. 727. But these commissions appear 
sometimes to have been granted for a longer period ; for one of Robert 
Pont's titles was Commissioner of Murray. Perhaps, in this case, a 
commissioner differed from a superintendent, merely in not being 
obliged to have his stated residence within the bounds of the province 
committed to his inspection. 

Of the xoeekly Exercise, or Prophesying. — This was an exercise on 
the Scriptures, intended for the improvement of ministers, the trial of 
the gifts of those who might afterwards be employed in the service of 
the Church, and the general instruction of the people. It was to be 
held in every town " where schools and repaire of learned men are." 
For conducting the exercise, there was an association of the ministers, 
and other learned men, in the town and vicinity, called "the company 
of interpreters." They alternately expounded a passage of Scrip- 
ture; and others who were present were encouraged to deliver their 
sentiments. After the exercise was finished, the constituent members 
of the association retired, and delivered their judgment on the dis- 
courses which had been delivered. Books of Discipline, ut supra, pp. 
38 '* G3 



450 NOTES. 

50 — 62. Dunlop, ii. 587 — 591. After the erection of regular presbyte- 
ries, this exercise formed an important part of their employment; and 
at every meeting, two of the members by turns were accustomed tc 
expound the Scriptures. Do Regimine Eccl. Scot. Brevis Relatio, p. 
3. Until lately traces of this ancient practice remained, and there is 
reason to regret that it has generally gone into desuetude among 
Presbyterian bodies. Associations of the same kind were formed in 
England. From 1571 to 1576, they spread through that kingdom, and 
were patronized by the Bishops of London, VVinton, Bath and Wells, 
Litchfield, Gloucester, Lincoln, Chichester, Exon, St. David's, by San- 
dys, Archbishop of York, and by Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Several of the courtiers, as Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Francis Knollys, 
and Sir Thomas Smith, greatly approved of them ; and, at a future 
period, they were recommended to King James by Lord Bacon. But 
they were suppressed by an imperious mandate from Elizabeth. Some 
interesting particulars respecting their number, regulations, and sup- 
pression, may be seen in Strype's Annals, ii. 90 — 95, 219, 220, 318— 
324, 486. Life of Grindal, pp. 219—227, 230, 299, 300. Life of Parker, 
460—462. They were formed on the model of the Scottish Exercises, 
and in their regulations, the very words of the First Book of Disci- 
pline are sometimes used. A species of ecclesiastical discipline was 
joined with them in some dioceses. I also observe a striking resem- 
blance between the directions given by Bishop Scambler for the cele- 
bration of the Lord's Supper, and the mode which was then used in 
Scotland, particularly as to the circumstances of two communions oi 
ministrations on the same day, and the early hour of the service. 
Strype's Annals, ii. 91, compared with Scott's History of the Scottish 
Reformers, p. 192. 

Keith has given a quotation from the MS. copy of Spotswood's His- 
tory, in which the archbishop signifies, that at the time of the compila- 
tion of the First Book of Discipline, several of the reformed ministers 
wished to retain the ancient polity, after removing the grosser cor- 
ruptions and abuses, but that Knox overruled this motion. Keith, 
492. But there is no trace, in the authentic documents of that period, 
of any diversity of opinion among the Scottish reformers on this head. 
The supposition is contradicted by Row, (see above, p. 210,) and by 
their own language. Dunlop, iii. 518. Knox's Historie, 282. It is 
probable that the archbishop's story had its original at a later period, 
when the design of conforming the Church of Scotland to the Eng- 
lish model began to be entertained. I am not inclined to give much 
more credit to another tale of Spotswood, respecting a message which 
Archbishop Hamilton is said to have sent to Knox by John Brand. 
History, 174. Keith, 495. 

Note OO, p. 215. 

Sentiments of the Reformed Ministers respecting Tithes and the 
Property of the Church.— These are laid down in the First Book of 
Discipline, chap. v. and viii. Dunlop, ii. 533—538, 562—568. Consid- 
erable light is also thrown upon them by the private writings of that 
period. The reformed ministers did riot regard tithes as'of divine 
right, nor think that it was sacrilegious in every case to apply to secu- 
lar purposes those funds which had been originally set apart to a reli- 
gious use. But they held that, by the Christian as well as the Jewish 
law, a competent subsistence was appointed to be made for the minis- 
ters of religion; that it is incumbent on a nation which has received 
the true religion to make public provision for the outward mainten- 
ance of its ordinances; that the appropriation of the tenth part of 



NOTES. 4M 

property fir this purpose is at least recommended by primeval usapre, 
by the sanction of divine wisdom in the Jewish constitution, and by 
the laws and practice of Christian empires and kingdoms; that pro- 
perty which had been set apart and given for religious ends could not 
justly, or without sacrilege, be alienated, as long as it was needed for 
these purposes ; and that though many of the donors might have had 
the support of superstitious observances immediately in their eye, 
still it was with a view to religion that they made such gifts. In as 
far as it should appear that the ecclesiastical revenues were super- 
abundant and unnecessary, they were willing that the surplus should 
be applied to the common service of the state. To illustrate their sen- 
timents on this subject, and the manner in which they complained of 
the alienation of church property, I shall add a few extracts from some 
of their writings which are not commonly consulted. 

My first extracts shall be from Ferguson's sermon, to which our 
Reformer set his hand a little before his death. Having given an 
accoiint of the law of Moses, the ordinance of the New Testament, 
and the practice of the primitive church, he adds, "Ye se, then, that 
the ministers of the primitive kirk (that levit befoir princes wer Chris- 
tianes and nurishers of the kirk, as it was propheseit) wer na beggaris, 
suppois they wer no lordis that aboundit in superfluous welth,"as the 
papis bischoppis did ; hot had sufficient asweill for the necessitie of 
thair owin families, as for the help of uther Christianes that now and 
then, as occasiones servit, repairit to thair housis. Q,uhen the tyme 
come foirspokin bi David (Ps. lxviii. and cii.) that kingis and empe- 
reouris, and thair kingdomes, suld serve the Lord, and bring giftes 
unto him," they, " following his example that only is wyse, ordainit 
be thair authoritie, that the'tiendis sulde serve to the same use in the 
tyme of the gospel]." — " Our youth aucht also to be nurischit and 
maintenit at the schuillis, and thairoutof efterward might spring 
preicheris, counsellouris, physiciounis, and all other kinds of learnit 
men that we have neid of. For the scheulis are the seid of the kirk 
and common welth, and our childrene are the hope of the posteritie, 
quhilk being neglectit, thair can nathing be luikit for bot that barba- 
rous ignorance sail overflow all. For suppois God has wonderfullie, 
at this time, steirit up priecheris amang us, even quhen darkness and 
ignorance had the upperhand, he will - not do sa heirefter, seeing we 
have the ordinarie meane to provide them, quhilk gif we contempne, 
in vane sail we loke for extraordinary proviscioun. Israel was mirac- 
ulusslie fed in the wildernes with manna, bot how soon thay did eit 
of the corne of the land of Canaan, the manna ceissit, nouther had 
they it ony moir, bot levit efterward on the frute of the ground, ordi- 
narilie labourit with thair handis. I speik to prudent men that may 
understand and judge quhat I say." After deploring the decayed state 
of the churches and schools, and the poverty of the^ministers, he adds, 
"I am compellit to speik this, thocht I be als plane as pleasant, and 
appear to yow as the greatest fule of the rest to stand up heir to utter 
that quhilk other men thinkis. Weill ; let me be countit a fule for 
speiking the treuth. I regard not; nouther may I spair to speik 
it, thocht I suld be judgeit" in our awin cause to be carryit away 
with a particular affectioun ; following heirin the exampil of our pro- 
phet. Malachie."— " Ye marvel, I doubt not, quhy ye have not prevailit 
aganis yone throtcutteris and unnatural! murtherers within the towne 
and castell of Edinburgh, specially ye heving a maist just actioun, 
being ma in number, and mair valyeant men, and nathing inferiour to 
thame in wisdome, circumspectioun, or ony gud qualiteis, outlier of 
body or mynd. Bot ceis to marvel ; for the caus quhy that ye have 
not " )revailit aganis thame long or now, amang mony uther your 



452 NOTES. 

sinnis quhairwith ye are defylt, is this, that the spuilyie of the puie is 
in your housis; ye invaid that quhilk our forbearis gave of gude zeii 
to Goddis honour, and the commoun welth of the kirk ; ye spuilye to 
your awn private usis, without outher ryme or resoun, nouther will 
ye be controllit. This, this, I say, is the chief caus that nathing pros- 
peris in your handis. I grant that our fatheris, of immoderate zeill 
(besyde the teindis and necessarie rentis of the kirk,) geve thairunto 
superfluously, and mair nor aneuch. Quhat then is to be done ! but 
that the preicheris of God's word be reasonablie sustenit, seing thair 
is eneuch and over mekil to do it, the schullis and the pure be weill 
provydit, as they aucht, and the tempellis honestly and reverently 
reparit, that the pepill, without injurie of wynd or wedder, may sit 
and heir Goddis word, and participat of his haly sacramentis. And 
gif thair restis ony thing unspendit quhen this is done, (as na dout 
thair wil,) in the name of God, let it be bestowiton the next necessarie 
affairis of the commoun welth, and not to any mannis private com- 
modities Ane Sermon preachit befoir the regent and nobilitie — be 
David Fergussone. B. iv. v. O. Lepruik, 1572. 

The following extracts are taken from Sermons against Sacrilege 
by Robert Pont. " From the yeare of our Lorde 1560, unto this pre- 
sent time, the greatest study of all men of power of this land, hes bene, 
by all kinde of inventions, to spoyle the kirk of Christ of her patrimo- 
nie, by chopping and changing, diminishing of rentals, converting of 
victual in small sumes of money : setting of fevves within the availe, 
long tackes uppon tackes, with two or three liferentes, with many 
twentie yeares in an tack, annexationes, erectiones of kirk-rents in 
temporal! livings and heritage, pensiones, simple donationes, erecting 
of new patronages, union of teindes, making of new abates, commen- 
dataries, priors, with other papistical titles, which ought to have no 
place in a reformed kirk and countrie ; with an infinite of other cor- 
rupt and fraudfull waies, to the detriment and hurte of the kirke, the 
schooles, and the poore, without any stay or gaine-calling. 

" Treuth it is, parliaments have been conveened, and acts have bene 
made, for providing ministers of competent livinges ; for reparaling 
of parish kirkes, for trayning up the youth in schooles of theologie.) 
It hath bene also promised, and subscribed in writte, by a great parte 
of the nobilitie, that the poore labourers of the grounde, should have 
an ease and reliefe of the rigorous exacting of their teindes : and many 
other good thinges have been devised, tending to the advancement of 
the glorie of God, and establishing of Christ his kingdome. Amongst 
us, namely, in time of thegovernemente of that good regente (whome 
for honoures cause 1 name) who, although he could not doe all that 
hee would have done, (having so manie hinderances and enemies,) 
yet his dooings might have been a perfite patterne of godlinesse to 
the reste of the nobilitie, to make thame bene content to live uppon 
their owne rentes, and to cease from robbing and spoyling the patri- 
monie of the kirke.'' Having proposed the objection, that the Levifi- 
cal law of Moses is abrogated, and that therefore his authorities from 
the Old Testament had no force under the gospel, he adds : " I auns- 
were concerning these lands or annual rentes, out of landes delated 
and given to the kirke, that although the Leviticall lawe, with the 
ceremonies thereof, concerning the outwarde observation, hath taken 
an ende, and is fulfilled in Christ ; yet the substance of the policie, 
concerning interteinment of the service of God, and uphold of religion, 
still remaines. And it is no lesse necessarie, that the ministerie of 
God amongst us be mainteined ; and that sufficient provision be made 
to serve other godlie uses, whereunto the kirke-rentes ought to be 
applyed, nor it was that the priestes and levites shoulde bene upholden 



NOTES. 453 

in the time of the olde law. And as to the bolinesse or unholines of 
these landes and revenues: albeit in their owne nature (as I said in 
the former sermon) they be like other earthly possessiones ; yet, in so 
far as they were applyed to an holy use, they may wel be called holy 
possessions and rents, as the kirk is holy, to whose use they are ap- 
pointed. I will not deny but the teindes might be possibly changed, 
in other meanes of sufficient provision for the kirke, if such godly 
zeale were now amongst men, as was of olde time. But in so farre 
as we see the plane contrarie, that men are now readier to take away, 
than ever our predecessors were to give ; it were a foolish thing to 
loose the certaine for the uncertaine, and that which is never likely 
to come to passe." Pont's Sermon's against Sacrilege. B, 8. C, 2. C, 8. 
E, 6. Woldegrave, 1599. 

It appears from the following extract, that Pont undertook this work 
at the desire of the General Assembly. "July 3, 1591. Mr. Robert 
Pont is ordained to writ against sacrilege, and show his travells to 
the next assembly." Matthew Crawfurd's MS. History of the Church 
of Scotland, vol. i. p. 161. 



Note PP, p. 216. 

Of John Roiv, and the introduction of Hebrew Literature into Scot- 
land. — The following notices of Row's employment at Rome are 
furnished by a very curious and valuable manuscript in the possession 
of Thomas Thomson, Esquire. Besides papal bulls relating to bishop- 
rics and benefices in Scotland about the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, it contains a number of important documents as to the corres- 
pondence between the Scottish primate and the Roman court, to- 
gether with accounts of receipts and disbursements by the agent at 
Rome for the Earl of Arran, governor of Scotland, John Hamilton, 
Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Gavin and Claud Hamilton. John 
Row was employed as their procurator. In " Ane Recollectioun of 
my lord of Sanct Andros missives to my lord of Kilwinning," (MS. p. 
324.) is the following article: — 

" And is content M. Johne Row was put in charge of his 1 [ordship's] 
affairs in Rome, 11 Martii, 1554." 

In " Ane memoir of all things left wt. M. Johne Row be Gavin, 
eommendator of Kilwinning, at his departing of Rome, 20 mesis 
Martii, 1555," (MS. p. 240,) is the following:— 

"Item, appointed wt. M. Johne Row for the provestrie of Kirkfield, 
and caus M. Alexr. Forres send his mandat to ratify the 20£. pension 
reservit to the said M. .Thone." 

In a variety of letters to the pope, " concerning my lord d uckis bairnis, 
my lord archbishope of Sanctandros, bischope Argile, my lord Kilwinn- 
ing self, and utheris thair frends," to cardinal Sermonet, "regni Scotiae 
promotori,"and toother members of the sacred college, from John, Arch- 
bishop of St. Andrews, Gavin, coadjutor to the archbishop. James Earl 
of Arran, and Mary dowager queen and regent of the kingdom ; written 
during the years 1555 and 1556, and inserted in the same manuscript, 
John Row is recognized and recommended as "procurator for the see of 
St. Andrews." At the close of the book is a table of ciphers, with an 
explanation, to which this title is prefixed, "Ciphre send be my 1. of 
Sanct andros of Edr. 13th May, 1555, to M. Johne Row in Rome." 

One great object of the negotiation with Rome, in which Row was 
employed, was the obtaining of a confirmation and extension of the 
powers formerly granted to the Archbishop of St. Andrews as primate 
and lezatus natus o: Scotland, from which Gavin Dunbar, late Arch 



454 NOTES. 

bishop of Glasgow, had procured an exemptio In support of hia 
claim, the primate urges, that " there had always been a great number 
of heretics'in the diocese of Glasgow ;" that its proximity to England 
"gave easy ingress and egress to persons of bad manners and opin- 
ions;" that various scandals and enormities, such as -'the burning of 
the images of God and the saints, the contempt of prelates, the beat- 
ing of priests and monks, and the eating of forbidden meats," were 
committed within its bounds, and that the archbishop could not sup- 
press these evils in his diocese, and at the same time hindered the 
primate from exerting his pow,er for this purpose. The following 
passage, in one of the informations presented to the court of Rome 
throws light on the fate of two individuals whom we have already 
(pp. 110, 391) had occasion to mention. "Insuper cum magna pars 
dioe Glasguen. nuper fuerat heresibus infecta, et tarn durante vita 
dicti quondam Gavini vltimi archiepiscopi Glasguen. quam sede va- 
cante, maxima scandala contra Catholicam fidem perpetrabantur. nee 
in potestate sedis Glasguen. et suorum suffraganeorum erat eorum. 
potentie resistere. Sed D. Archiepiscopus Sancti andree modernus 
metropolitano ac jure prouinciali eandem diocesin visitavit, et repur- 
gavit malis hominibus heresiarchis. In cuius testimonium ipse sua 
propria persona expugnavit locum de Ochiltre, et inde inuito domino 
ejusdem detrusit ad carceres et vincula quendam apostatam nomine 
Macbraire heresiarcham, et eiusdem fautores gravibus penis mulc- 
tauit. Et similiter alteram Vallasium nuncupatum in sua heresi per- 
seuerantem in eadem diocesi Glasguen. natum hereticas opiniones 
profitentem publica omnium regni ordinum prelatorum conuentione 
de heresi conuictum et condemnatum curie tradidit seculari ad corribur- 
endum. Et ita curavit heresis pestem puniri quod sedes Glasguen.. 
minime potuit facere, que res cum sic notissima probationi vlteriori 
non multum indigens que si esset necessaria omnibus Scotis Rome 
satis innotescit." [MS. fol. 179, comp. fo. 185 — 187.] 

Row left Rome on the 20th of May, and arrived in Scotland on the 
29th of September, 1558. The following is the account of his conver- 
sion from Popery given by his son. Being in Cleish, the house of the 
gentleman who had detected the imposture at Musselburgh, (see p. 
201,) the young man who was said to have been cured of blindness, 
was brought into his presence, where he " played his pavie," by " flyp- 
ing up the lid of his eyes, and casting up the white." While Row 
was confounded at this discovery, the gentleman addressed him very 
seriously: " Weill, Mr. John Row, ye are a great clergyman, and a 
great linguist and lawyer, but I charge you, as you must answer to 
the gieat God at the last day, that ye do not now hold out any light 
that God offers you, but that ye will, as soon as ye come to your 
study, close the door upon you, and take your Bible, and seriously 
pray to God that ye may understand the Scriptures. — Read the 2d ch. 
of the 2d epistle to the Thessalonians ; and if ye do not see your mas- 
ter, the pope, to be the great antichrist who comes with lying wonders 
to deceive the people of God, (as now he and his deceiving rabble of 
clergy in Scotland have done lately at Musselburgh,) ye shall say 
Squire Meldrum has no skill." Row, Historie of the Kirk, p. 356 ; copy 
of the MS. transcribed in 1726. After conference with several of the 
reformed ministers, and particularly Knox, he made formal abjura- 
tion of popery. "Ipse Nuncius," says his grandson, "nassa evangelii 
irretitus, ejus pura, pia, pathetica praedicatione inescatus, pontificiis 
syrtbus, famigerati Knoxi opera, extractus est." Hebrea? linguae Insti- 
tutiones, a M. Joa. Row, epist. dedic. A. 3, b. Glasguae, 1644. In the 
beginning of the year 1560, he was admitted minister of Kinneuchar 
>n Fife, where he married Margaret Beatoun, a daughter of the laird 



NOTES. 155 

of Balfour. Row's Historie, ut supra. Before the end of that year he 
was translated to Perth. Knox, 236. Keith, 498. His son informs us 
that he was born at Row, a place situated between Stirling and Dum- 
blane, and which belonged to the family. That he was an author 
appears from the testament of Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edin- 
burgh, who died on the J 8th of October, 1577, and the inventory of 
whose goods contains the following lines: — "Item, ane M. Johne 
Rowis signes ofthe sacramentis, price 12c/." 

During his residence in Italy, Row had acquired the knowledge of 
the Greek and Hebrew languages. The latter was at that time almost 
entirely unknown in Scotland, and he immediately began, at the re- 
commendation of his brethren, to teach it. The grammar-school of 
Perth was then the most celebrated in the kingdom, and noblemen 
and gentlemen were accustomed to send their children thither for 
their education. Many of these were boarded with Row, who in- 
structed them in Greek and Hebrew. As nothing but Latin was 
spoken by the boys in the school and in the fields, so nothing was 
spoken in Row's house but French. The passages of Scripture read 
in the family before and after meals, if in the Old Testament, were 
read in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, and English ; if in the New 
Testament, they were read in Greek, &c. His son John, when he 
was between four and five years old, was taught the Hebrew charac- 
ters, before he knew the English letters ; and at eight years of age be 
read the Hebrew chapter in the family. When he went to the newly 
erected university of Edinburgh, his uncommon acquaintance with 
the Hebrew language attracted the particular notice of the learned 
and amiable Principal Rollock. Row's Historie, 372 — 375. Hebreae 
Ling. Institut. ut supra. Row gave instructions to the master of the 
grammar-school in the Greek tongue, by which means it came to be 
afterwards taught in Perth. And, in 1637, his grandson, John Row, 
became rector of that school, in which he taught Latin, Greek, and 
Hebrew. This produced the following encomiastic verses by John 
Adamson, principal of the college of Edinburgh. 

Perthana quondam Latialis linguae schola 
Laude cluebat, fueratque unius labri; 
Nunc est trilinguis, Latio jungens Greeciam, 
Et huic Palaestinam; omnium linguis loquens. 
O ter beatam te nunc Perthanam scholam! 
O ter beatum Rollum rectorem tuum ! 
Per quem juventus, barbariae procul habitu, 
Rudis et tenella primulis labellulis 
Solymas, Athenas, et Romam scite sonat. 

About the year 1567, James Lawson (afterwards Knox's successor 
at Edinburgh) returned from the Continent, where he had studied 
Hebrew. The professors of St. Andrews prevailed on him to give 
lessons in that language in their university. Life of Lawson, p. 2, in 
Wodrow's MS. Collections, vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. As he was made 
sub-principal in the university of Aberdeen, in 1569, it is to be pre- 
sumed that he would also teach that language there. Lawson, after 
his settlement in Edinburgh, patronized the interests of literature in 
this city. It was chiefly by his exertions that the buildings for the 
high-school were completed in 1578. His intentions were to have it 
erected into an university, or at least to make it schola illustris, with 
classes of logic and philosophy. The books destined for the library 
were kept in his house, previous to the foundation of the college. 
Crawford's History of the University of Edinburgh, pp. 19, 20. It is 
jnnecessary to say any thing here of the influence which Andrew 



456 NOTES. 

Melville exerted on the promotion of Oriental literature in this coun- 
try. Thomas Smeton, who succeeded Melville as principal of the 
university of Glasgow, was a Hebrew scholar, as appears from his 
answer to Hamilton's Dialogue. Those who held the situation of prin- 
cipal in the universities at that time were accustomed to teach such 
oranches of learning as were most neglected. 



Note QQ, p. 217. 

Of George Buchanan. — As every thing relating to this scholar must 
be interesting to the learned, 1 shall add a few notices of him which 
have been hitherto overlooked. 

The following entries in the treasurer's accounts refer to the period 
during which he was tutor to James Stewart, abbot of Melrose and 
Kelso, an illegitimate son of James V. 

" Anno 1536. Item, the 16th day of februar, be the kingis gracis pre- 
cept and speciale comand, to Maister George Balquhanan and Andro 
Mylin, seruandis to lord James, to be thame twa gownis, xi elnis 
pareis blak, price of the elne 32s. Summa. 17/. 12s., &c. &c. 

"Augt. 1537. Item, to Maist. George Buchquhanan, at the king's 
command, 20/. 

[July 1537.] "Item, for vi elnis pans blak to be Maister George 
Balquhanan ane gown, price of the elne 36*. Summa. 10/. 16s." 
[Compt. Thesaur.] 

From the manuscript belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq., quoted 
in the preceding note, it appears that an absolution was procured at 
Rome, for George Buchanan, by the regent Arran and the Archbishop 
of St. Andrews : and that his brother Patrick was appointed tutor to 
the regent's children at Paris. In an accompt entitled " The archden 
of Sanctandros memo, of expenses in Rome," (MS. p. 141,) is the fol- 
lowing article: — 

[1553.] " Item, for M. George Balquhananes absolution, crowns 9." 

In the papers of Gawen, commendator of Kilwinning, (MS. pp. 204, 
206, 235, 325,) are the following articles:— 

" Item, given to M. Patric Balquhannan to ane gud compt, 24 July, 
1554, 500 franks. 

" And I haif left with M. Patric Balquhannan in ane steil box 500 
crownis, 1 Rois nobilis, and xiv Hary nobilis. Parisiis, 28th July, 1554. 

"Memoir of the geir left with Maister Patrik Bawquhenan the 27th 
day of July, anno 1554 at my departyng to Chattelleraut, &c. 

" And to tak sikernes at M. Patric Balquhanan suld serve my lordis 
bairnis, and quitclame his pension quhen he war benefitit 26. 1554." 

The following extracts from the treasurer's accounts refer to the 
,r ear 1568, when Buchanan accompanied the Regent Murray to Eng- 
land, to justify the charges against Mary Queen of Scots. 

" Item, the said day [27 May] to ane boy passand of Stir riling, wt. 
clois writtings of my lord regent g. to the lard of Buchquhannane, 
and Maister George Buchquhannane being baitli in Sanctandr. 4s. 

" June 26th. Item, the said day to ane boy passand of Edinburgh 
to Sanctandrois wt. ane clois writting of my lord regent g. to Maister 
George Buchquhannane, 5s. 

" Item, the said 27th day of August, be my lord regentis jrrace spe- 
ciale command, to Maister George Buchquhanane 5 elns 2 quarteri? 
of fyne blak veluote, ye eln 11. Summa. 38/. 10s. 

" Item, to him ane sleik of chamlot of silk, 22/. 

" Item, 2 elnis 2 quarteris of Londoun claith, the eln 4/. 10s. Summa, 
\2i. Is. 6d. [Compt. Thesaur.] 



NOTES. 457 

As his imprisonment in Portugal, and his release from confinement, 
nave been imperfectly related, I shall here insert two accounts of them, 
which have escaped the notice of his biographers. Principal fc'meton's 
account, which was most probably derived from Buchanan himself, is 
the following. " Vivit adhuc," says he in his answer to Hamilton, "et 
utinam diu vivat, orbis terrarum, non Scotite tantum, decus Georgius 
Buchananus ; quern inepte facerem, si a rabidi canis latratu defendere 
conarer,' extra omnem ingenii aleam omnium judicio constitutum. 
Q,uod de abjurata ab eo haeresi adscribis, impudentissimum est men- 
dacium, Hamiltoni. Duplici quidem de causa in verse religionis suS' 
picionem in Lusitania venit; turn quod Serapbici ordinis mysteria in 
Franciscano suo apertius reuelasset: turn quod in priuato colloquio 
discipulis quibusdam dixisset, videri sibi Augustinum transubstantia- 
tionis figmento non prorsus fauere. In carcerem coniectus causam 
capitis perorauit. Franciscanum se regis sui iussu scripsisse; nee 
quicquam in eo esse quod vllum fidei Christianas dogma conuellat. 
Versus quosdam memoriter pronuntiare iussus (nam nemo ibi libellum 
habebat) memoriae iacturam causatus est. De transubstantiatione res- 
pondit; non alia se quam Augustini verba recitasse, ex cap. 16. lib. 3. 
de Doctrina Christiana. Quae sic habent. ' Si praeceptiua locutio est, 
aut flagitium aut facinus vetans, aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam 
iubens, non est figurata: Si autem flagitium aut facinus videtur iubere, 
aut vtilitatem aut beneficentiam vetare, figurata est. Nisi manducau- 
eritis, inquit, carnem filij hominis et sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis 
vitam in vobis: facinus vel flagitium videtur iubere. Figura est ergo, 
praecipiens passioni Domini esse communicandnm, et suauiter atque 
vtiliter recondendum in memoria, quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa 
et vulnerata sit.' Haec, inquit, si ha?resim sapiunt, prius Augustinum 
damnate; quod vt feceritis, haud aequum tamen erit, vt ego alienae 
culpae pcenas luam. Ergo cum nee ratione, nee testimonio cuiusquam 
conuinci posset, iudicum calculis absolutus in Galliam redijt ; tanto 
bonarum litterarum damno, vt ipsemet postea Lusitaniae Rex amantis- 
simis eum scriptis reuocarit. Sed frustra. Summo enim Dei beneficio 
ex crudelissimis inquisitorum manibus liberatus, in discrimen se ite,- 
rum conjicere noluit : cum in Gallia praesertim, omnium quae sub sole 
sunt regionum humanitate, optimarum artium study's et doctorum 
numero prima, opimoe illi, et admodum honorificae conditiones defer- 
rentur. Sed Buchananum singularis animi candor, et in omni genere 
perspecta virtus satis per se defendet." Smetoni, Responsio ad Viru- 
lentum Arch. Hamiltonii Dialogum, Edinburgi, 1579, pp. 89, 90. 

I shall add the account which Archibald Hamilton gives of this 
affair, in his reply to Smeton, although the judicious reader will be of 
opinion that no credit is due to ,such a writer, especially when his tes- 
timony is flatly contradicted by that of Smeton, and of Buchanan him- 
self. "Tamillud quidem contra regis Scotorum integritatem, quam 
hoc contra Hyspanorum nunquam satis laudatam in e.vaminandis 
h&reticis seven' tat em, malitiose confictum, et utrumque longe falsissi- 
mum est. Neque enim Jacobus Quintus, in tenenda atque asserenda 
fide Catholica princeps nulli omnium secundus, tarn impuro et procaci 
pasquillo, auctorem se unquam dedisset : neq; theologorum gravissi- 
ma censura, tam impiam athei poetae dicacitatem impune abire per- 
misisset: et ut prioris mendacii falsitas illustrium dominorum Askein 
et Levingston publico testimonio evicta tunc fuit, quando legatione 
apud Gal'os functi, regis nomine haereseos convictum Buchananum 
Hyspanorum legato detulerunt: ita ducentorum qui non disputationem 
sed supplicem lachrymantis deprecationem audiverunt, sententiis, 
alterius illius figmenti vanitas coargui potest, sin ilia? non satis 
Hrtiter premunt quod lons^e a nobis absint, et nostrorum horn 
39 H3 



45S NOTES. 

inum, quod rei gestae non interfuerunt narratio digr.a fide minus 
videatur: publice tamen urbis commentarii, in quos res gestae 
referri solent, auctoritate vacare non debent, qui aperte adhuc testa- 
buntur non Augustini testimonio. cap. 17. libri tertii de doctrina < 'hris- 
tiana, seel Psalmographi versum, psalmo vigesimo quarto, subsidio ei 
tunc fuisse: dum ad Cardinalis pedes provolutus, flebili voce, verba 
ista proferebat (delicta juventutis meae et ignorantias ne memineris, 
Doinine) earn recantationis formulam, ab eo tunc temporis usurpatam, 
ad eum sane fin em obiter a'ttigi, ut tandem Scotia intelligeret, quam 
gravem et constantem nunc patriarcham in religione sequitur : dum 
Jevis poetae et abjurati haeretici paradoxa omnia pro certissimis spi- 
ritns sancti oraculis habet." Calvinianae Confusionis Demonstration - 
per Archibaldum Hamiltonium, p. 252, b. 253 a. Parisiis, 1581. 



Note RR, p. 218. 

Of David Ferguson, and the cultivation of the Scottish Language. — 
I have said in the text, that the reformers, while they exerted them- 
selves to revive the knowledge of the learned languages, did not 
neglect the improvement of their native tongue: and that, among 
others, David Ferguson, minister of Dunfermline, distinguished him- 
self in this department. It appears, from a document already pro- 
duced, (Note GG,) that he belonged originally to Dundee. Though 
"not graduated in. a college," he was very far from being illiterate, 
and was much admired for the quickness of his wit and good taste, 
as well as for his piety — " elegantis ingenii et magna? pietatis virum," 
says Smeton, Responsio ad Hainilt. Dialog, p. 92. Row's Coronis to 
his Historie, p. 314 of copy in Divinity Lib. Edin. The sermon which 
I e preached at Leith before the regent and nobility, and afterwards 
published, (see above, p. 327.) is a proof of this; and had it not been a 
sermon, would most probably have been republished before this time, 
as a specimen of good Scottish composition. Extracts from it maybe 
seen in Note OO. John Davidson, then one of the regents at St. An- 
drews, celebrated the success of the author in refining his vernacular 
language, in the following Latin lines, which are prefixed to the 
sermon : — 

Graecia mellifluo quantum det Nestoris ori, 

Aut Demostheneo debeat eloquio ; 

Ipsi facundo quantum (mihi crede' parenti 

Attribuat linguae turba togata sua?; 

Nos tibi, Fergusi, tantum debere fatemur, 

Scotanam linguam quijeparare studes. 

Sermonem patrium ditas ; inculta vetusta 

Horret qua longe barbariemque fugas; 

Adde etiam, neque abest facundis gratia dictis, 

Respondet verbis materia apta tuis. 

Quod satis ostendit nobis tua concio praesens, 

Qua nihil in lucem doctius ire potest. 

Besides this sermon, Ferguson was the author of a collection of 
Scottish Proverbs, and of an Answer to the Rejoinder, which the Jesuit 
Tyrie made to Knox. That abusive writer, James Laing, calls this 
last work " a barbarous, and Scotican epistle," and rails against its 
author as an ignorant sutor and glover, who knew neither Hebrew, 
nor Greek, nor Latin. As for himself, although a Scotsman, Laing 
tells us, that he thought it beneath him to write in a language which 
was fit only for barbarians and heretics. " Tres sunt lingua? elegantes 



NOTES. 459 

<;t ingenuae. Hebraica, Grasca, et Latina, quae nobilibus principibus — 
sunt dignae : caeteras linguas, cum sint bai'barae, barbaris et hsereticis 
tanquam propriis relinquo." De Vita Haereticorum, Dedic. p. ult. et p. 
31. Paris, 1581. Notwithstanding this writer's boasting of his litera- 
ture, and the opportunities which he takes to display it, he did not 
know the top from the bottom of a Hebrew letter, if we may judge 
from his book, p. 94, b. Laing's objection to the literature of Fergu- 
son may, however, be thought as solid as that which another Popish 
writer has brought against his morals, by accusing him of using pepper 
instead of salt to his beef. "At hi quibus carnem accenclant irritent- 
que, novas artes quotidie excogitant ;" and on the margin, he says, 
"Exemplo est David Ferguson ad macerandas carnes bubulas pipere 
pro sale utens." Hamilton, de Confus. Calvinianae Sectae, p. 76. But 
to do justice to Hamilton, it is proper to mention, that pepper was at 
that time so high priced as to be a morsel only for a pope or a cardi- 
nal, and very unfit for the mouths of barbers, cobblers, &c. of which 
rank he tells us the reformed preachers generally were. Principal 
Smeton, after saying that Ferguson had reared a numerous family on 
a very moderate stipend, adds: — " Undenam ergo illi, amabo te, tan- 
tum piperis ad carnes quotannis macerandas quantum sexcentis apud 
nos aureis nummis nemo unquam compararit?" Smetoni Responsio 
ad Hamilt. p. 95. The truth is, there was too much salt and pepper 
in the writings of Ferguson for the Papists. 

A number of Ferguson's witty sayings are recorded by his son-in- 
law, John Row. James VI. who resided frequently at Dunfermline, 
used to take great delight in his conversation. "David," said James 
to him one day, " why may not I have bishops in Scotland as well as 
they have in England V — "Yea, Sir," replied Ferguson, "ye may 
have bishops here ; but remember ye must make us all bishops, else 
will ye never content us. For if ye set up ten or twelve lowns over 
honest men's heads, (honest men will not have your antichristian pre- 
lacies,) and give them more thousands to debauch and mispend than 
honest men have hundreds or scores, we wil never al be content. 
We ar Paul's bishopis, Sir, Christ's bishopis; ha'd us as we are." — 
" The d — 1 haid aills you," replied James, " but that ye would all be 
alike; ye cannot abide ony to be abone you." — "Sir!" said the min- 
ister, "do not ban." Row's Coronis to his Historie of the Kirk, p. 314. 
Ferguson seems to have amused himself with some of those incidents 
which were generally reckoned ominous. The king having once 
asked him, very seriously, what he thought was the reason that the 
Master-of-G ray's house shook during the - night, he answered, "Why 
should not the devil rock his awin bairns V " Having met at St. An- 
drews along with other commissioners of the church, to protest against 
the inauguration of Patrick Adamson as archbishop of that see, one 
came in'and told them, that there was a crow "crouping" on the roof 
of the church. "That's a bad omen," said he, shaking his head, "for 
inauguration is from avium garritu, the raven is omnimodo a black 
bird, and it cries corrupt, corrupt, corrupt.'''' Row's Historie, p. 40. 

It may not be improper to insert here the inscription on the tomb 
of John Row, the historian to whom I have so often been indebted, 
who was the third son of the learned minister of Perth, and married 
Grizzel, daughter to David Ferguson of Dunfermline. It is on his 
monument in the churchyard of Carnock. 

" Hie jacet M. Jo. Row, Pastor hujus Ecclesiae fidelissimus. Vixit 
acerrimus veritatis et foederis Scoticani assertor, Hierarchiae pseudo- 
episcopalis, et Romanorum rituum, cordicitus osor, in frequenti sym- 
mystarum apostasia cubi instar constantissimus. — Duxit Gricellidam 
Fergusonam, cum qua annos 51 conjunctissime vixit. Huic ecclesiae 



460 NOTES. 

annos 54 praefuit. Obiit Junij 26to, anno domini 1646. JEtatis 78. 
Obiit et ilia Januarij 30mo, 1659." 



Note SS, p. 218. 

Order of Procedure at the first Meetings of the General Assembly. — 
The first appointment of a moderator was in December, 1563. " It 
was proponit to the haill assemblie yat ane moderator suld be ap- 
points for avoyding confusioun in reasoning." Buik of the Universal 
Kirk, p. 8. The Assembly which met at Perth, August, 1 572, ordained, 
as a perpetual law, that no person, of whatever estate, take in hand 
to speak without licence asked and given by the moderator, that mo- 
deration should be kept in reasoning, and silence when commanded 
by the moderator, under pain of removal from the Assembly, and not 
to re-enter during that convention. Ibid. p. 55. In July 1 568, to cor- 
rect evils, " be reason of the pluralitie and confusion of voices," it was 
enacted, that none should have power to vote but superintendents, 
commissioners appointed to visit kirks, ministers " brought with yame, 
presented as habile to reasone, and having knowledge to judge," and 
commissioners of burghs, shires, and universities. The ministers 
were to be chosen at the synodal convention of the diocese, by con- 
sent of the rest of the ministry and gentlemen that shall convene at 
the said synodal convention; commissioners of burghs by "the coun- 
sell and kirk of their awn townes." — " None to be admitted without 
sufficient commission or wreit." And to prevent a monopolj' of 
power, they were to be changed from Assembly to Assembly. Ibid, 
p. 38. The Assembly, March 1569 — 70, settled the following order of 
procedure. After sermon and prayer by the former moderator, 1. A 
new moderator to be chosen. 2. Superintendents, commissioners, &c. 
to be tried. First, the superintendents being removed, inquiry was 
made of the ministers and commissioners of their bounds if they had 
any charges to lay against them as to neglect of duty, &c. If any 
charge was brought, it was examined, and sentence passed. The 
same order was observed in the trial of the other members of Assem- 
bly. 3. The case of penitents and persons under censure to be con- 
sidered. Lastly, The business left undecided by last Assembly, or 
brought before the present, to be taken up. Ibid. p. 47 



Note TT, p. 219. 

Epistolary Correspondence betiveen Knox and Calvin. — In a letter 
dated 28th August, 1559, Knox requests Calvin's opinion on the two 
following questions. 1. Whether bastards, the children of idolaters 
and excommunicated persons, should be admitted to baptism, before 
their parents gave satisfaction to the church, or they themselves were 
able to require if? 2. Whether monks and Popish priests, who nei- 
ther serve the church, nor are capable of serving it, although they 
have renounced their errors, ought to have the annual rents of the 
church paid to them ! Knox had'maintained the negative on the last 
question. The letter is said to be written raptim. ""Plura scribere 
vetat febris qua crucior, laborum moles qua premor, et Gallorum bom- 
bards, qui, ut nos opprimant, appulerunt." (Comp. Historic, p. 161.) 
Calvin, in a letter dated. Nov. 8, 1559, answers, that it was his opinion, 
and that of his colleagues, on the first question, That the sacrament 
of baptism was not to be administered to rhose who were without the 
church, nor to an> * 'thout proper sponsors; but the promise (upon 



NOTES. 461 

wuich the right was founded) was not confined to the posterity in the 
first degree : and therefore those who were descended from godly pa- 
rents were to be viewed as belonging to the church, although their 
parents, or even grand-parents, had become apostates, and sue i chil- 
dren w^v-e not to be refused baptism, provided persons appeared as 
sponsors, engaging for their religious education. " Adde quod alia est 
nunc renascentis ecclesia? ratio, quam rite formatae et composita?." 
(Comp. Dunlop, ii. 573.) On the second question, he says, That al- 
though those who performed no service in the church had not a just 
claim to be supported by its funds, still, as the Popish clergy had 
brought themselves under engagements in times of ignorance, and 
had consumed a part of their lives in idleness, it seemed harsh to de- 
prive them of all support. He therefore advises a middle course to be 
adopted. Calvini Epistolae et Responsa, pp. 516 — 520. Hanoviae, 1597. 
Ibid. pp. 201, 202, in Oper. torn. ix. Amstaslod, 1667. 

From another letter of Calvin to Knox, dated April 23, 1561, it ap- 
pears that the Genevese Reformer had been consulted by our coun- 
trymen on some other points of considerable difficulty, — most proba- 
bly those questions on which the nobility and the ministers differed. 
He wrote them accordingly, but soon afterwards was applied to a 
second time for his opinion on the same subject, as his first letter had 
miscarried. Knowing that his judgment was not altogether agreeable 
to some of his correspondents, he suspected that they wished to draw 
from him an answer more favourable to their own sentiments, and 
expressed his dissatisfaction at such conduct. Knox, who appears to 
have been employed in the correspondence, was grieved at this sus- 
picion, and vindicated himself from the imputation. Calvin, in his 
letter, apologises for his severity, and assures him that he never enter- 
tained any suspicion of his integrity. " Te vero dolose quicquam 
egisse, neque dixi, neque suspicatus sum. Ac mini dolet, quod exci- 
derat ex ore meo, sic in animum tuum penetrasse, ut putares malae 
fidei aut astutice, a qua te remotum esse judico, fuisse insimulatum. 
Facessat igitur metus ille vel cura." In both letters, Calvin signifies 
his high satisfaction at the wonderful success of the Reformation in 
Scotland. The conclusion of the last is expressive of the. unaffected 
piety of the writer, and his warm regard for his correspondent. " Hie 
versarnur inter multa discrimina. Una tantum eaelestis praesidii fiducia 
nos a trepidatione eximit : quanvis non simus metu vacui. Vale, exi- 
mie vir, et ex animo colende frater. Dominus tibi semper adsit, te 
gubernet, tueatur, ac sustentet sua virtute." Ut supra, pp. 564 — 566, 
et in alter, edit. p. 150. 

These are the only parts of the correspondence between Calvin and 
our Reformer which have been published; but Mons. Senebier, the 
librarian of Geneva, has informed us that there are a number of Knox's 
letters to Calvin preserved in the public library of that city. Histoire 
Litteraire de Geneve, torn. i. p. 380. 

During- his residence at Geneva, Knox became acquainted with 
Beza, who then acted as professor of Greek in the neighbouring city 
of Lausanne, from which he was translated to Geneva, upon the erec- 
tion of the university there, the same year in which our Reformer 
returned to Scotland. An epistolary correspondence was afterwards 
maintained between them. Two letters of Beza to Knox, the one 
dated June 3, 1569, the other April 12, 1572, are inserted in Epistol. 
Theolosr. Beza3, pp. 333—336, 344—346. of the first edition ; and pp. 
304—307, 314—316, of the second edition, Geneva?, 1575. Both of 
them evince the writer's ardent regard for our Reformer, and his high 
opinion of our reformation. The first letter is inscribed, " To John 
Knox, the Restorer of the Gospel of God in Scotland," and begins 
39* 



4fo NOTES. 

with these words: "Gratiam et pacem tibi, mi frater, omnibusque 
vestris Sanctis ecclesiis opto a Deo et Patre Domini nostri Jesu Christi, 
cui etiam gratias ago assidue, turn de tanta ipsius in vos beneficentia, 
turn de vestra singulari in asserendo ipsius eultu constantia et animi 
fortitudine. Euge, mi frater, quam recte illud quod disciplinam siimil 
cum doctrina conjungitis ! Ubsecro et obtestor ut ita pergatis, ne 
vobis idem quod tarn multis eveniat, ut qui in limine impegerint, pro- 
gredi non possint, imo etiam interdum ne velint quidem, quod longe 
misserrimum est." The second letter, which behoved to be received 
by Knox only a few months before his death, could not fail to be gra- 
tifying to him, even although he had then taken a formal " farewell of 
the world." It is addressed " To his dearest Brother and Colleague," 
and begins in the following lofty strain of affection : " Etsi tanto ler- 
rarum et maris ipsius intervallo disjunct! corporibus sumus, mi Cnoxe, 
tamen minime dubito quin inter nos semper viguerit, et ad extremum 
vigeat, summa ilia animorum conjunctio, unius ejusdemque spiritus 
fideique vinculo sancita." 



Note UU, p. 220. 

Evidence of Queen Mary's design to restore the Roman Catholic 
Religion in Scotland. — The reader who doubts that this was her uni- 
form object from the time that she left France, may consult the follow- 
ing authorities. Throkmorton's Conference with Mary, in Knox, 
Historie, 275— 277. Keith, History, 164— 167. Life of Bishop Lesley, 
in Anderson's Collections, i. 4, iii. 9. The letters of the Cardinal de 
St. Croix, (ambassador from the pope to the court of France,) extracted 
from the Vatican library, afford a striking demonstration of the inten- 
tions of the queen. St. Croix writes to Cardinal Borromeo, that the 
grand prior of France (one of Mary's uncles) and Mons. Danville had 
arrived from Scotland on the 17th November, (1561,) and had brought 
information, that the queen was going on successfully in surmounting 
all opposition to her in that kingdom. Being informed one day that 
some heretics had extinguished the candles on her altar, she repaired 
to the chapel, and having ascertained the fact, commanded a baron, 
one of the most powerful and most addicted to Lutheranism, to re- 
light the candles, and place them on the altar: in which she was in- 
stantly obeyed. After relating another instance of her spirited con- 
duct against the magistrates of a certain borough who had banished 
the Popish priests, the cardinal adds : — " by these means she has 
acquired greater authority and power, for enabling her to restore the 
ancient religion ;" "con che acquesta tutta via maggior autorita et 
forze, per posser restituer en quel regno 1' antica religione." Aymon, 
Synodes Nationaux des Eglises Reformees de France, torn. i. pp. 
17, 18. 



Note XX, p. 222. 

Sanguinary spirit and. principles of Roman Catholics. — Bayle, 
Commentaire Philosophique, tome i. pref xiv. part ii. chap. v. pp. 343, 
347, anno 16S6, and his Critique Generale de l'Histoire du Calvinism* 1 , 
pp. 486, 501 — 519. Hume's History of England, vol. vii. chap. i. p. 24. 
Lond. 1793, 12 mo. Robertson's History of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 62, 
143. 352. Lond. 1809. 

" Les Papistes," says Bayle, in a treatise in which he pleads for tol- 
eration on a very extensive basis — "Les Papistes eux-memes sont les 



NOTES. 463 

premiers en ce pais-ci a crier qu' il n'y a rien de plus injuste que de 
vexer la conscience. Pensee ridicule en leur bouche ! et non seule- 
ment ridicule, mais traitresse, &c. i. e. The Papists themselves are 
the first in this country [Britain] to exclaim that there is nothing more 
unjust than to distress conscience. A sentiment ridiculous in their 
mouth ! and not only ridiculous, but treacherous, and marked with 
that dishonesty which they have uniformly discovered for so many 
ages. For they would not fail, in three years, to burn and butcher all 
who refused to go to mass, if they acquired the power, and could 
avail themselves of the baseness of a sufficient number of court para- 
sites, men of verbal souls, and unworthy of the Protestant name which 
they bear, to overturn the fundamental barriers which so salutarily 
restrain the royal power." Commentaire Philosophique, pref. pp. 
xiii. xiv. 

The sentiments contained in the following passage are now become 
so antiquated and unintelligible, that I shall not risk my credit by 
venturing to translate it. "Les malheurs qui sont arrivez a nos freres 
de France tourneront, comme il y a apparence, a notre profit. II nous 
ont remis dans la necessaire defiance du Papisme, il nous ont fait voir 
que cette fausse religion ne s'amende pas par le long age, qu' elle est 
toujours, comme au terns jadis, animee de 1' esprit de fourbe et de 
cruaute, et que malgre la politesse, l'honnetete, la civilite, qui regne 
dans les manieres de ce siecle plus qu'en aucun autre, elle est toujours 
brutale et farouche. Chose etrange ! tout ce qu' il y avoit de grossier 
dans les mceurs de nos ancestres s'est evanouit ; a cet air rustique et 
sauvage des vieux terns a succede par toute 1' Europe Chretienne une 
douceur et une civilite extreme. II n'y a que le Papisme qui ne se 
sent point du changement, et qui retient toujours son ancienne et hab- 
ituelle ferocite. Nous nous imaginions nous autres Anglois, que c' 
etoit une bete apprivoisee, un loup et un tigre qui avoit oublie son 
naturel sauvage ; mais Dieu merci aux Convertisseurs de France, 
nous nous sommes desabusez, et nous savons a qui nous aurions a 
faire si notre sort etoit entre leurs mains. Pesons bien cela et consid- 
erons quel malheur nous pendroit sur la tete, si nous laissions croitre 
le Papisme dans ce bien heureux climat. Je ne veux pas que cela 
nous porte a faire aucunes represailles sur les papistes ; non, je deteste 
ces imitations ; je souhaite seulement qu' ils n' aquierent pas la force 
d' executer sur nous ce qu' ils savent faire." Ibid. pp. xv. xviii. xix. 



Note YY, p. 233. 

The following extracts from the Records of the Town Council of 
Edinburgh, show the attention which they paid to the support and 
accommodation of their minister. 

May 8, 1560. The provost, bailies, and council ordain the treasurer 
to pay the sum of 40/. Scots for furnishing of the minister, John Knox, 
in his household ; and because he had been furnished on David For- 
rester's expenses since his coming to this town, for the space of fifteen 
days, ordains to receive David's accompts, and make payment. 
" Penultimo Octobris, 1560. The quhilk day, the provost, baillies, and 
counsaill ordainis James Barroun to pay to John Knox the soulme of 
sax scoir pounds of the reddiest money of the solmes being in his 
hands, and sicklyk the soulme of 20/." This last sum seems to have 
been allotted for repairs on his house. " 12th Dec. 1560. The provost, 
baillies, and counsill ordanis James Barroun (dean of guild of last year) 
to pay and deliver to John Knox, minister, the soume of fiftie pound foi 
supporting of his charges, and that incontinent after the sight heirnt 



464 NOTES. 

and gif it beis funden that the said James be superexpendit, after tht 
making of his aecompt, precepts shall be given in maist strait forme 
commanding the treasurer to mak him gud and thankfull payment of 
his haill superexpensis, within aught days nixt thairafter." From the 
minutes of Dec. 22, 1560, April 5, and May 28, 1561, it appears that 
his fixed stipend was 200/. a year; for 50/. is ordered, each time, "for 
his quarter payment" or "dues." On Dec. 14, 1560, it was agreed 
that his house rent should afterwards be "paid at the rate of fifteen 
merks a-year." 

" Penultimo Octobris, [1561.] The samine day the provost, baillies, 
and counsail ordanis the dene of gyld, with all diligence, to mak ane 
warm stuydye of dailies to the minister, Johne Knox, within his hous, 
abone the hall of the same, with lyht and wyndokis thereunto, and all 
uther necessaris : and the expenciss disbursit be him salbe allowit t<> 
him in his accomptis." — "January, 1561, (J. e. 1562,) the provost, bail- 
lies, and counsale, understanding that the minister Jhone Knox, is 
requyrit be the hale kirk to pass in the partis of Anguss and Mearnys. 
for electing of ane superintendent thare, to the quhilk they themselts 
lies grantit, thairfoir ordains Alexander Guthrie, dene of gild, to pass 
in companie with him, for. furnishing of the said ministeris charges, 
and to deburse and pay the same of the readeast of the townis gudis 
in his handis, quhilk salbe allowit in his accomptis: And further haist 
the said minister hame, that the kirk hear be not desolait." 

To these extracts respecting Knox, I may add one from the sai,..? 
records respecting Willock, who officiated in his place as minister of 
Edinburgh during the civil war. "29 August, 1560. The counsaill 
ordains their treasurer to deliver to John Willock twenty-two crownes 
of the sone for recompense of the greit traveill sustenit be him this 
haill yiere bygane, in preening and administring the sacramentis with- 
in this burgh, and ordanis ane member of the counsail to thank him 
for his greit benevolence, and for the greit travaill forsaid." Previous 
to this, they had remunerated John Cairns, with whom Willock had 
lodged. 

In the text I have mentioned, that, after the arrangement made by 
the privy council 'respecting the thirds of benefices, Knox seems to 
have received part of his stipend from the common fund. The ex- 
tracts which Keith has given from the books of assignation mention 
only two allowances made to him. " To John Knox, minister, wheat 
2 c[halders,] bear* 6 c. meal o. oates 4 c." Whether this was for the 
year 1563, or not, Keith does not say. He adds in a note, "For the 
year 1568, I see 333/. 6s. 8d. given to Mr. Knox." History, Appendix. 
188. His stipend at the time of his death will be stated in Note Q.Q.Q.. 
Keith has inserted, from the books of assignation, the prices of the 
principal articles of living at that time, from which an idea of the value 
ofmoneymaybe formed. Ibid. 189. The following are a specimen. 
In Fyfe/ Lothian, Merse, and Teviotdale, for 1573, wheat, 26/. 13*. id. 
the chalder; bear, 21/. 6*. 8d ; meal, 16/.; oats, 20 merks. Or, ac- 
cording to another account, without expressing any county, wheat 
1/. the boll; bear, 1/. 13s. id.; meal the same; "oats, 10s.; malt, 21. : 
rye, and pease and beans, the same; mairts of Aberdeen, 21. 13*. id 
the piece; sheep, 9s.; poultry, is. the dozen; geese, Is. the piece 
cheese, 6s Sd. the stone. 

* ». e. barley. 



NOTES. 465 

Note ZZ, p. 234. 

Protoco. — James Nicolson. 

Pro Johanne Knox. 

Knox's Protest in the affairs of the Earl of Angus. — Vigesimo 
quarto die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo 
sexagesimo primo, in presence of me notair, and witnesses vnder- 
writtin, Comperit Johnne Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and thair 
being requyrit be George Dowglas, sone naturall to vmquhile Archi- 
bald erle of Angus that last deceissit, to deliuer agane to him the letter 
of renunciatioun maid be the said George of the landis, lordschip, and 
baronie of Abirnethy, and regalite thairof, with the maner, places, 
mylnis, multuris, woddis, fischingis, tennentis, tennandriys, service 
of free tennentis, aduocationis, donationis, and rychtis of patronages 
of the kirkis, benefices, collegis, and prebandarys thairof, &c, in iav- 
ouris of Archibald, now erle of Angus, of the daitt at Edinburgh, the 
24th day of Junij the zeir of God 1500 threscoir ane zeiris; and con 
signit and putt be him in the handis of the said Johnne, in hoip of ag 
greanee to haif bene dressit betuix him the said erle and his tutouris 
Ansuerit, that he granted the resaving of the said lettir, vnder condi- 
tioun foirsaid; and that he had bestowit his faithful! laubouris besyde 
the travellis tane zairin be diuers noble men to haif had that mater 
aggreit. Be quham thair wes diuers reasonable offeris made to the 
said George, quhilkis he hes refusit, and thairfoir proiestit gif that his 
refuis turne heirefter to his awin damnage, that the said Johne be in- 
nocent thairof. Testifiand to the said George, in his awin presence 
and ouris, and also befoir God, that the offer maid is mair reasonable 
nor he belevis the said George is able to haif ony proffet or gaynes 
vtherwyis thairbi. And thairupoun the said Johnne deliuerit to the 
said George his said lettir of renunciatioun, of the daitt foirsaid, vnder 
his seill and subscriptioun, quhilk the said George confessit and re- 
cognoscit to be the same quhilk he deliuerit, togidder also with his 
seill in lead, quhilkis the said George resavit and dischargit the said 
Johnne thairof. Q.uhairupoun the said Jon. askit instruments. Done 
in maister James M'gillis study, at 6 houris at even, or thairbi. Pre- 
sent thairat the said Maister James clerk of regri. ; Maister George 
Play vicare of Eddilstoune ; Adam Wauchop, and I James Nicolson. 

J. Nicolson. 



Note AAA, p. 238. 

Minutes of the Toivn Council of Edinburgh respecting a second 
Minister. — "10th April, 1562. The same day the connsale, under- 
standing the tedious and havie labours sufferit be the minister, Jhone 
Knox, in preiching those in the oulk, and twise on the Sounday, or- 
dains with ane consent to solist and persuade Maister Jhone Craig, 
presentlie minister of the Canongait, to accept upoun him the half 
chargis of the preaching of the said kirk of Edinburgh for sic gud 
deid as they can agree on." That this measure was not carried into 
effect for some time after, appears from the following act of council. 
" 18th June, 1563. After lang reasoning upon the necessities of min- 
isters, finds that there salbe ane uther minister elected be the provost, 
bnillies, and counsale, dekynes and elderis of this burgh, and addit to 
Johne Knox, minister." From the same act and subsequent mea- 
13 



466 NOTES. 

sures, it is evident that the want of necessary funds was the cause of 
the delay. For the council resolved, that " for susteaning of thame 
baith, togidder with Johne Cairns reider," the deacons should meet 
with the trades and the merchants, to see what they would be willing 
to give. The reports made to the council bore that, if they would fix 
a particular stipend, the trades were willing to pay a fifth part of it, 
according to old custom. But although Craig had not been translated 
from the Canongate, he seems to have performed a part of the duty 
in Edinburgh; for, in the same month, I find the council appointing a 
number of persons " to go amang the faithfull who had communicate," 
and make a collection for " Johnne Craig and Johnne Cairns, who had 
received nathing for a lang time." This expedient they were obliged 
afterwards to repeat. On the 26th September, 1561, the council had 
agreed to give "to John Cairns, lector of morning prayeris, 100 merks 
a-year, in tyme to cum." Records of Town Council. 



Note BBB, p. 242. 

Writings of Quintin Kennedy and George Huy— Keith has inserted 
a letter which Kennedy wrote to the Archbishop of Glasgow, and the 
correspondence between him and Willock, in 1559. He has also given 
large extracts from his Compendious Tractive. History, Append, pp. 
193 — 203. The following quotations may be added, for verifying the 
statement which I have made in the text. Having quoted John v. 39, 
Kennedy says, "Marke (gud redare) the Scripture to occupy the place 
of ane wytnes, and not the place of ane juge." A, iv. In a subsequent 
part of the work, he endeavours to qualify what he had stated respect- 
ing the church being judge of all matters in religion. " We never say 
in all our lytil tractive, that the kirk is juge to the Scripture, bot yat 
the kirk is juge to discern quhilk is the trew Scripture of God, and to 
mak manifest to the congregation the trew understandyng of the 
samyn." Ibid. H, v. This explication does not much mend the mat- 
ter ; for certainly he who has the power of calling what witnesses he 
pleases, and of putting what sense he pleases upon their testimony, is 
to all intents and purposes the judge of the witnesses, and of their 
evidence. Having mentioned that there were persons " swa religious 
and clean fyngerit, that thair wil na thyng perswade thaim without 
testimony of Scripture," he adds, " All Christin men havand ane gen- 
erale understanding of the articles of our faith (conforme to the under- 
standing that the kirk lies teacheit ws) ; the ten commandements, the 
prayer of the Lord callit the Pater noster, it suffices to thame to 
quhame it does not appertene of thair office nor vocatioun, to occupy 
the place of the prechairis or techeairis in the congregatioun. As to the 
sacramentis, and all uther secretis of the Scripture, stand to the juge- 
mentof thy pasture, (without curious ressoning or cersing of the secretis 
of Godis word,) quha beiris thy burding in all materis doutsum abone 
thy knawledge, conforme to the saying of the apostle, 'Obey unto 
your superioris,' &c. And in cais they be negligent, ressave doctryne 
of the kirk, as the tyme teicheis ws. Be this way (quhilk is conforme 
to Godis word and all veritie) it sail be asie to all men,- quhat place or 
estait in the congregatioun that ever he occupy, to beir his awin bur- 
ding." Ibid. D, vii. 

Another work of Kennedy has lately been printed, from a MS. in 
the'Auchinleck library, under the following title: — " Ane oratioune in 
r auouris of all thais of the Congregatione, exhortand thaim to aspy 
'^ow wonderfullie thai ar abusit be thair dissaitful prechouris, set furtli 
be master Q.uintine Kennedy, Commendatour of Corsraguell, ye zeir 



NOTES. 467 

of Gode 1561." Edinburgh, 1812. Perhaps this oration was printed 
in the year mentioned in the title, although no copy is now to be 
found, and was one of " his books," referred to by the abbot in his 
dispute with Knox. I have already given extracts from this book, pp. 
, 406. 431. It concludes in the following manner: — " Quharfor, with all 
my hart exhortis, prays, and but mercie appellis tbar pestilent prech- 
eouris," [on the margin, "Knox, Willock, Winrame, Gudmane, Dowg- 
lasse, Heriot, Spottiswoode, and all ye rest."] " puffiit vp with vane 
glore, quhilkis rackinnis thaimselfis of gretar knawlege nor Cbristis 
haill kirk, cumand but authoritie, subuertand, subornande, and cir- 
cumuenande the simple peple, cersande thair pray like the deuillis 
rachis, barkand bauldly like bardis, aganis the blissit sacrament of 
the altare, the sacrifice of the mess, and all vther godlie ordinance of 
Jhesus Christ and his kirk, to preiss their wittis and inginis, and to 
streik all thair pennis in my contrar, makande the congregatioun and 
all vtheris to vnderstande, gif I do propirly, truely, and godly, or 
nocht, invey againis thair deuillische doctrine and doyingis. Fail- 
yeande thairof," recant, for schame, recant (ye famouse precheouris) 
and cum in obedience to the kirk of God, quhilk ye haue stubbornlie 
misknawin this lang time bypast, (and that nocht without grete dan- 
gere to your avne saulis and mony vtheris,) thairfor recant, in tyme 
recant, as ye lufe your saluation, and cry God mercie : To quaham, 
with the Sone and Haly Gaist, be prayse, honour, and glore, for ever 
ande ever. Amen. Progenies viperarum fugite a ventura ira, nam 
securis ad radicem arboris posita est, penitentiam agite. Matth. hi." 

In his dispute with Knox, the abbot mentions his " books," and he 
refers particularly to a book which he had published in 156!, on the 
sacrament of the mass. There is in the library of Alexander Bos- 
well, Esq. of Auchinleck, a MS. by the abbot, entitled, " Ane familiar 
commune and ressoning anent the misterie of the sacrafice of the 
mess, betwixt twa brether, master QJntin Kennedy, commendator of 
Crosraguell, and James Kennedy of . In the yeir of God ane 

thousand, five hundred, three scoir ane yeir." It was answered by 
George Hay, in a work entitled, " The Confutation of the Abbote of 
Crosraguels Masse, set furth be Maister George Hay. Imprinted at 
Edinburgh by Robert Lekpreuik, 1563." The dedication is inscribed, 
" To the most noble, potent, and godlie Lord James Earle of Murray." 
This is the book to which Winzet alludes on the margin of his Buke 
of Q,uestionis, where he says, " Mr. George Hay, fy haist zow to 
recant." Keith, Append, pp. 236, 246. I have been favoured with the 
sight of a copy of this rare tract, belonging to Richard Heber, Esq. It 
would seem that the abbot's treatise was not printed, but that copies 
of it had been transcribed, and industriously circulated through the 
country in manuscript; for Hay repeatedly makes the supposition 
that there might be variations in the different copies, and on one occa- 
sion confesses that he could not read a passage in the copy which he 
used. "Followeth, another objection made'by James. Alwayes," 
says he, '-'all ze wha vses the Masse, dois not (this (not) is not in the 
text, that is come to my handes, but because the sentence requbeth 
it, I haue added it) as Christ did in the latter supper," &c. He gives 
another quotation from the abbot in the following manner : " Trewly, 
brother, and ze be sa scrupulus Scripturares, that ze will nothing but 
(but is not in my text) as Christe did, towards the vse of the Sacra- 
mentes, ze will subuert our halie Faith, and commend our awin 
doinges,* (so I ride it) (our owen doinges or commonly I can not tell 

* It is probable that th<3 words which puzzled Hay should be read, and condemn your 
awin drin ges. 



468 NOTES. 

which should be red, or if there be any other thing yet,) for quhaii 
iinde ze that Christe euer appointed ane man to be baptised,"' &c. 
Fol. 36, b. 37, a, b. 

The following account of the abbot's talents and acquaintance with 
the Fathers may serve as a specimen of Hay's style. " Trew it is, 
that before this boke of the abbote of Crosraguel's was set furth and 
published, sindrie and diuers were the opinions of men concerning it. 
For the sorte of them that be cumonly tearmed Papists, aduersaries 
to all trew religion, thoght in verie deid that they should receaue such 
a comfort, yea, such a gun as no munition myght withstand, no 
strengthe resiste, nether "yet any maner of force repel. They were 
encuraged by the brute and fame of the man, who onely wolde ap- 
peare in these tymes to haue dexteritie of ingyne, helped and auanced 
by long progress of tyme spent in good letters, yea, ad besydes the 
Scriptures of God, will also appeare to haue the conference, judgment, 
and authoritie of the ancient Fathers and councils, which it may seme 
to the reader that he feadeth (not unlyke the nyne Muses) in his 
bosome. I my self hauing hade some tymes credit and acquentence 
of the man, loked for some what that might haue troubled the cus- 
ciences of waiklinges, and of such as stayed them selues vpon a glis- 
tering and semely ymagination of mans heart, rather then upon the 
written and reueiled treuth, by the spirite of God. For it was not 
vnknawen to me how familiare he hath bene with the scolastike 
sophisters, their thornie questions, and scabrus conclusions, yea and 
some of the ancient doctors, whose writinges, what, by ignorance of 
tyme seduced, what by affection carryed away, I thought wel he 
should wreist to his vngodly opinion." Fol. 3, a. Having pointed out 
a false quotation, which the abbot had made from Chrysostom, Hay 
adds, " Hereby it is easy to perceaue how vainely ye ascribe such 
reading of the ancientes vnto your self, as in your writinges ye take 
vpon you, that ye will seme in the eyes of the people, to be the onely 
he in this realme versed in antiquitie. And now to say my judgment 
frely, I truste ye haue no works of such men as ye draw your autho- 
rities out of, but onely hath, I can not tell what lytle scabbed treaties 
of Eccius, Cochleus, Hosius, Stanislaus youre new start up Campion, 
and of such others of your factiu, and taketh out of them such thinges 
as ye think may serue to your wicked and blasphemus purpose. 
What credite now, or what authoritie oght to be given to such places, 
as thou draweth out of the doctors, who belyke neuer hath sene there 
workes, nether yet knoweth to what purpose they speak, if they speak 
of their owne mynde, or of their aduersaries, whither they speak by 
an interrogation or conclusiuely, and determinatly, whither they 
speak wrep(3o\iKag* that is excessiuely, to extoll the dignitie of the mater 
they haue in hand (which is not rare in this author) or simplie. Thus 
the text it self is to be considered, that it that preceadeth being con- 
ferred with it that followeth, the mynde and sentence of the author 
may be knowen perfytlie. ' Not that 1 will hereby damne yong men, 
who ether excluded by tyme, or els lacking bookes, muste giue credite 
to good authorities, but in this man who will seme to be an other 
Anacharsis inter sordidos Scythas, it is intollerable, who is seques- 
trate frome the common societie of men, and trauell in the common 
wealth, hauing not else to do, but that he hath inioyned to him self, 
that is to ly by a pleasing bray, and cast in stones to trouble the faire 
and cleare rinning watter." Fol. 18, b. 19, a. 

Lepreuik, in an advertisement to the reader, apologizes for his want 
of Greek characters, which he was forced to have supplied by manu 

* The Greek word is inserted with a pen. 



NOTES. 



469 



script. Heibert's edit, of Ames, p. 1487. This fact illustrates what I 
have mentioned in p. 374. Herbert questions Ames's statement, that 
they had no Hebrew or Greek types in Scotland in 1579, and he ap- 
peals to a book printed " at Edinburgh, be Leighe Mannenby, anno 
Domini 1578," in which Greek characters are tbund. Ibid. pp. 1499, 
1500. But this cannot overthrow Ames's statement, which is correct; 
for the imprint of that book is undoubtedly fictitious, as no such Scot- 
tish printer as "Leighe Mannenby" seems to have ever existed. 



Note CCC, p. 249. 

Ordination of Reformed Ministers. — In the prologue to the " Rea- 
soning betwixt Jo. Knox and the abbot of Crossraguell," Knox adverts 
to the cavils of the papists against the validity of the call of the re- 
formed ministers, and intimates his intention of returning an answer 
to the questions on this head which had been proposed to him by 
Ninian Winget, the " Procutour for the Papists.'''' There are some 
general remarks on this subject in his answer to Tyrie's Letter, but I 
do not think that he ever published any thing professedly on the point. 
There is a ridiculous tale told by a Popish writer concerning a pre- 
tended convention held by the reformed ministers in Scotland to de- 
termine in what manner they should proceed in the admission of min- 
isters. Willock proposed as a weighty difficulty, that if they used 
imposition of hands, or any other ceremony commonly practised in 
the church, they would be asked to show, that they themselves had 
been admitted by the same ceremonies, and thus the lawfulness of 
their vocation would be called in question. "Johann kmnox ansuerit 
maist resolutlie, ' Buf, buf, man, we ar anes entered, let se quha dar 
put us out agane ;' meaning that thair was not sa monie gunnis and 
pistollis in the countrie to put him out as was to intrud him with vio- 
lence. Sua Johann kmnox, to his awin confusion, entered not in the 
kirk be ordinar vocatione or imposition of hand is, but be imposition 
of ' bullatis and pouldir in culringis and lang gunnis;' sua ye mister 
not to trubill you farder in seiking out of Johann kmnox vocatione." — 
This story "I understude," says the author, "of ane nobil and hon- 
ourable man, quha can yit beir witnes gif I lea or not." He took care, 
however, not to give the name of the nobleman. Nicol Burne's Dis- 
putation, p. 129. Parise, 1581. 



Note DDD, p. 250. 

Strictness and Impartiality of Discipline. — The form of satisfaction 
enjoined in the case of Methven, was appointed for all who should be 
excommunicated for murder, adultery, incest, or other aggravated 
crimes. The murderer was to bear in his hand «' the same or lyke 
weapoun whairwith the murther was committed." Buik of the Univ. 
Kirk, p. 38. Other rules observed in cases of discipline may be seen 
in Knox's Liturgy, pp. 55—67, edit. 1611, and in Dunlop's Confessions, 
ii. 704—756. Impartiality, as well as severity, distinguished the disci- 
pline of those times. " Gryt men offending in syc crymes as deserves 
seckclaith, they suld receave the same als weill as the pure.— Na su- 
perintendant nor commissioner, with advyce of any particular kirk 
of yair jurisdiction, may dispense with the extreamitie of sackcloth, 
prescrivit be the actes of the general! discipline, for any pecuniall sum 
or paine adpios usus." Buik of the Univ. Kirk, August, 1573. Dun- 
lop, r. 753. This was not a mere theoretic proposition. For, in 1563, 
40 



470 ."VOTES. 

we find the lord treasurer making public satisfaction, (Keith, 245, 529;) 
in 1567, the Countess of Argyle, (Buik of the Univ. Kirk, p. 37;) and 
in 1568, the Bishop of Orkney, (Anderson's Collections, ii. 234.) Let 
not our modern fashionables and great ones be alarmed at hearing of 
such things. Those days are gone, and will not, it is likely, soon 
return. 

The parliament, or the magistracy of particular burghs, enacted 
punishments of a corporal kind against certain crimes which were 
ordinarily tried in the church courts. Some of these existed before 
the Reformation, and some of them were posterior to it; but the in- 
fliction as well as the enacting of them, pertained to the civil magis- 
trate. Knox, p. 269. In the minutes of several kirk-sessions, how- 
ever, the sentences inflicting them are found recorded along with 
censures properly ecclesiastical. The following extract accounts for 
this in part. " What you bring" (says Mr. Baillie, in his answer to 
Bishop Maxwell) "of pecuniary mulcts, imprisonments, banishments, 
jogges, cutting of haire, and such like, it becomes neither you to 
charge, nor us to be charged with, any such matters : No church 
assembly in Scotland assumes the least degree of power, to inflict the 
smallest civil punishment upon any person ; the Generall Assembly it 
selfe hath no power to fine any creature so much as in one groat : It 
is true, the iawes of the land appoint pecuniary mulcts, imprisonment, 
joggs, pillories, and banishment for some odious crimes, and the power 
of putting these lawes in execution is placed by the parliament in the 
hands of the inferior magistrates in burroughs or shires, or of others 
to whom the counsel table gives a speciall commission for that end ; 
ordinarily some of these civifl persons are ruling elders, and sit with 
the eldership: So when the eldership have cognosced upon the scan- 
dal! alone of criminall persons, and have used their spirituall censures 
only to bring the party to repentance, some of the ruling elders, by 
virtue of their civill office or commission, will impose a mulct, or send 
to prison or stocks, or banish out of the bounds of some little circuit, 
according as the act of parliament or counsel! do appoint it. But that 
the eldership should imploy its ecclesiastick and spirituall power 'for 
any such end, none of us doe defend. That either in Scotland or any 
where else in the world the haire of any person is commanded to be 
cut by any church judicatory for disgrace and punishment, is (as I 
take it) but a foolish fable. That any person truely penitent is threat- 
ened in Scotland, with church censures for non-payment of monies, 
is in the former category of calumnies." Historical Vindication of 
the Government of the Church of Scotland, pp. 17, 18. Lond. 1646. I 
have in my possession (extracted from the records of a kirk session) 
a commission, granted in 1701, by the sheriff-depute of Berwickshire, 
constituting one of the elders session-bailie, for executing the laws 
against profaneness, agreeably to an act of parliament authorizing the 
appointment of such an officer in parishes within which no ordinary 
magistrate resided. 

I may add the following quotation from another able and strenuous 
assertor of the presbyterian discipline and government. " Ubi origi- 
nalis causa excommunicationis est delictum violans jura et libertates 
eccl^siae, &c. When the original cause of excommunication is an 
offence violating the rights and liberties of the church, either in the 
way of loss being sustained or injury being done, I confess that the 
assistance of the secular arm may be implored, and the guilty person 
may be forced to repair the loss and to give civil satisfaction ; or even 
if the person already excommunicated shall testify a disp sition to 
disturb the religious service, or to violate the rights and liberties of 
-he church. But where no loss or injury to the rights and liberties of 



NOTES. 471 

the church arises from the offence or from the contumacy, but scandal 
alone is given, 1 know not whether any person is to be forced to what 
is called penitential satisfaction, by imploring the assistance of the 
secular arm. For as the church has no coactive power in herself, so 
neither ought she to use it indirectly to extort confessions which are 
constrained, and consequently counterfeit." Calderwood, Altare Da- 
mascenum, pp. 312 — 3. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1708. 



Note EEE, p. 260. 

Mr. Hume's misrepresentations of the behaviour of the Reformers to 
Queen Mary. — The whole account which this historian has given cf 
the conduct of the Protestant clergy towards Mary, from her arrival 
in Scotland until her marriage with Darnley, is very remote from sober 
and genuine history. It is rather a satire against the Reformation, 
which he charges with rebellion ; against the Presbyterian Church, 
whose genius he describes as essentially productive of fanaticism and 
vulgarity ; and against his native country, the inhabitants of which, 
without exception, he represents as overrun with rusticity, strangers 
to the arts, to civility, and the pleasures of conversation. History, 
Reign of Eliz. chap. i. near the close. " II n'est rien de plus facile quand 
on a beaucoup d'esprit, et beaucoup d'experience dans l'art de faire 
deslivres, que de composer uneHistoire satyrique, des meme faitsqui 
ont servi a faire une Eloge. Deux lignes supprimees, oupour ou contre, 
dans l'exposition d'un fait, sont capables de faire paroistre un homme 
ou fort innocent, ou fort coupable: et comme par la seule transposi- 
tion de quelques mots, on peut faire d'un discours fort saint un dis> 
cours impie ; de meme par la seule transposition de quelques circon- 
stances, Ton peut faire de faction la plus criminelle, faction la plus ver- 
tueuse." Bayle, Critique Generale de l'Histoire du Calvinisme, p. 13, 
2de edition, 1683. To this charge the historian of England has ex- 
posed himself on more than one occasion. 

I cannot here expose all his misstatements in the passage to which 
I have referred. He keeps out of view the fixed resolution of the queen 
to re-establish the Romish religion, with all the perils to which the Pro- 
testants were exposed. He artfully introduces his narrative, by placing 
her proclamation against altering the Protestant religion before the 
symptoms of popular discontent at her setting up of mass; whereas 
the proclamation was issued after these, and would never have ap- 
peared, had it not been found necessary to allay the apprehensions of 
the people. Knox, 285. Keith, 504, 505. As a proof that the preachers 
" took a pride in vilifying, even to her face, this amiable princess," he 
gives extracts from an address to her by the General Assembly, with- 
out ever hinting that this was merely a draught or overture; that 
every offensive expression was erased from it before it was adopted 
by the assembly ; and that, when the address was presented by the 
superintendents of Lothian and Fife, the queen said, " Here are many 
fair words; I cannot tell what the hearts are." Knox, 315. Mr. H. 
goes on to say : " The ringleader in all these insults on Majesty, was 
John Knox. — His usual appellation for the queen was Jezebel." This 
is a mistake. Neither in his sermons, nor in his prayers, nor in con- 
versation, did he give this appellation to Mary, so long as she was 
queen; but always honoured her before the people, as well as in her 
own presence, even when he lamented and condemned her errors. 
Afterwards, indeed, when for her crimes (of which no man was more 
convinced than Mr. H.) she was removed from the government, and 
he no longer acknowledged her as his sovereign, he did apply this 



472 NOTES. 

name to her. It is so far from being true, that " the whole life of Alary 
was, from the demeanour of these men, filled with bitterness and 
sorrow," or that she " was curbed in all amusements by the absurd 
severity of these reformers," that she retained her " gaiety and ease," 
until, by her imprudent, marriage with Darnley, she with her own hand 
planted thorns under her pillow ; while the preachers were most free 
in their sermons, she enjoyed all manner of liberty ; her mass was 
never taken from her ; she was allowed to indulge her " feasting, finery, 
dancing, balls, and whoredom, their necessary attendant ;" nor was 
she ever interrupted in these amusements, except when her own hus- 
band deprived her of her favourite Italian fiddler, a 1 loss for which she 
afterwards took ample vengeance. It is difficult to conceive how one 
acquainted with the history of that period, and the character of the 
queen, could impute the "errors of her subsequent conduct" to the 
" harsh and preposterous usage which she met with" from the refor- 
mers. Nor can there be a greater satire upon the general character 
of Mary, (previous to her first marriage,) than to say that "she found 
every moment reason to regret her leaving that country, from whose 
manners she had, in her early youth, received the first impressions." 
It is well known, that the court at which she received her education 
was most dissolute; and the supposition that she carried away the 
innocent polish and refinement of their manners, without contracting 
their criminal contagion, is not only incredible, but contradicted by 
the confessions of her friends. Memoires de Chastelnau, augmentez 
par J. le Laboureur, Prieur de Juvigne, torn. i. p. 528. A Bruxelles, 
1731. I have no desire, however, to dip into this subject, or to drag to 
light facts unfavourable to that unhappy princess ; although the un- 
warranted and persevering attacks which have been made upon 
worthy men, in order to reconcile the " future conduct" of Mary with 
" the general tenor of her character," would justify far greater freedoms 
than have been lately used in this way. 

" We are too apt to figure to ourselves the reformers of that age, as 
persons of impolitic and inflexible austerity." This is the remark of 
one who was much better acquainted with their history than Mr. 
Hume. Lord Hailes, Historical Mem. of the Provincial Councils of 
the Scottish Clergy, p. 41. Comp. Knox, Historic, p. 310. See also 
Note OOO. 

Mr. Hume's object, in the passage on which I have animadverted, 
was to blacken the reformers, rather than to exalt the queen, of whose 
character he had at bottom no great opinion. '"Tell Goodall," says 
he, in a letter to Dr. Robertson, "that if he can but give up Queen 
Mary, I hope to satisfy him in every thing else ; and he will have the 
pleasure of seeing John Knox, and the reformers, made very ridicu- 
lous." Indeed, Mr. Hume confessed to his confidential friends, that he 
had, in his History, drawn the character of that princess in too fa- 
vourable colours. " I am afraid," says he to the same correspondent, 
" that you, as well as myself, have drawn Mary's character with too 
great softenings. She was undoubtedly a violent woman at all times."' 
Stewart's Life of Robertson, pp. 37, 38. 



Note FFF, p. 260. 

Proceedings of Town Council in a slander against Knox. — " ISmo 
Junii, 1563. — The samyn day, in presence of the baillies and counsale, 
comperit Jhone Gray, scribe to the kirk, and presentit the supplica- 
tione following, in name of the hail! kirk, bering that it was laitlie 
cummen to thair knawledge bi the report of faythful) bretherins, that 



NOTES. 473 

within thir few dayis Eufame Dundas, in the presence of ane multi- 
tude, had spokin divers injurious and sclandarous wordis baith of the 
doctrine and ministeris. And in especiall of Jhonne Knox, minister, 
sayand, that within few dayis past, the said Jhonne Knox was appre- 
hendit and tane furth of ane killogye with ane commoun hure; and 
that he had bene ane commone harlot all his dayis. Quhairfore it 
was maist humblie desyrit that the said Eufame myt be callit and ex- 
aminat upone the said supplicatione, and gif the wordis abone written, 
spoken bi hir, myt be knawin or tryit to be of veritie, that the said 
Jhonne Knox myt be punist with all rigour without favour: other- 
wyse to tak sic ordour with hir as myt stand with the glory of God, 
and that sclander myt be takin from the kirk. As at mair length is 
contenit in the said supplication. Quhilk beand red to the said Eu- 
fame personallie present in judgment, scho denyit the samyn, and Fry- 
day the 25 day of Junii instant assignit to hir to here and see witness 
prod ucit for preving of the allegiance abone expremit, and scho is 
warnyt apud acta." Records of Town Council of Edinburgh, of the 
above date. 

The minute of the 25th contains the account, of the proof which 
Knox's procurator led to show that Eufame Dundas had uttered .the 
scandal which she now denied, and the appointment that the parties 
should be " warnit literatorie to hear sentence given in the said ac- 
tion." I have not observed any thing more respecting the cause in the 
minutes, and it is probable, that the Reformer, having obtained the 
vindication of his character, prevailed on the judges not to inflict 
punishment on the accuser. 



Note GGG, p. 261. 

Calumnies of the Popish writers against Knox and other Refor- 
mers. — "C'estrendre sans doute," says Bayle, " quelques services a 
la memoire de Jean Knox, que de fair voir les extravagances de ceux 
qui ont dechire sa reputation." And, having referred to the gross and 
extravagant slanders" of one writer, he adds, "this alone is a suffi- 
cient prejudice against all which the Roman Catholic writers have pub- 
lished concerning the great Reformer of Scotland." Diet. art. Knox. 
If Mons. Bayle could speak in this manner upon a quotation from one 
author, what conclusion shall we draw from the following quotations? 

The first writer who attacked Knox's character after his death, was 
Archibald Hamilton, whose hostility against him was inflamed by a 
personal quarrel, as well as by political and religious considerations. 
(See above, p. 318.) His book shows how much he was disposed to 
recommend himself to the Papists, by throwing out whatever was 
most injurious to his former connections, But there were too many 
alive at that time to refute any charge which might be brought against 
the Reformer's moral character. Accordingly, when he aimed the 
most envenomed thrust at his reputation, Hamilton masked it under 
the name of an apprehension or surmise. Having said, that, on the 
death of Edward VI. "he fled to Geneva with a noble and rich lady," 
(which, by the by, is also a falsehood,) he adds, in a parenthesis, "qua 
simul et filia matris pellice familiariter usus fuisse putabatur." De 
( 'onfusione Calvinianae Sectae, p. 65, a. Parisiis, 1577. 

In 1579, Principal Smeton published his answer to Hamilton's book, 
in which he repelled the charges which he had brought against Knox, 
and pronounced the above mentioned surmise a malicious calumny. 
for which the accuser could not adduce the slightest proof, and which 
was refuted by the spotless character which the Reformer had main- 
40 * K 3 



474 NOTES. 

taine d before the whole world. Smetoni Responsio ad Virulent. Dial 
Hamiltonii, p. 95. Edinb. 1579. It now behoved Hamilton either tc 
retract or to prove his injurious insinuation. But how did he act in 
his reply to Smeton ! Under the pretence of repeating what he had 
said in his former book, he introduces a number of other slanders 
against Knox's character, of which he had not given the most distant 
hint before; and (incredible to be told!) he absolutely avers, that he 
had formerly specified all these crimes, and condescended upon the 
places, times, and other circumstances of their commission; although, 
in his former publication, he had not said one word on the subject 
except the general surmise which I have quoted above! ! ! " Pueri- 
tiarn prematura venere et polluto insuper patris thoro infamem notavi. 
Inde adolescentiam perpetuis assuetam adulteriis designavi. Post 
hanc maturioris aetatis apostasin, &c. descripsi: res ipsas ut gestae 
erant retuli : loca, tempora, et reliquas omnes circumstantias notavi.'" 
Oalvinianae Confusionis Demonstrate, contra maledicam Ministrorum 
Scotiae responsionem ; per Archibaldum Hamiltonium, in Sancta 
Christi Ecclesia Presbyterum. p. 253, Parisiis, 1581. Than this what 
can be a stronger mark of one who has "made shipwreck of faith and 
a good conscience," who " is subverted and sinneth, being condemned 
of himself !" After this we cannot wonder at his casting off all shame, 
and asserting, — "Itane vero in maledictis ducitis, quae impurus homu- 
cio non vno, aut paucis, sed multis, et fere dicam omnibus attestanti- 
bus, designavit .' patris thorum infanh incestu pollutum, et tot com- 
missa adulteria, quot in aedibus, intra quas admittebatur, relicta vesti- 
gia etiamnu recitant Laudoni eases omnes nobiles, juxta et ignobiles.'''' 
Ut supra, p. 253, b. 

We are not left to impute these slanders to personal malice, or to 
the miserable shifts of an unprincipled individual, who, having rashly 
committed himself by advancing a falsehood, attempts to maintain his 
credit by bold assertions and fresh calumnies. For, in the very same 
year in which Hamilton's last work appeared, we find another Popish 
author writing in the following terms: "Johne Kmnox your first 
apostel, quha caused ane young woman in my Lord Ochiltreis place 
fal amaist dead, because sche saw his maister Satthan in ane black 
mannis likenese with him, throuche ane bore of the dure: quha was 
also ane manifest adulterare bringand furth of Ingland baith the 
mother and the dochter whom he persuadit that it was lesum to leve 
her housband, and adhere unto him, making ane fleshe of himself, the 
mother, and the dochter, as if he wald conjoyne in ane religione, the 
auld synagogue of the Jeuis with the new fundat kirk of the Gentiles." 
In another place he introduces the account of his second marriage 
with these words : " That renegat and perjurit priest schir Johane 
Kmnox, quha efter the death of his first harlot, quhilk he mareit in- 
curring eternal damnation be breking his vou and promise of chasti- 
tie, quhen his age requyrit rather that with tearis and lamentations 
he sould have chastised his flesh and bewailit the breaking of his vou, 
as also the horribil incest with his gudmother in ane killogie of Had- 
dingtoun." Burne's Disputation concerning the Controversit Headdis 
of Religion, pp. 102, 143. Parise, 1581. But Burne, and even Hamil- 
ton, were outstripped in calumny by that most impudent of ah liars, 
James Laing, who published in Latin an account of the lives and 
manners of the heretics of his time. There are few pages of his book 
in which he does not abuse our Reformer; but in (what he calls) his 
Life, he has exceeded any thing which was ever dictated either by 
personal malice, or by religious rancour. " Statim," says he, " ab 
initio suae pueritiae omni genere turpissimi facinoris infectus fuit. Vix 
excesserat jam ex ephebis, cum patris sui uxorem violarat, suam no- 



NOTES. i75 

varcam vitiarat, et cum ea, cui reverentia potissimum adhibend.* fue- 
rat, nefarium stuprum fecerat." His bishop having, forsooth, called 
him to account for these crimes, he straightway became inflamed with 
the utmost hatred to the Catholic religion. " Deinde non modo cum 
profanis, sed etiam cum quibuscunque sceleratissimis, perditissimis, et 
potissimum omnium hasreticis est versatus, et quo quisque erat imma- 
nior, sceleratior, crudelior, eo ei carior et gratior fuit. — Ne unura qui- 
dem diem sceleratissimus heereticus sine una et item altera meretrice 
traducere potuit. — Continuo cum tribus meretricibus, quae videbantur 
posse sufficere uni sacerdoti, in Scotia convolat. — Ceterum hie las- 
civus caper, quern assidue sequebatur lasciva capella, partim perpe- 
tuis crapulis, partim vino, lustrisque ita confectus fuit, ut quotiescunq. 
conscendere suggestum ad maledicendum, velim precandum [vel im- 
precanduml] suis, opus erat illi duobus aut tribus viris, a quibus ele- 
vandus atq. sustentandus erat." De Vita et Moribus atque Rebus 
Gestis Haereticorum nostri temporis. Authore Jacobo Laingaeo Scoto 
Doctore Sorbonico, fol. 113, b. 114, a, b. 115, a. Parisiis, 1581. Cum 
Privilegio. Nor were such accounts confined to that age. In the 
beginning of the following century, they were repeated by John 
Hamilton. Facib Traictise, contenand ane infallible reul to discern 
trew from fals religion, p. 60. Louvain, 1600. In 1623, an English 
writer refers to James Laing's work for an authentic account of 
Knox's private life. The Image of bothe Churches, Jherusalem and 
Babell, by P. D. M. p. 134. Tornay, 1623. And as Jate as 1628, we 
find Father Alexander Baillie retailing, in the English language, all 
the gross tales of his predecessors, with additions of his own, in which 
he shows a total disregard to the best-known facts in the Reformer's 
life. " Jhon Knox," says he, " being chaplane to the laird of Balvurie, 
and accused for his vices and leecherie, was found so guiltie and cul- 
pable that to eschevie the just punishment prepared for him, he pre- 
sently fled away into Ingland." He afterwards says, that Knox, after 
the death of his second wife, [that is, twenty years at least after his 
own death,] " shamefully fell in the abominable vice of incestuous 
adultery, as Archib. Hamilton and others doe witnesse;" and as a 
proof that Knox reckoned this vice no blot, Baillie puts into his mouth 
a gross defence of it, in the very words which Sanders, in his book 
against the Anglican Schism, had represented Sir Francis Brian as 
using in a conversation with Henry VIII. Baillie's True Information 
of the Unhallowed Offspring, Progress, and Impoison'd Fruits of our 
Scottish-Calvinian Gospel and Gospellers, pp. 14, 41. Wirtsburgh 
1628. 

It is evident that these outrageous and contradictory calumnies have 
been all grafted upon the convicted lie mentioned in the preceding 
note, and on the malignant insinuation of Archibald Hamilton. The 
characters of the foreign reformers were traduced in the very same 
manner by the Popish writers. Those who have seen Bolsec's Lives 
of Calvin and Beza, or others written in the same spirit, must be suffi- 
ciently convinced of this. Will it be believed that, in the middle of 
the seventeenth century, a book should have been published under 
the name of Cardinal de Richlieu, in which it is asserted that " Calvin 
being condemned for acts of incontinency, which he had carried to 
the utmost extremity of vice, [ses incontinences, qui le porterent jus- 
ques aux dernieres extremitez du vice,] retired from Noyon (bis na- 
tive city) and from the Roman church, at the same timer' And that 
this should have been published after the cardinal himself had ex- 
amined the registers of Noyon, which stated facts totally inconsistent 
with the supposition of such a thing having ever been imputed to him! 
La Defence de Calvin, par Charles Drelincourt, pp. 10, II, 33. Geneve, 



476 NOTES. 

1667. Our countrymen of the Popish persuasion were careful to 
retail all the calumnies against the foreign reformers, and they do so 
in a manner peculiar to themselves. Nicol Burne most seriously 
asserts that Luther was begotten of the devil, as to his carnal as well 
as his spiritual generation ; and in order to prove that this was not 
impossible, he advances the most profane argument that ever pro- 
ceeded from the mouth or pen of a Christian. Disputation, p. 141. 
The same thing is asserted by James Laing. De Vita Haeretic. fol. I, 
b. In a pretended translation into Scots of a poem written by Beza 
in his youth, (which the Roman Catholics, after he left their commu- 
nion, were careful to preserve from oblivion,) Burne has unblusliingly 
inserted some scandalous and disgraceful lines, for which he had not 
the slightest warrant from the original. Disputation, pp. 103, 104. 
John Hamilton says, that ''Calvin did ane miracle to mak ane quik 
man ane deid, quhilk miracle was done in Geneve to ane Brulaeus of 
Ostune, with wliome he contractit for a piece of money to fenzie him- 
self deid, and to ryse to lyfe at his prayers, when he sulde chope 
thryse upon his biere: bot the compagnion forgot to ryse again, 
whilk come to Calvin's schame." Facile Traictise, p. 412. But the 
following narrative is still more marvellous and lest his readers should 
doubt its truth, the author prays them to " suspend thair judgement, 
quhill they spere [until they inquire at] the maist afTectionat Protes- 
tantis of Scotland quha has bene in Geneve. Surelie," continues he, 
"I ressavit the treuth of this be honorable gentilmen of our countrie, 
quha confessit to me before gud vitnes, that the devil gangis familiar- 
lie up and down the town, and speciallie cumis to pure and indigent 
men quha sells thair saullis to him for ten sous, sum for mair or less. 
The money is verie plesant quhen they ressave it; bot putting hand 
to thair purse, quhen they vald by thair denner, thay find nathing but 
uther stane or stick." Hamilton's Catholik and Facile Traictise, fol. 
50, b. Paris, 1581. Laing, in his Life of Calvin, (of which Senebier 
has justly said, " that it would be impossible to believe that such a 
libel had been written, if it were not to be seen in print,") has raked 
together all the base aspersions which had been cast upon that re- 
former, and has spent a number of pages in endeavouring to show 
that he was guilty of stealing a sum of money. De Vita Haeret. fol. 76, 
b. — 79, b. Of Buchanan, whom he calls "homo sacrarum literarum 
imperitissimus, simulque impudentissimus," he relates a number of 
impieties, of which this is the last; "plurimi etiam narrant ilium mis- 
errimum hominem quondam in sacro fonte, quo infantes aqua bene- 
dicta ablui solent, adsit reverentia dictis, oletum fecisse." Ibid. fol. 40, 
a. One example more, and I have done. " Te admonerem de quo- 
dam impio haeretico sacerdote Davidson, quern audivi his jam multis 
annis publice cum quadam meretrice scortatum esse, quam fertur 
peperisse prima nocte, qua cum ilia dormivit, quod hie doctores medici 
pro niagno miraculo habent ; cum vix mulieres ante nonum mensem, 
vel octavum parere soleant." Ibid. fol. 36, b. 37, a. 

Persons must have had their foreheads, as well as their consciences, 
"seared with a hot iron," before they could publish such things to the 
world as facts. Yet Laing's book was approved, and declared worthy 
cf publication, by two doctors of the university of Paris. Its grossest 
slanders against the Scottish reformers were literally copied, and cir- 
culated through the Continent as undoubted truths, by Reginald us, 
Spondanus, Julius Breigerus, and many other foreign Popish authors. 
Each of these added some fabrication of his own; and one of them is 
so ridiculously ignorant as to rail against our Reformer by the name 
of Noptz. Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Knox, Note G. Archibald Hamil- 
ton's two works had the same respectable recommendations with 



NOTES. . 77 

Laing's book, and one of them is declared to be " very orthodox, and 
worthy of being ushered into the light for the profit of the Church." 
And John Hamilton was chosen tutor to two cardinals, appointed pro- 
fessor of philosophy in the Royal College of Navarre, elected by the 
students of the German nation in Paris, to the cure of the parish of St. 
Cosmus and Damian, presented to it by the university, and confirmed 
in it by the parliament ; and, in fine, was chosen rector of the univer- 
sity of Paris ! ! ! So eager were foreigners to load with honours the 
most bigoted and fanatical of our Popish refugees. Kketch of the Life 
of John Hamilton, pp. 2, 3, written by Lord Hailes. 

I know that it was common in that age for controversial writers of 
all descriptions to indulge themselves in a coarseness of invective 
against their antagonists, which would not be tolerated at present : 
but this is quite a different thing from what I have given examples of 
in this "note. With respect to the complaints which Protestant writers 
made of the profligacy of the Popish clergy, the truth of these is incon- 
testably established by the testimony of Roman Catholic authors, and 
by the public documents of their own Church. Nor do I wish to in- 
sinuate that all the Popish writers were of the same description with 
those whom I have quoted, or that there were not many Roman Catholics, 
even at that time, who disapproved of the use of these dishonourable 
and impoisoned weapons; but the great number of such publications, 
the wide circulation which they obtained, and the length of time during 
which they continued to issue from the Popish presses, demonstrate 
the extent to which a spirit of lying and defamation was carried in the 
Roman Church. Petty dabblers in antiquity, and flippant orators, 
who have read a general history of those times, or a modern Roman 
Catholic pamphlet, must be allowed to repeat the trite maxim, of faults 
on both sides, and to conceal their ignorance under the veil of mode- 
ration, by representing these faults'as equal ; but I aver that no can- 
did person, who is duly acquainted with the writings of that period, 
will pretend to account for the above-mentioned calumnies, by im- 
puting them to a spirit of asperity and prejudice common to both 
parties. 



Note HHH, p. 270. 

Popish accounts of Knox's second marriage. — "Heaving laid aside 
al feir of the panis of he], and regarding na thing the honestie of the 
warld, as ane bund sklave of the Devil, being kendillit with an un- 
quenshible lust and ambition, he durst be sua bauld to enterprise 
the sute of marriage with the maist honorabil ladie, myladie Fleming, 
my lord duke's eldest dochter, to the end that his seid, being of the 
blude royal, and gydit be thair father's spirit, might have aspyrit to 
the croun. And because he receavit ane refusal, it is notoriouslie 
k no win how deidlie he haited the hail house of the Hamiltonis. — And 
this maist honest refusal would nather stench his lust nor ambition; 
bot a lytel efter he did persew to have allyance with the honorabill 
hous of Ochiltrie of the kyng's M. a win blude. Rydand thair with ane 
gret court, on ane trim gelding, not lyke ane prophet or ane auld de- 
crepit priest, as he was, bot lyk as he had bene ane of the blude royal, 
with his bendes of tafFetie feschnit with golden ringis, and precious 
stanes : And as is planelie reportit in the countrey, be sorcerie and 
witchraft did sua allure that puir gentil woman, that scho could nol 
leve without him ; whilk appeiris to be of gret probabilitie, scho being 
ane damsel of nobel blud, and he ane auld decrepit creatur of maist 
bais degrie of onie that could be found in the countrey: Sua that sik 



47S NOTES. 

ane nobil hous could not have degenerat sua far, except Johann kmnox 
had interposed the powar of his maister the Devil, quha as he trans- 
figuris him self sumtymes in an angel of licht ; sua he causit Johann 
kmnox appeir ane of the maist nobil and lustie men that could be found 
in the warld." Nicol Burne's Disputation, pp. 143, 144. But the devil 
outwitted himself in his design of raising the progeny of the Reformer 
to the throne of Scotland, if we may believe another Popish writer. 
" For as the common and constant brute of the people reported, as 
writeth Reginaldus [a most competent witness!] and others, it chanced 
not long after the marriage, that she [Knox's wife] lying in her bed, 
and perceiving a blak, uglie, il-favoured man busily talking with him 
in the same chamber, was sodainely amazed, that she took seikness 
and dyed ;" [nor does the author want honourable witnesses to sup- 
port this fact, for he immediately adds,] " as she revealed to two of 
her friends, being ladyes, come thither to visite her a little before her 
decease." Father- A. Baillie's True Information, p. 41. It is unfor- 
tunate, however, for the credit of this " True Information," that the 
Reformer's wife not only lived to bear him several children, but sur- 
vived him many years. James owed the safety of his crown to an 
other cause. See above, p. 362. 



Note III, p. 285. 

Of Christopher Goodman. — From the intimate and long friendship 
which subsisted between him and our Reformer, this divine deserves 
more particular notice in this work. The Goodmans were a family 
of respectability in Chester, and repeatedly held the office of magis- 
trates in that city. In a pedigree of the family, preserved in the British 
Museum, " Adam Goodman a marchant, and Selay Linge," have a son, 
"Christoph. prcher." Harl. MSS. No. 2038. 32. f 99. During the reign 
of Edward VI. he read lectures on divinity in Oxford. Strype's Annals, 
i. 124. At the accession of Queen Mary, he retired first to Strasburg, 
and afterwards to Frankfort. When he was at Strasburg, he joined 
in a common letter, advising the exiles of Frankfort to alter as little 
as possible in the English service; but he became afterwards so 
much convinced of the propriety of alteration, and was so much 
offended at the conduct of the Ooxian party, that he removed from 
Frankfort to Geneva, along with those who were of the same senti- 
ments with himself, and was chosen by them joint minister with Knox. 
Troubles at Franckford, pp. 22, 23, 54, 55, 59. 

In 1558, he published the book which afterwards created him a great 
deal of trouble. Its title is, " How superior powers ought to be obeyed 
of their subjects and wherein they may lawfully by God's worde be 
disobeyed and resisted. Wherein also is declared the cause of all this 
present miserie in England, and the onely way to remedy the same. 
By Christopher Goodman. Printed at Geneva, by John Crispin, 
MDLVIII." In this book he subscribed to the opinion respecting 
iemale government, which his colleague had published a few months 
before. He maintained that the power of kings and magistrates wag 
limited, and that they might lawfully be resisted, deposed, and punish- 
ed by their subjects, if they became tyrannical and wicked. These 
principles he applied particularly to the government of the English 
Mary. A copy of verses by William Kethe (who translated some of 
the Psrlms into English metre) is added to the work, of which the fol- 
lowing s a specimen : — 



NOTES. 47.9 

Whom fury long foster'd by suffi ance and awe, 
Have right rule subverted, and made will their law. 
Whose pride how to temper, this truth will thee tell; 
So as thou resist may'st, and yet not rebtl. 

Goodman came to England in 1559, but he found Queen Elizabetii 
so much displeased at his publication, that he kept himself private. 
Burnet, iii. Append. 274. On this account, and in compliance with the 
urgent request of our Reformer, he came to Scotland. When the 
lords of the Congregation chose him one of the council for matters of 
religion, the EaiT of Arran endeavoured to appease the resentment 
which the English queen still entertained against him. Sadler, i. 510, 
51 1 , 532. In 1562, the Earl of Warwick repeatedly interceded for him, 
and for his being recalled from Scotland ; " of whom," says he, " I have 
heard suche good commendation both of the lord James of Scotland 
and others, that it seemeth great pitie, that our countrye suld want 
so worthy and learned an instrument." Forbes's State Papers, ii. 
235. Calvin urged Goodman not to leave Scotland until the Refor 
mation was completely established. Epistolee, p. 566. Hannoviae, 
1597. When he did return to his native country in 1565, it was with 
great difficulty that he was received into favour, notwithstanding the 
friends he had at court. He was obliged to make a recantation of the 
offensive doctrines in his publication. He protested and professed 
that " good and godly women may lawfully govern whole realms and 
nations ;" but he~qualified and explained, rather than recanted, what 
he had taught respecting the punishment of tyrants. Strype has in- 
serted the document in his Annals, i. 126; but he has certainly placed 
it under the wrong year. Collier calls it " a lame recantation." Eccl. 
Hist. ii. 440. In 1572, Goodman subscribed, in the presence of the 
queen's ecclesiastical commissioners, a more ample protestation of his 
obedience to Elizabeth. Strype's Annals, ii. 95, 96. He was also 
harassed on account of his non-conformity to the English ceremonies. 
Life of Grindal, 170. Life of Parker, 325, 326. Knox corresponded 
with him after he left Scotland ; and Calderwood has preserved a 
letter which he wrote to him in 1571, in which he alludes to the 
troubles which he understood his friend was exposed to. MS. ii. 270. 
Goodman accompanied Sir Henry Sidney to Ireland, when he was 
sent to subdue the Popish rebels in that country. Troubles at Franck- 
ford, p. 196. In 1580, he resided at Chester, from which he sent his 
salutations to Buchanan. Buchanani Epistolae, 30, 31. Oper. edit. 
Rud. He died at Chester, in 1601, according to verses to his memory 
in Supplement. Goodman's book was quoted, but for very different 
purposes, by Bancroft, (Dangerous Positions, b. ii. chap, i.) and by 
Milton, (Tenure of Magistrates : Prose Works by Symmons, vol. iii. 
p. 196.) 

Goodman was not the only person belonging to the English Church 
who published free sentiments respecting civil government. About 
the same time with his book, there appeared another work on that 
subject, entitled, "A Short Treatise of Politique Pouuer, and of the 
True Obedience which Subjectes owe to Kynges." Its author was 
Dr. John Ponet, bishop, first of Rochester, and afterwards of Win- 
chester, under Edward VI. Ames, iii. 1594. He discusses the ques- 
tions respecting the origin of political authority, its absolute or limited 
nature, the limits of obedience, and the deposition and punishment of 
tyrants. " This book," says Strype, " was not over favourable to 
princes. Their rigours and persecutions, and the arbitrary proceed- 
ings with their peaceable subjects in those times, put them upon exam- 
ining the extent of their power, which some were willing to curtail 
and straiten as much as they could. This book was printed again in 



480 NOTES. 

the year 1642, to serve the turn of those times." Memorials of the 
Reformation, iii. 328, 329. In the second edition of the work, it is said 
to have been originally published in 1556. Collier (who was a keen 
Tory) calls it "a most pestilent discourse." He wished to believe that 
Bishop Ponet was not the author, but it is evident from what he says, 
that he could see no reason for departing from the common opinion 
History, ii. 363. Ponet was a superior scholar. He read the Greek 
Lecture in the University of Cambridge about 1525, and was among 
the first who adopted the new method of pronouncing that language 
introduced by Sir Thomas Smith. He also wrote several books on 
mathematics and other subjects, which were greatly esteemed. 
Strype's Life of Sir Thomas Smith, pp. 26, 27. Ames, Typ. Antiq. i. 
599. ii. 753, 1146. iii. 1587. 



Note KKK, p. 297. 

The proceedings of the committee appointed to prepare overtures 
to the parliament, Dec. 1567, are to be found in Robertson's Records 
of the Parliament of Scotland, and Act. Pari. Scot. vol. iii. Almost the 
only ecclesiastical propositions of the committee which were not adopt- 
ed by the parliament, were such as related to the patrimony of the 
church. I shall extract one or two respecting the commonwealth, 
which did not obtain a parliamentary sanction. " Als it is thocht ex- 
pedient that in na tymes cuming ony women saibe admitit to the 
publict autoritie of the realme, or function in publict government 
within ye same." On the margin, opposite to this, is written, " Fund 
gude;" which is expressive, as I understand it, of the committee's 
approbation of the motion. As Knox, at a period subsequent to this. 
declared from the pulpit that he had never "entreated that argument 
in publict or in privat" since his last arrival in Scotland, (Bannatyne's 
Journal, p. 117,) it appears that this motion had been made by some 
other member of the committee. The late misconduct of Queen Mary 
must have had a great effect in inclining them to give this advice. 
The 23d article does great honour to the enlightened views of tiie 
movers. It proposes that all hereditary jurisdictions throughout the 
kingdom should be abolished. On the margin is written, " Apprevit." 
and farther down, " Supercedis." A long time elapsed, before this 
measure, so necessary to the salutary administration of justice, was 
adopted in Scotland. The 30th article also is of great importance, as 
intended to prevent delay of justice, by shortening processes. The 
following was a proposed sumptuary law : " Item, that it be lauchfull 
to na wemen to weir abone yair estait except howres." On the mar- 
gin of this is written, "This act is verray gude." Act. Pari. Scot, 
vol. iii. pp. 38 — 40. Robertson's Rec. of Pari. pp. 795, 798. 

The ministers appointed on this committee, were "Maister Johne 
Spottiswood, Maister Johne Craig, Johne Knox, Maister Johne Row, 
and Maister David Lindsay." It will be observed that our Reformer 
is the only one who has not "Maister" prefixed to his name. This 
title was expressive of an academical degree. It was commonly given 
in that age to Masters of Arts, as well as Doctors of Law, and in their 
subscriptions they put the letter M. or the word " Maister," before 
their names. 



NOTES. 451 



Note LLL, p. 305. 

Remarks on Dr. Robertson's character of the Regent Murray. — I 
am not moved with the unfavourable representations which the parti- 
sans of Mary have given of Murray, nor am I surprised at the cold 
manner in which MrTHume has spoken of him ; but I confess that it 
pains me to think of the way in which Dr. Robertson has drawn his 
character. The faint praise which he has bestowed on him, the doubt 
which he has thrown over his moral qualities, and the unqualified 
censures which he has pronounced upon some parts of his conduct, 
have, I am afraid, done more injury to the regent's memory, than the 
exaggerated accounts of his adversaries. History of Scotland, vol. 
ii. 315, 316. Lond. 1809. Having said this much, it will be expected 
that I shall be more particular. In addition to those qualities which 
"even his enemies allow him to have possessed in an eminent de- 
gree," Dr. R. mentions his humanity, his distinguished patronage of 
learning, and impartial administration of justice. " Zealous for reli 
gion," he adds, " to a degree which distinguished him even at a time 
when professions of that kind were not uncommon." This is what 
every person must allow, but it certainly is far from doing justice to 
this part of the regent's character. His professions of religion were 
uniformly supported in all the different situations in which he was 
placed; his strict regard to divine institutions was accompanied with 
the most correct and exemplary morals ; his religious principle tri- 
umphed over a temptation which proved too powerful for almost all 
the Protestant nobility. (See above, p. 452.) When there exist such 
proofs of sincerity, to withhold the tribute due to it is injurious not 
only to the individual, but to the general interests of religion. After 
bearing a decided testimony to "the " disinterested passion for the 
liberty of his country," which prompted Murray to oppose the perni- 
cious system of the princes of Lorrain, and the " zeal and affection" 
with which he served Mary on her return to Scotland, the historian 
adds: — "But, on the other hand, his ambition was immoderate; and 
events happened that opened to him vast projects, which allured his 
t enterprising genius, and led him to actions inconsistent with the duty 
of a subject." That his ambition was "immoderate" does not, I think, 
appear from any evidence which has been produced. Dr. R. has de- 
fended him from the charge as brought against him at an earlier period 
of his life, and we have met with facts that serve to corroborate the 
defence. (See p. 433.) The " vast projects" that opened to him must 
be limited to the attainment of the regency; for I do not think that 
Dr. R. ever for a moment gave credit to the ridiculous tale, that he 
designed to set aside the young king, and seat himself upon the throne. 
His acceptance of the regency cannot be pronounced "inconsistent 
with the duty of a subject," without determining the question, Whether 
the nation was warranted, by the misconduct and crimes of Mary, to 
remove her from the government, and to crown her son. "Her bold- 
est advocates," says Mr. Laing, " will not venture to assert, that, on 
the supposition of the fact being fully proved, that she was notori- 
ously guilty of her husband's murder, she was entitled to be restored." 
History of Scotland, i. 137, second edition. Murray was fully satis- 
fied of her guilt before he accepted the regency. Never was any 
person raised to such a high station with less evidence of his having' 
ambitiously courted the preferment. Instead of remaining in the 
country to turn the embroiled state of affairs to his personal advan- 
tage, he, within two months after the murder of the king, left Scot- 
land, not clandestinely, but after having asked and obtained leave. 
41 L3 



4S2 NOTES. 

And whither did he retire ? Not into England, to concert measures 
with that court, or the more easily to carry on a correspondence with 
the friends whom he had left behind him; but into France, where hi; 
motions could be watched by the friends of Mary. Ibid. pp. 59—61. 
The association for revenging the king's murder, and for preserving 
the young prince, the surrender of Mary, and her imprisonment in 
Lochleven, followed so unexpectedly and' so rapidly, that they could 
not have proceeded from his direction. Nay, there is positive evi- 
dence that the lords who had imprisoned Mary, so far from having 
acted in concert with Murray, were suspicious that he would coun" 
teract their designs. " As yet theys lordes wyll not suffer Mr. Nychc- 
las Elveston, sent from the L. of Murrey, to have access to the quene, 
nor to send my L. of Murrey's letter unto her." Throkmorton's Let- 
ters to Cecil, and to Elizabeth, 16th July, 1567, apud Laing's History 
of Scotland, ii. Append. No. 13, pp. 121, 126. When he returned to 
Scotland, he found that the queen had executed formal deeds resign- 
ing the government, and appointing him regent during the minority 
ofher son, and that the young prince was already crowned. Hume, 
vol. v. note K. 

" His treatment of the queen, to whose bounty he was so much 
indebted, was unbrotherly and ungrateful." To the charge of ingra- 
titude, I can only reply, by repeating what I have said in the text, 
that all the honours which she conferred on him were not too great a 
reward for the important services which he had rendered her. How 
often have persons been celebrated for sacrificing parental as well as 
brotherly affection to the public good ! The probable reasons for 
Murray's interview with the queen in Lochleven have been stated by 
Mr. Laing. History, i. 119 — 121. Were I to speak of what was in 
cumbent on him as a Christian brother with the view of bringing her 
to a just sense of the iniquity of her conduct, I would use language 
which, I am afraid, would not be understood by many readers, and 
which many professed Christians seem to forget, when they talk on 
this subject. Any exertions which were necessary to save his sister's 
life were not wanting on the part of Murray. To restore her to the 
government, or even, as matters then stood, to restore her to liberty, 
he was not bound by any ties either of a public or private kind. Had 
he amused her with the hopes of this, he might have escaped the 
charge of harshness, but his conduct would "have been more un- 
brotherly. 

"But he deceived and betrayed Norfolk with a baseness unworthy 
of a man of honour." To this harsh censure I oppose the opinion of # 
Mr. Hume, who will not be suspected of partiality to the regent. 
" Particularly," says he, in a letter to Dr. Robertson, written after the 
publication of his History of Scotland, "I could almost undertake to 
convince you that the Earl of Murray's conduct with the Duke of 
Norfolk was no way dishonourable." Stewart's Life of Robertson : 
History, i. 158. See* also, in confirmation of this, "Part of a letter 
from the Earl of Murray to L. B." inserted in vol. ii. Appendix, No. 
xxxiii. 

" His elevation to such unexpected dignity [the reader will observe 
that it was unexpected] inspired him with new passions, with haughti- 
ness and reserve: and instead of his natural manner, which was blunt 
and open, he affected the arts of dissimulation and refinement. Fond, 
towards the end of his life, of flattery, and impatient of advice, his 
creatures, by soothing his vanity, led him astray, while his ancient 
friends stood at a distance, and predicted his approaching fall." Cer- 
tainly the facts stated by Dr. Robertson in the preceding part of his 
narrative, do not prepare the mind of his reader for these charges. 



NOTES. 483 

The severity of the regent's virtues had, indeed, been mentioned, and 
it had been asserted that his deportment had become distant and 
haughty. The authority of Sir James Melvil was referred to in sup- 
port of t iis statement; and I am satisfied that it was upon his testi- 
mony chiefly that the historian proceeded, when he gave the above 
account of Murray's conduct during the latter part of his life. I sub- 
mit to the reader the following remarks on the degree of credit due to 
the authority of Melvil. 

In the first place, there is every reason to think, either that Melvil's 
Memoirs have been unfaithfully published by the editor, or that the 
narrative which the author of them has given of affairs, from the 
queen's marriage with Both well to the death of the Earl of Murray, is 
incorrect and unfaithful. I shall not take it upon me to determine 
which of these is the most probable supposition, but am of opinion 
that either the one or the other must be admitted. The charge which 
was brought against Queen Mary of participation in the murder of 
her husband, with all the proofs produced in support of it, is suppres- 
sed, and studiously kept out of view in the Memoirs. There is not 
one word in them respecting the celebrated letters to Both well, al- 
though they formed the grand vindication of the regent and his friends. 
The same inference may be drawn from the ridiculous account given 
of the appearance made by the regent before the commissioners at 
York, when he presented the nameless accusation against Mary (Me- 
moirs, 96, 07, Lond. 1683 ;) an account which is completely discredited 
by the journals of both parties, and which neither Hume or Robertson 
thought worthy of the slightest regard. It is observable, that Melvil 
could not be ignorant of the real transaction, as he was present at 
York; and that the design of this, as well as of the subsequent part 
of his narrative, is to represent the regent as weakly suffering himself 
to be duped and misled by designing and violent counsellors. Mr. 
Laing has adverted to both of these things as discreditable to the Me- 
moirs. History, ut supra, i. 118. I shall produce only one other in- 
stance of the same kind. Speaking of the queen's marriage with 
Both well, Melvil says : " I cannot tell how nor by what law he parted 
with his own wife, sister to the Earl of Huntly." Mem. 80. Is it cred- 
ible, that one who was in the midst of the scene, and acquainted even 
with the secrets of state at that time, could be ignorant, of that which 
was proclaimed to all the world 1 If it should be alleged that Melvil, 
writing in his old age, might have forgotten this glaring fact, (the 
excuse commonly made for his inaccuracies,) I am afraid that the 
apology will detract as much from the credibility of his Memoirs as the 
charge which it is brought to repel. 

2. In estimating the degree of regard due to the censures which 
Melvil has passed on the regent's conduct, we must keep in view the 
political course which he himself steered. Sir James appears to have 
been a man of amiable dispositions, whose mind was cultivated by 
the study of letters; but those who have carefully read his memoirs 
must, I think, be convinced that his penetration was not great, and 
that his politics were undecided, temporizing, and inconsistent. He 
was always at court, and always tampering with those who were but 
of court. We find him exposing himself to danger by dissuading his 
mistress from marrying Botbwell, and yet countenancing the marriage 
by his presence; acting as an agent for those who had imprisoned 
the queen, and yet intriguing with those who wished to set her at 
liberty ; carrying a common message from the king's lords to the Earl 
of Murray upon'his return out of France, and yet secretly conveying 
another message tending to counteract the design of the firmer; sup- 
porting Murray in the regency, and yet trafficking with those who 



484 NOTES. 

wished to undermine his authority. I do not call in question the 
goodness of his intentions in all this: 1 am willing to believe that ;i 
desire for the peace of the country, or attachment to the queen, in- 
duced him to go between, and labour to reconcile, the contending 
parties. But when parties are discordant — when their interests, or 
the objects at which they shoot, are diametrically opposite, to perse- 
vere in such attempts is preposterous, and cannot tail to foster and 
increase confusions. Who believes that the Hamiltons were disposed 
to join with the king's party] or that the latter, when unassured of 
the assistance of England, were averse to a junction with the former ? 
Yet Melvil asserts both of these things. Mem. 85, 86, 90. Who thinks 
that there was the smallest feasibility in what lie proposed to the re- 
gent as "a present remedy for his preservation!" or believes that 
Maitland would have consented to go into France and Kircaldy to 
deliver up the castle of Edinburgh 1 The regent heard him patiently ; 
he respected the goodness of the man ; but he saw that he was the 
dupe of Maitland's artifices, and he followed his own superior judg- 
ment. For rejecting such advices as this (and not the religious pro- 
verbs, and political aphorisms, which he quoted to him from Solomon, 
Augustine, Isocrates, Plutarch, and Theopompus) has Melvil charged 
him with refusing the counsel of his oldest and wisest friends. Mem. 
102—101. 

3. What were the errors committed by the regent which precipita- 
ted his fall ? There are two referred to by Melvil, — the imprisonment 
of the Duke and Lord Herries, and the accusation of Maitland and 
Balfour. Mem. 100, 101. In vindication of the former step, I have only 
to appeal to the narrative which Dr. Robertson has given of that affair. 
Vol. ii. p. 266 — 2D9. With respect to the latter, Sir James Balfour was 
" the most corrupt man of that age," (ibid. p. 367,) and Maitland was at 
that time deeply engaged in intrigues against the regent, ibid. p. 307". 
There is not a doubt that both of them were accessory to the murder 
of Darnley, (Laing, i. 28, 135, ii. 22:) they were arrested and accused 
at this time at the instance of Lennox, and in consequence of the re- 
cent confession of one of Both well's servants ; and Maitland was pre- 
served by the queen's friends assembling in arms for his rescue, which 
compelled the regent to adjourn his trial. Ibid. ii. 37. Appendix, No. 
28, pp. 298-9. 

4. Who were the unworthy favourites by whose flattery and evil 
counsel the regent was led astray? Dr. Robertson mentions "Cap- 
tain Crawford, one of his creatures.'''' This is the same person whom 
he afterwards calls "Captain Crawford of Jordanhill, a gallant and 
enterprising officer," who distinguished himself so much by the sur- 
prise of the castle of Dumbarton. History, ii. 307, 331, comp. Laing, ii. 
297,298; and Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, 429. Morton, Lind- 
say, Wishart of Pittarow, Macgill of Rankeillor, Pitcairn, Abbot of 
Dunfermline, Balnaves of Hallhill, and Wood of Tilliedavy, were 
among the regent's counsellors. 

5. Who were his old friends who lost his favour? They could be no 
other than Balfour, Maitland, Kircaldy, and Melvil himself Of the 
two former I need not say a word. Kircaldy of Grange was a brave 
man, and had long been the intimate friend of the regent; but he was 
already corrupted by Maitland, and had secretly'entered into his 
schemes for restoring the queen. Robertson, ii. 307. Of Melvil I have 
already spoken ; nay, he himself testifies that the regent continued to 
the last to listen to his good advices. " The most part of these sen- 
tences, (says he,) drawn out of the Bible, I used to rehearse to him at 
several occasions, and he tank better xvith these, at my hands, who he 
knew had no by-end, than if they had proceeded from the most I arned 



NOTES. 4S5 

philosopher. Therefore, at his desire, I promised to put them in writ- 
ing, to give him them to keep in his pocket ; but he was slain before 
i could meet with him." Mem. 104. How this is to be reconciled 
with other assertions in the Memoirs, I leave others to determine. It 
required no great sagacity in the ancient friends of the regent to " pre- 
dict his approaching fall," when repeated attempts had already been 
made to assassinate him, and when some of them were privy to the 
conspiracy then forming against his life ; and it says little for their an- 
cient friendship, that they " stood at a distance," and allowed it to be 
carried into execution. 

There are three honourable testimonies to the excellence of the re- 
gent's character, which must have weight with all candid persons. 
The first is that of tie great historian De Thou. He not only examined 
the histories which both parties had published of the transactions in 
Scotland, which made so much noise through Europe, but he carefully 
conversed with the most intelligent and candid Scotsmen, Papists and 
Protestants, whom he had the opportunity of seeing in France. When 
that part of his history which embraced these events was in the press, 
he applied to his friend Camden for advice, acquainting him that he 
was greatly embarrassed, and apprehensive of displeasing King James, 
who,"he understood, was incensed against Buchanan's History. "I 
do not wish (says he) to incur the charge of imprudence or malignity 
from a certain personage who has honoured me with his letters, and 
encouraged me to publish the rest of my history with the same can- 
dour and regard for truth." Camden, in reply, exhorted him to study 
moderation, and told him the story which he had received from his 
master, imputing the disturbances in Scotland chiefly to the ambition 
of Murray. Durand, Histoire du XVI. Siecle, torn. vii. contenant la 
Vie de Monsieur De Thou, pp. 226 — 23J. But notwithstanding the re- 
spect which he entertained for Camden, and the desire which he felt 
to please James, De Thou found himself obliged, by a sacred regard to 
truth, to reject the above imputation, and to adopt in the main the nar- 
rative of Buchanan. I shall quote, from his answer to Camden, the 
character which he draws of Murray. Having mentioned the accu- 
sation brought against him, of ambitiously and wickedly aiming at the 
crown, he says, " This is constantly denied by all the credible Scots- 
men with whom I have had opportunity to converse, not even except- 
ing those who otherwise were great enemies to Murray on a religious 
account, ; for they affirm, that, religion apart, he was a man without 

AMBITION, WITHOUT AVARICE, INCAPABLE OF DOING AN INJURY TO ANY ONE, 
DISTINGUISHED BY HIS VIRTUE, AFFABILITY, BENEFICENCE, AND INNOCENCE OF 

life ; and that had it not been for him, those who tear his memory 
since his death, would never have attained that authority which they 
now enjoy." — " Res ipsa loquitur : nam demus, quod ab diversa tra- 
dentibus jactatur, Moravium ambitione ardentem scelerate regnum ap- 
petisse, quod tamen constanter negant omnes fide digni Scoti, quos- 
cunque mihi alloqui contigit, etiam ii quibus alioqui Moravius ob re- 
ligionis causam summe invisus erat; nam virum fuisse aiebant, extra 
relieionis causam, ab omni ambitione, avaritia, et in quenquam injuria 
alienum, virtute, comitate, beneficentia, vitse innocentia, pra?stantem ; 
et qui nisi fuisset, eos, qui tantopere mortuum exagitant, hodieminime 
rerum potituros fuisse." Epistolae de Nova Thuani Histor. Editione 
Paranda. p. 40, in torn. i. Thuani Histor. et torn. vii. cap. v. p. 5. 
Buckley, 1733. 

A second testimony of a very strong kind in favour of the regent is 
that of Archbishop Spotswood. He must have conversed with many 
who were personally acquainted with Murray; he knew the unfavour- 
able sentiments which James entertained respecting him, which had 
41* 



4SG NOTES. 

been published in Camden's Annals; and he had long enjoyed the fa- 
vour of that monarch ; yet, in his history, he has drawn the character 
of the regent in as flattering colours as Buchanan himself has done 
The last testimony to which I shall appeal is the Vox Populi, strongly 
expressed by the title of The Good Regent, which it imposed on him, 
and by which his memory was handed down to posterity. • Had he 
elated by prosperity, become haughty and reserved, or, intoxicated 
with flattery, yielded himself up to unprincipled and avaricious fa- 
vourites, the people must soon have felt the effects of the change, and 
vVould never have cherished his name with such enthusiastic gratitude 
and unminsrled admiration. 



Note MMM, p. 307. 

Inscription to the memory of the Regent Murray. — The regent'? 
monument is yet entire and in good order. It stands in that part of 
St Giles, now called the Old Church, (the former aisle having been 
taken into the body of the church when it was lately fitted up,) at the 
back of the pulpit, on the east side. At the top is the figure of an eagle, 
and below it " 1570," the date of the erection of the monument. In "the 
middle is a brass plate, on which the following ornaments and inscrip- 
tions are engraved: — The family arms, with the motto "Salus per 
Christum," (Salvation through Christ :) On one side of the arms, a 
female figure with a cross and Bible, the word " Religio" above, and 
below " Pietas sine vindice luget," (Piety mourns without a defender ;) 
on the other side, another female figure, in a mourning posture, with 
the head reclining on the hand, the word, "Justicia" above, and below 
"Jus exarmatum est," (Justice is disarmed.) Underneath is the fol- 
lowing inscription, composed by Buchanan : — 

23 Janvarii 1569. 

jacobo * 9tovarto - moravije - comiti ' scotije * 
proregi * viro * ietatis ' svje ' longe ' optimo * 
ab * inimicis ' omnis ' memorise " deterrimis " 
ex * insid1is * extincto " cev ■ patri " 
commvni ' patria ' moerens * posvit * 

The verses in which Buchanan celebrated the regent are accessible 
to every scholar. The following lines are less known : — 

Jacobus Stuartus, 

Moravia? Comes, Prorex pro Jacobo vi. rem Scoticam feliciter gessit, 
purse Religionis assertor acerrimus. Ab aemulis Limnuchi ex insidiis 
glande trajectus, magno omnium desiderio moritur ad d. xxiii. Janu- 
arii, Anno Christi 1570. 

Ter tua dicturus cum dicere singula conor, 

Ter numeri, et numeros destituere soni. 
Nobilitas, animus, probitas, sapienlia. virtus, 

Consilium, imperium, pectora sancia, fides, 
Cuncta mihi simul hsec instant certamine magno: 

Tit sibi, sic certant virions ista meis ; 
Ipsi adeo Aonides cum vellent dicere sedunt 

Sponte sua numeris, haec, Buchana. to, mis. 

Johannis Jonstoni Heroes, pp. 31. 32. 
Lugduni Batavorum, 1603. 



NOTES. 48 <j 

Knox, among others, warned the regent of the designs which his ene- 
mies had formed against his life. " When the Mr. of Grahame (says 
Bannatyne) come and drew him to Dumbartane, he [Knox] plainlie said 
to the regent then, that it was onlie done for a trane be that meanis 
to cut him off, as it came to pas ; also when he was in Stirveling, being 
returned from Dumbartane, he sent me to my ladie the regentis wyfe, 
tuo sundrie tymes, and desyrit her to signifie my lord her husband, 
that he suld not come to Lynlythgow. So that gif his counsall had 
bene followed, he had not died at that tyme. And my ladie the last 
tyme sent Mr. Jhone Wood, to desyre him to avoid Lynlythgow. But 
God thought vs not worthy of sic a rewlare above vs, and also he wald 
thereby have the wickitnes of vthers knawin, whilk then was hid; and 
therefore did God then tak him fra us. But lat the Hamiltonis, the 
Lard of Grange, with the rest of that factione, lay their compt and 
recken thair advantage and wining since." Bannatyne's Journal, pp. 
428, 429. The intrepidity of Murray prompted him to despise these 
prudential admonitions, and defeated the precaution of his friends. 

Mr. Scott has, by a poetical licence, introduced the Reformer a< 
present at Linlithgow, to grace the regent's fall. 

From the wild border's humbled side, 

In haughty triumph marched he, 
While Knox relax'd his bigot pride, 

And smiled the traitorous pomp to see. 

Ballads and Lyrical Pieces, p. 52. Edin. 1810. 



Note NNN, p. 320. 

Sentiments of Scottish Reformers on the difference between civil and 
ecclesiastical authority. — I may subjoin a few facts which ascertain 
the opinion of our reformers on this subject. — In common with other 
reformed churches, they allowed that civil rulers have a right to em- 
ploy their authority for the reformation of religion within their domin- 
ions, especially when, as was universally the case under the papacy, 
religious abuses and corruptions affect the state as well as the church, 
and are interwoven with the civil constitution and administration; 
they allowed them a power of making laws for the support and ad- 
vancement of religion ; and they held that, where a reformed church 
existed, there might be a co-operation between the civil and ecclesi- 
astical authorities about certain objects which came under the cogni- 
zance of both, each of them acting within its own line, and with a 
view to the proper ends of its institution. But, on the other hand, 
they maintained that civil and ecclesiastical authority were essentially 
distinct, and they refused that civil rulers had a supremacy over the 
church as such, or a right to model her government and worship, and 
to assume to themselves the internal management of her affairs. 

The Scottish reformers never ascribed or allowed to civil rulers the 
same authority in ecclesiastical matters which the English did. In 
particular, they resisted from the beginning the claim of ecclesiastical 
supremacy granted to the English monarchs. On the 7th July, 1568, 
"It was delatit and fund that Thomas Bassinden, printer in Edin- 
burgh, imprintit an buik, intitulat The Fall of the Roman Kirk, nam- 
ing our King and Soverane Supreme Head of the Primitive Kirk — 
The hail! assemblie ordaint the said Thomas to call in agane all the 
foirsaidis buikis yat he hes sauld, and keip the rest unsauld, until he 
alter the forsaid title. Attour, the assemblie appoyntit Mr. Alex. Ar- 
buthnot to revise the rest of the forsaid tractat, and report to the kirk 
quhat doctrine he finds thairin." Buik of the Universal! Kirk. pp. 38, 



48S NOTES. 

39. The General Assembly were frequently occupied in settling the 
bounds between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and in March, 
1570, arranged the objects which pertained to the latter under six- 
heads; including, among other things, the judgment of doctrine, ad- 
ministration of divine ordinances, the election, examination, admission, 
suspension, &e. of ministers, and all cases of discipline. The follow- 
ing is the concluding article: " And because the conjunction of mar 
riages pertaineth to the ministrie, the causis of adherents and divorce- 
ments aucht also to perteine to thame, as naturallie annexit thairto." 
Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 51. Actes of the General Assemblies, 
prefixed to the First and Second Booke of Discipline, printed in 1621, 
pp. 3, 4. 

On occasion of some encroachments made on the liberties of the 
church in 1571, John Erskine of Dun, superintendent of Angus and 
Mearns, addressed two letters to the Regent Mar. They are written 
in a clear, spirited, and forcible style, containing an accurate state- 
ment of the essential distinction between civil and ecclesiastical juris- 
diction, and should be read by all who wish to know the early senti- 
ments of the Church of Scotland on this subject. See Bannatyne's 
Journal, pp. 279—290. 

It lias always been a principle of the Presbyterian Church of Scot- 
land, that the ministers of religion ought not to be distracted from the 
duties of their office by holding civil places. The first General As- 
sembly (Dec. 1560) agreed to petition the Estates, to "remove minis- 
ters from civil offices^ according to the canon law." Buik of the Uni- 
versall Kirk, p. 2. At the request of the Regent Mar, the assembly, 
or convention, which met at Leith in January, 1571 — 2, allowed Mr. 
Robert Pont, on account of his great knowledge of the laws, to act as 
a Lord of Session. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 54. But in March. 
1572 — 3, the Regent Morton having laid before them a proposal for 
appointing some ministers Lords of Session, the Assembly " votit 
throughout that naine was able nor apt to bear the saides twa charges." 
They therefore prohibited any minister from accepting the place of a 
senator; from this inhibition they, however, excepted Pont. Ibid. p. 
56. In 1584, Pont resigned his place as a Lord of Session, or rather 
was deprived of it, in consequence of the act of parliament passed 
that year, declaring that none of the ministers of God's word and 
sacraments "in time cuming sail in ony waies accept, use, or admin- 
istrat ony place of judicature, in quhatsumever civil or criminal causes, 
nocht to be of the Colledge of Justice, Commissioners, Advocates, 
court Clerkes or Notaris in ony matteris (the making of testamentes 
onely excepted.)" Skene's Acts, fol. 59, b. Edinburgh, 1597. Lord 
Hailes's Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 5, and note 34. 

The name of Pont often occurs in the account of ecclesiastical trans- 
actions during the remainder of the sixteenth century. The writer 
of Additional Notes to Lord Hailes's Catalogue of the Lords of Ses- 
sion, calls him by mistake, " the first presbyterian minister of the 
West Kirk." p. 8. Edinburgh, 1798. William Harlaw preceded him 
in that situation, (Keith, 498,) and continued to hold it in August, 1571. 
See Letter to him from the duke and Huntly, in Bannatyne's Journal, 
217. Pont was also commissioner of Murray, and provost of Trinity 
College, Edinburgh. Upon the death of the Earl of March, James VI. 
offered him the Bishopric of Caithness, but he declined accepting it. 
Keith's Scottish Bishops, 129. He was the author of several publica- 
tions, besides the sermons against Sacrilege, repeatedly mentioned. 

The time of his death, and his age, appear from the following in 
scription on his tombstone, in St. Cuthbert's churchyard: 



NOTES. 489 

ILLE EGO, R0BER1US PONTA- 

NUS IN HOC PROPE SACRO 
CHRISTI QUI FUERAM PASTOR 

GREGIS AUSPICE CHRISTO 
^TERNjE HIC RECUBANS EX- 
SPECTO RESURGERE VIT.E, 
OBIIT DIEM JET. 81, HEN- 
S' 5 : 8 MAII, A. D. 1606.* 

Note OOO, p. 325. 

Particulars respecting Knox's residence at St. Andrews. — The fol- 
.owing particulars are extracted from the MS. Diary of Mr. James 
Melville. " Ther wer twa in St. Androis wha war his aydant heirars, and 
wraitt his sermons, ane my condiscipule, Mr. Andro Young, minister 
of Dumblane, who translated sum of them into Latin, and read thame 
in the hall of the collage insteid of his orations." The other was a 
servant of Mr. Robert Hamilton, but with what view he took notes 
Melville could not say. Diary, p. 28. — " Mr. Knox wald sum tymes 
cum in, and repast him in our colleage yeard, and call ws schollars 
unto him and bliss ws, and exhort ws to knaw God, and his wark in 
our countrey, and stand be the guid caus, to use our tyme weill, and 
learn the guid instructiones and follow the guid example of our mais- 
ters. Our haill collag [St. Leonard-'s] maisters and schollars war 
sound and zelus for the guid caus, the uther twa colleges not sa." p. 
23. " This yeir in the moneth of July, Mr. Jhone Davidsone, an of 
our regents, maid a pley at the marriage of Mr. Jhone Colvin, quhilk 
I saw playit in Mr. Knox presence, wharin, according to Mr. Knox 
doctrine, the castle of Edinburgh was besieged, takin, end thecaptin, 
with ane or twa with him, hangit in effigie." p. 24. This seems to 
have been an exercise among the students of the university. The 
following extract shows that the fine arts were not then uncultivated, 
and that the professors and students attended to them in their recrea- 
tions. "Ilernit singing and pleying on instrumentis passing weill, 
and wald gladlie spend tyme, whar the exercise thairof was within 
the collag ; for twa or thrie of our condisciples pleyed fellin weill on 
the virginals, and another on the lute and githorn. Our regent had 
also the pinalds in his chalmer, and lernit sum thing, and I efter him." 
Melville adds, that his fondness for music was at one period, in danger 
of drawing away his attention from more important studies, but that 
he overcame the temptation, p. 25. 

I may add an extract from the same Diary, relating an incident in 
the life of one who entertained a high respect for Knox, and after- 
wards became a distinguished minister in the church. " The order of 
four kirks to a minister, then maid by the erle of Morton, now maid 
.regent, against the quilk Mr. Johne Davidson, an of the regents of 
our collag, made a buik called The Conference betvnxt the Clark a /id 
the Courtier ; for the quhilk he was summoned befor the Justice Air 
at Haddington this winter (1573) the lest of our course, and banished 
the countrey." p. 24. This dialogue, which is in verse, contains the 
following lines: — 

* History of the Church and Parish of St. Cuthbert, or West Kirk of Edinburgh, p 
38. Edin. 1829. 

M3 



490 NOTES. 

Had "ude John Knox not yit bene deid, 
It had not cum unto this heid: 
Had thay myndit till sic ane steir, 
He had maid hevin and eirth to heir. 

The General Assembly, in October 1577, presented a supplication !.-> 
the Regent Morton, requesting him to allow Mr. Davidson to return 
home from England. Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 70. The editor 
of Davidson's "Poetical Remains (lately printed) has furnished some 
interesting information concerning the author. I am indebted to him 
for correcting a mistake into which I had fallen in the Life of Melville. 
Davidson returned to Scotland during the lifetime of the regent, 
though not until his fall. Hume of Godscroft, in his account of Mor- 
ton's behaviour before his execution, says, "There he embraced Mr. 
John Davidson, and said to him, You wrote a book, for which I was 
angry with you; but I never meant any ill to you, — forgive me. Mr. 
Davidson was so moved herewith, that he could not refram, from weep- 
ing." History of the House of Douglas and Angus, ii. 279, 12mo. 



Note PPP, p. 340. 

Verses to the memory of Knox — Beza has inserted no verses to the 
memory of our Reformer, in his Icones, id est, Vera Imagines Vlro- 
rum Doctrina simul et Pietate JUustrium, published by him in Latin, 
anno 1580. But of this work, a French version was published under 
the title of Les Vrais Pourtraits des Homines I Uustres en Pietc et Doc- 
trine. Geneve, 1581, 4to. In this translation are inserted original 
verses on Knox, &c. Irving' s Memoirs of Buchanan, 234. Havinsr 
never seen this translation, I cannot say whether the verses which it 
contains coincide with those which I am about to quote. 

Jacobus Verheiden published " Praastantium aliquot Theologorum, 
qui Romse Antichristum oppugnarunt, Effigies, quibus addita^eorum 
Elogia, librdrumque Catalogi. Hag. Comit.1602." A new edition of 
this was published by Fredericus Roth-Scholtz, under the title of 
" Jacobi Verheidenii Hagoe-Comitis Imagines et Elogia, &c. Haga3- 
Comitum, 1725." In this work the following 1 lines are placed under 
the portrait of Knox : — 

Scottorum primum te Ecolesia, Cnoxe, docentem, 
Audiit, auspiciis estque redacta tuis, 
Nam te caelestis pietas super omnia traxit, 
Atque Reformats Religionis amor. 

To the account of his life and writings, in the same work, is added 
an Epigram in Greek and in Latin, which, according to a common 
practice in such compositions, consists of a play upon his name, and 
that of his country, in the way of contrast ; representing Knox as 
driving the nocturnal crows, or scotican sophists, from Scotland. As 
the author informs us that the Batavian youth amused themselves in 
making these epigrams, and thinks that some of them will amuse the 
reader, I shall not withhold this specimen in both languages. 

Niivrepi'^a?, vi>kto$ K6paKas, f«i vvxra aipryyi) 

AXXo re Xny/3 'Huj tficvyu dXcttKaieo;. 
Or'rof jilv KXOHOS YKOrtKOvs ii'ofzfiovg re uoipiarhs 

El/ tKOrirj Tzilrprj fV§a\s Xaiiiroiicvo;. 



NOTES. 491 

"■Vocturnos corvos, noctem obscuramque, volantes 

Mures, Aurora et cetera dira fugat: 

Sic Cnoxvs Scoticos simul obscurosque sophislas 

Ex Scotica lucens ejicit hie patria. 

Verheidenii Imagines etElogia, pp. 69, 70. 
Hagee-Comitum, 1725. 

Davidson's Poem, and Johnston's Verses, to the memory of Knox 
will be found in the Supplement. 



NoteQQQ, p. 341. 

Popish account of Knox's death. — The slanders propagated by the 
Popish writers against our Reformer's character have been stated in 
Note GGG. After the specimen there given, it will not be expected 
that I shall dwell upon the equally extravagant and incredible narra- 
tives which they circulated concerning the manner of his death. I 
shall, however, translate the substance of Archibald Hamilton's account, 
the original picture from which so many copies were afterwards 
taken. " The opening of his mouth," he says, " was drawn out to 
such a length of deformity, that his face resembled that of a dog, as his 
voice also did the barking of that animal. The voice failed from that 
tongue, which had been the cause of so much mischief, and his death, 
most grateful to his country, soon followed. In his last sickness, he 
was occupied not so much in meditating upon death, as in thinking 
upon civil and worldly affairs. When a number of his friends, who 
held him in the greatest veneration, were assembled in his chamber, 
and anxious to hear from him something tending to the confirmation 
of his former doctrine, and to their comfort, he, perceiving that his 
death approached, and that he could gain no more advantage by the 
pretext of religion, disclosed to them the mysteries of that Savoyan 
art (Sabaudicce disciplines, magic) which he had hitherto kept secret ; 
confessed the injustice of thatauthority which was then defended by 
arms against the exiled queen ; and declared many things concerning 
her return, and the restoration of religion after his death. One of the 
company, who had taken the pen to record his dying sayings, think- 
ing that he was in a delirium, desisted from writing, upon which Knox, 
with a stern countenance, and great asperity of language, began to 
upbraid him : ' Thou good-for-nothing man ! why dost thou leave off 
writing what my presaging mind foresees as about to happen in this 
kingdom ? Dost thou distrust me 1 Dost thou not believe that all which 
I say shall most certainly happen ? But that I may attest to thee and 
others how undoubted the things which I have just spoken are, go out 
all of you from me, and I will in a moment confirm them by a new 
and unheard-of proof.' They withdrew at length, though reluctantly, 
leaving only the lighted candles in the chamber, and soon returned, 
expecting to witness some prodigy, when they found the lights extin- 
guished, and his dead body lying prostrate on the ground." Hamilton 
adds, that the spectators, after recovering from their astonishment, 
replaced the dead body in the bed, and entered into an agreement to 
conceal what they had witnessed; but God, unwilling that such a 
document should be unknown, disclosed it, " both by the amanuensis 
himself, [Robertus Kambel a Pinkincleugh,] soon after taken ofi by a 
similar death, and by others who, although unwillingly, made clear 
confessions." De Confusione Calvin. Sectas apud Scotos, fol. 66, 67. 
Those who have not access to the work itself, will find the original 
words extracted, although with some slight inaccuracies, by Mac- 
kenzie. Lives of Scottish Writers, hi. 131, 132. "All the rest of the 



492 NOTES. 

Romish writers," says Mackenzie, "insist upon such like ridiculous 
stories that are altogether improbable." Hamilton's fabrications gave 
occasion, however, to the publication of that minute and satisfactory 
narrative of the last illness and death of Knox, drawn up by one who 
waited on him all the time, and added by principal Smeton to the an- 
swer which he made to that virulent writer. See above, p. 332. Yet 
the Popish writers continued to retail Hamilton's story until a late 
period. It was published by Knot in his Protestanry Condemned, 
Doway, 1654; and in The Poll 'tin art's Catechism, printed at Antwerp, 
165S, " pernassu swperiorum." Those who wish to see the variations 
which it had undergone by that time, and who have not met with 
these writings, may be satisfied by looking into Strype's Life of Arch- 
bishop Parker, p. 367. 

•' The miserable, horrible, detestable, and execrable deaths" of 
Luther, Calvin, and other heretics of that time, are particularly re- 
corded by James Laing, in the work to which I have repeatedly re- 
ferred. 



Note RRR, p. 359. 

Knox's Stipend, — The General Assembly held in March 1573, passed 
the following act: "The Assemblie, considering that the travels of 
umqll Johne Knox, merits favourablie to be remembrit in his posteritie, 
gives to Margaret Stewart, his relict, and hir thrie daughters of the 
said umqll Johne, the pension qlk he himselfe had in his tyme of the 
kirk, and that for the year approachand and following his deceis, of the 
year of God 1573, to their education and support, extending to five 
hundreth merks money, twa ch. quhait, sax ch. beir, four ch. aittes." 
Bulk of the Universall Kirk, p. 56. 

On the 25th of May, 1574, in an action " at the instance of Margaret 
Haldin, relict of umqll Mr. Henry Fowlis of Colingtown, takesman and 
fermorar of the kirk of Haillis, aganis Margaret Stewart, relict of um- 
qll Johnne Knox, minister, and Andro Ker of Fadounsyd, now hir 
spous for his entress, and Maister Adam Lethame, minister at the 
khkis of Currie, Haillis, and Sanct Katherine of the hoppis ;" setting 
forth that both these parties demanded from her, the said Margaret 
Haldin, "the sowme of 100/. wt. the kirkJand of Currie, viz. the thrid 
of the personage of Currie, extending to 64/. 8s. 10c/. and thrid pairt 
penny, and the rest extending to 351. lis. Id. twa pairt penny, forth 
of the thrid of Dumfermling, — and she aucht not to be compellit to 
mak dowbill payment thairof. — The lordis of counsale desernis and 
ordanis the same Margaret Haldin to answer, obey, and mak payment 
to the said Margaret Stewart, relict foirsaid, and her bairnes, of the 
dewtie contenit in the said tak of the crop and yeirofGod, 1574 yeris, 
as pairtie fundin be the saidis lordis haveand maist ryt thairto, con- 
forme to ane decreit given by the lordis of secreit counsale, of the dait 
the 25 day of Marche, the yeir of God 1 574 yeris, schawin and produced 
befoir the saidis lordis," &c. Reg. of Decreets of Court of Session, 
vol. lvi. fo. 45. 

On the 23d of May, 1569, in an action "at the instance of Allan 
Couttis, chalmerlain of the abbacy of Dumfermling. aganis Johne 
Knox, minister of Christes evengell, allegein i _r that the silver m;ilcs 
victuall of certane landis and tiendis of the said abbacy of Dumferm- 
ling ar assisruit to him in payment of his stipend of the crope and yeir 
of God 156S yeris, — and that the said complener, as ohalmeriane foir- 
said, is c wand to him the sowme of twa hundreth and fiftie merkis. 



NOTES. 4,93 

as for the silver maill of the landis assignit to him as said s, of the 
terme of VVitsonday, the yeir of God foirsaid. The lordis of consale 
decemis the said Allane Cowtes to answer and obey the said Johne 
Knox of the said termes payment, as pairtie fundin by the said lordis 
havand maist right thairto, after the form and tenor of the assignation 
given and granted to him thairupon, of the dait the 21 day of Septem- 
ber the yeir of God 1568 yeris," &c. Reg. of Decreets, vol. xlii. fo. 437. 

The following extracts throw light on the subject of his stipend at 
an earlier period : — 

" The Compt of Sir John Wyisharte of Pitarrow, Knycht Compt- 
roller and Collector Generall of the Thredis of the Benefices of the 
Realme, 1564. 

" And upown the first day of August, anno &c. lxiiij, delivered to 
Johne Knox, minister, at my lord comptrollaris command, in part of 
payment of his stipend, the soume of ane hundreth pundis, as his 
acquittance beris, 100/. 

"And mair deliverit to Margaret Fowles, Johne Knox servand, the 
x day of October, the soume of twentye pundis, . . . 20/. 

" And upoune the xvij day of October, zeir abonewritten, to John 
Reid, servand to Johne Knox, the soume of fourtye pundis, . 40/. 

"And mair, the ix day of Januar, zeir foirsaid, anno &c. deliverit to 
Robert Watsone, burges of Edinburgh, for Johnne Knox, the sowme 
of ane hundrethe pundis, as his acquittance therupoune beris, 100/. 

" And to Johnne Willock, the xviij day of September, zeir, &c. lxiiij, 
deliverit the soume of fouretye pundis at my lord comptrollaris com- 
mand, in part of payment of his stipend, as his acquittance beris, 40/. 

" Alsua the comptare aucht to be discharged of the prices of six 
chalderis beir at twa merkis the boll, and four chalder attis at 20s. the* 
boll, coft be the comptare, and delivered to the said John Knox, min- 
ister, for the beir and aits allowit in his stipend of the lxiiij yeiris crop, 
quherof na allowance is tane be ony of the collectouris of befoir, ex- 
tending in money to 224/. 

" The Compt. of Schir Williame Murray of Tullybardin, knight 
comptroller and collector general! of the thriddis of the benefices, &c. 
At Edr. Jan. 2, 1567, of crope 1566. 

" And als the comptare aucht to be discharged of the soume of twa 
hundreth fourescoir twa pundis threttene schillingis four penneis, pait 
and deliverit be the comptare to Johne Knox, minister, for the half of 
his stipend of the cropp and zeir of God 1566 yeiris baith silver and 
victual! at command of my lord regentis precept, as the same and his 
acquittance producit upon compt proportis, . . 282/. 13s. Ad. 

"And of the soume of ane hundreth thretty three pundis six schill- 
inges aucht penneis pait be the comptare to William Stewart, Ross 
Herald, translater of sic werkis in the kirk as ar necessar for edifiing 
of the people, quherof he hes had allocatioun of aid be the appointment 
of the Buke of the modificatioun of the ministerie . 133/. 6s. 8tf." 



Note SSS, p. 359. 

Of Knox's descendants. — In the former editions of this work, it was 
stated that one of our Reformer's daughters was married to Robert 
Pont, minister of St. Cuthberts; but I have since ascertained that her 
husband was Zachary Pont, one of the sons of that minister. This 
appears from the following- documents: 

"Nov. 13, 1599.— Mr. Zach. Pont, portioner of Schyresmilne, and 
Margaret Knox, his spouse," inhibited ty Bessie Colvill. 

"11 Feby. 1602.— Said Mr. Zach. Pont and spouse inhibited by Mr. 
42 



494 N O T E 8 . 

Johne Velsche, minister of Godis word at our bust of Kirckcudbryt, 

and Elizabethe Knox his spous." Pont owes complainers lOUOni, as 
per contract between parties at Schyrismylne, 8 Apr. 1596. Regd. in 
books of Session, 17 Nov. 1601. (Particular Register of Inhibitions, 
vol. v.) 

"Marg. Knox, spous to Mr. Zach. Pont, minister at Boar in Cath- 
nes, wt. consent of Mr. Jon. Ker, minister at Preston, and Mr. Jas. 
Knox, ane of the regents of the College of Edn." receives from Andro 
Lord Stewart of Vchiltrie, 1300 merks. (Gen. Reg. of Decreets, vol 
cvii; 28 May, 1605.) There is a previous deed relating to the same 
transaction, which is signed by Mr. Jon. Ker, sone to umqll. Andro 
Ker of Fadounside, witnes." (Ibid. vol. civ; 13 Dec. 1664.) 

The celebrated Dr. Witherspoon, minister of Paisley, and after- 
wards president of the college of New Jersey, in America, was a de- 
scendant of our Reformer: and, according to the information of Dr. 
Samuel Stanhope Smith, his son-in-law, and successor in the presi- 
dency, traced his line of descent through Mrs. Welch. 

I have been favoured with the following pedigree from Alexander 
Thomson, Esq. of Banchory, in Aberdeenshire. "John Knox, the 
celebrated Reformer, left three daughters, one of whom was married 
to a Mr. Baillie of the Jerviswood family, and by him had a daughter, 
who was married to a Mr. Kirkton of Edinburgh. By this marriage Mr. 
Kirkton had a daughter, Margaret, who was married to Dr. Andrew 
Skene in Aberdeen. Dr. Skene left several children, the eldest of whom, 
Dr. Andrew Skene, had by his wife, Miss Lumsden of Cushnie, several 
sons and daughters. One of these, Mary, was married to Andrew 
Thomson of Banchory, who had issue by her, Margaret, Andrew, and 
'Alexander. Andrew married Miss Hamilton, daughter of Dr. Hamil- 
ton, of Marischall College, Aberdeen, and by her had issue, Alexander, 
born June 21, 1798, and present proprietor of Banchory." It is not 
uncommon for persons who happen to be of the same name with an 
individual who has attained celebrity, to claim a family relation to 
him upon very slender grounds. But in the present instance, not to 
mention the particularity of detail in the genealogical table, there is 
no ground to suspect that the tradition could have such an origin ; as the 
name of Knox occurs only at the earliest stage of the supposed con- 
nection. Perhaps one of the Reformer's daughters was twice married ; 
or, which I think more probable, it was one of his grand-daughters who 
married a Mr. Baillie of Jerviswood. Among the pictures at Meller- 
stain (now the seat of the ancient family of Jerviswood) is a portrait 
of Captain Kirkton, an officer of the Royal Navy. And we know from 
other authorities, that Robert Baillie of Jerviswood, who was executed 
at Edinburgh, in 1684, was brother-in-law to Mr. James Kirkton, min- 
uter first at Merton, and afterwards in Edinburgh. Burnet's Hist, of 
his own Times, ii. 157. Wodrow, i. 422. 

Mr. Thomson of Banchory possesses from his ancestors an antique 
watch; and the tradition in the family is, that this watch belonged to 
the Reformer, and was presented to him by Queen Mary, at a time 
when she was anxious to caiole him into an approbation of her mea- 
sures. On the brass-plate of the inner case are the words, .V. Forfaici 
a Paris. Professor Leslie, whose extensive acquaintance with the 
history of inventions is well known, after examining an accurate de- 
scription of this time-piece by Dr. Knight of Aberdeen, says, "that the 
watch in question might have been the property of John Knox, is pos- 
sible, and the tradition is in this case not improbable. At the same 
time it must be admitted, that pocket watches were extremely rare at 
that period, and probably confined for the most part to princes and 
the more tpulent nobility." He adds, "I have had the opportunity of 



NOTES. 495 

Inspecting an antique watch, through the politeness of Mr. J. Scot. 
late chemist in Edinburgh, the lineal descendant of a Frenchman of 
the name of Massie, who, having attended Queen Mary into Scot- 
land, had received the relic from his mistress. It is a small round old 
watch, scarcely exceeding an inch in diameter, and made by Hubert 
in Rouen. It is precisely of the same structure, but without carving 
or other ornament, as the one with which that artful princess is said to 
have endeavoured to bribe our stern Reformer." 

I have only to add, that no notice is taken of this relic and token of 
royal favour in the testament of John Knox, or in the inventory of 
his goods presented by his widow after his decease. 



Note TTT, p. 365. 

Of Knox's History of the Reformation. — When they first formed 
themselves into an association to advance the reformation of religion, 
the Protestants of Scotland, aware that their conduct would be mis- 
represented, appointed some of their number to commit their proceed- 
ings to writing. This laudable practice was continued by them, and 
the most important events connected with the progress of the Refor- 
mation were registered along with the resolutions adopted at their 
meetings. After they came to an open breach with the queen regent, 
and she had accused them of rebellious intentions both to their coun- 
trymen and to foreign nations, they resolved that a narrative of their 
proceedings should be drawn up from these records, and that it should 
be published to the world for their vindication. Preface to the Gentill 
Reidare, prefixed to Knox's Historie, and Praefatio to the Secunde 
Booke of the Historie, p. 115, edit. 1732. The confusions produced by 
the civil war prevented them from executing this resolution at the 
time intended, and the object originally in view was in part answered 
by occasional proclamations which they had been obliged to make, 
and by answers which they had published to proclamations issued by 
the regent. The design was not, however, laid aside; and the person 
to whom the compilation was committed continued the narrative. 
The book which is placed second in the printed history was first com- 
posed. The third book was next composed, and contains a circum- 
stantial account of the steps taken by the Congregation to obtain 
assistance from England, which it was judged imprudent to disclose 
when the former book was drawn up. It brings down the history to 
Q,ueen Mary's arrival in Scotland. The book' which occupies the 
first place in the printed history was composed after these, and intended 
as an introduction to them, bringing down the history from the first 
dawn of the Reformation in Scotland to 1558. See Preface to the 
Gentill Reidare. ut supra. The publication being still delayed, the 
fourth book was added, which contains the history of ecclesiastical 
transactions from the arrival of Mary to the end of 1564. The first 
and fourth books were composed during the years 1566, 1567, and 
156S. Historie, pp. 86, 108,282. Some additions were made to the 
fourth book so late as 1571. Ibid. p. 338. The fifth book in the printed 
history is not found in any of the ancient MSS. It was added by Da- 
vid Buchanan, but whether he published it from an old MS. or com- 
piled it himself, cannot now be ascertained. 

The history was composed by one person, (Preface, ut supra,) and 
there is no reason for doubting 1 that Knox was the author. In a letter 
which he wrote on the 23d of October, 1559, he mentions the design 
of publishing it. Keith, Append p. 30. The English ambassador, Ran- 
dolph says in a letter to Cecil, dated Edinburgh, 23d September, 1560. 



496' NOTES. 

" I have tawlked at large with Mr. Knox concernynge hys historic 
As mykle as ys wrytten thereof shall be sent to your honour, at the 
comynge of the Lord's embassadors by Mr. John VVoode: He hath 
wrytten only one booke. If yow lyke that, he shall contynue the 
same, or addie onie more. He sayethe, that he must have farther 
helpe than is to be had in this countrie, for more assured knouledge 
of thyngs passed, than he hath hymself, or can com bye here: yt is a 
worke not to be neglected, and greatly to be wyshed that yt sholde 
be well handled." Life of the Author, p. xliii. prefixed to Knox's His- 
torie, edit. 1732. From a letter written by Knox to Mr. John Wood, 
and dated Feb. 14, 1568, it appears that he had come to the resolution 
of withholding the history from the public during his life. See Appen- 
dix. The important light in which he considered the work, appears 
from the way in which he expressed himself in April, 1571, when he 
found that the state of his health would not permit him to finish it. 
"Lord, provyde for thy flocks trew pastouris; rease thou up the 
spretis of some to observe thy notable workis, faythfullie to commit 
the same to writ, that the prosperities [posterities] to come may praise 
thy holie name, for the great graces plentyfullie povvred foorth upon 
this vnthankful generatione. Jhone Knox trusting end of trawell."' 
Bannatyne's Journal, p. 129. He did not, however, desist altogether 
from the prosecution of the work. It appears from two letters of 
Alexander Hay, clerk to the privy council, written in December, 1.37 1, 
that the Reformer had applied to him for papers to assist him in the 
continuation of his history. The papers which Hay proposed to send 
him related to the years 1567 — 1571, a period which the printed history 
does not reach. Bannatyne, pp. 294 — 302. 

The following petition, presented by Bannatyne to the first General 
Assembly which met after our Reformer's death, with the act of As- 
sembly relating to it, gives the most satisfactory information respect- 
ing the history. " Unto your Wisdoms humbly means and shows, I, 
your servitor Richard Bannatyne, servant to your umquhill most dear- 
est brother John Knox of worthy memory: That where it is not un- 
known to your wisdoms, that he left to the kirk and town of Edin- 
burgh his history, containing in effect the beginning and progress of 
Christ's true religion, now of God's great mercy established in this 
realm; wherein he hath continued and" perfectly ended at the year of 
God 1504. So that of things done sinsyne, nothing be him is put in 
that form and order that he has put the former. Yet not the less 
there are certain scrolls and papers, and minuts of things left to me 
by him, to use at my pleasure, whereof a part were written and sub- 
scribed by his own hand, and another be mine at his command, which 
if they were collected and gathered together, would make a sufficient 
declaration of the principal things that have occurred since the end- 
ing of his former history, at the year foresaid ; and so should serve 
for stuff and matter, to any of understanding and ability in that kinde 
of exercise, that would apply themselves to make a history, even unto 
the day of his death. But for so meikle as the said scrolls are so 
intacked and mixed together, that if they should come in any hands 
not used nor accustomed with the same, as I have been, they should 
altogether lose and perish: And seeing also I am not able, on my 
own costs and expenses, to apply myself and spend my time to put 
them in order, which would consume a very longtime; much leas am 
I able to write them, and put them in register, as they require to be. 
without your wisdoms make some provision for the same: Wherefore 
I most humbly request your wisdoms, That I may have some reason- 
able pension appointed to me by your wisdoms discretion, that thereby 
I may be more able to await and attend upon the samine: U ?t these 



NOTES. 497 

things, done by that servant of God dear to you all, si xild perish and 
decay, which they shall do indeed, if they be not put in register, which 
I will do willinghe, if your wisdoms would provide, as said is. And 
your wisdoms answer," &c. To this supplication the Assembly gave 
the following answer: — "The Assembly accepted the said Richard's 
offer, and request the kirk of Edinburgh, to provide and appoint some 
learned men, to support Richard Bannatyne, to put the said history, 
that is now in scrolls and papers, in good form, with aid of the said 
Richard. And because he is not able to await thereon, upon his own 
expences, appoints to him the sum of forty pounds, to be payed of 
the 1572 years crope, be the collectors under- written, viz. the collector 
of Lothian, Fife, Angus, and the West, Galloway, and Murray, every 
one of them to pay six pound thirteen shillings four pennies of the 
said crope; and it shall be allowed to them in count, they bringing 
the said Richard's acquittance thereupon." Life of the Author, pp. 
xliv. xlv. prefixed to Historic, edit. 1732. Book of Univ. Kirk, p. 56. 

It is probable that the deficiency of the funds of the church pre 
vented the publication of the history during Morton's regency; and 
the change of politics after James assumed the reins of government 
into his own hands, precluded all hope of its being allowed to be 
printed in Scotland. An attempt was made to have it printed in Eng- 
land ; but after the work had proceeded so far, the press was stopped. 
This appears from the following extract from Calderwood's MSS 
" February, 1586, Vaultrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr. 
Knox's History to England, and printed twelve hundred of them ; the 
stationers, at the archbishop's command, seized them the 18 of Feb- 
ruary ; it was thought that he would get leave to proceed again, be- 
cause the council perceived that it would bring the Queen of Scots in 
detestation." Calderwood's MS. apud Life of Knox, p. 45, prefixed 
to edition of Historie, Edinburgh, 1732. Bishop Bancroft also men- 
tions it in the following terms, " If you ever meet with the History of 
the Church of Scotland penned by Mr. Knox, and printed by Vaul 
troilier, read the pages quoted here in the margent." Bancroft's Sur 
vey, (originally printed in 1593,) republished in 1663, p. 37. Copies of 
this imperfect edition were allowed to go abroad, and are still to be 
met with. In 1644, David Buchanan published his edition of Knox's 
History at London in folio, which was reprinted the same year at 
Edinburgh in quarto. The editor prefixed a preface concerning the 
antiquity of the Scots, and a Life of Knox, both of which were writ- 
ten by himself. He modernized the language of the history ; but not 
satisfied with this, he also altered the narrative, by excluding some 
parts of it, and by making numerous interpolations. It appears from 
the passage formerly quoted from Milton, (see p. 446,) that attempts 
were made to suppress, or at least to mutilate, this edition ; but the 
passage is so obscure, that we cannot learn from what quarter these 
attempts were made. At last, a genuine and complete edition of the 
history was printed in 1732, from a manuscript belonging to the uni- 
versity of Glasgow, compared with several other manuscripts of 
undoubted antiquity. Those who wish to know the great difference 
between this edition and that of David Buchanan, may consult Mr. 
Wodrow's letter, inserted at large in the Life of the Author, pp. xlvi — 
li. prefixed to the Historie, edit. 1732, and partially inserted in Nicol- 
son's Scottish Historical Library, pp. 132—141. Lond. 1736. All the 
editions of the history lately published are mere copies of Buchanan's 
spurious and interpolated one. 

This deduction of facts may serve to clear the subject of the Histo- 
ry from the difficulties in which it has been involved. That Knox 
42* N3 



49S NOTES. 

was the author of the first four books, as they are printed in the edi- 
tion 1732, is beyond all reasonable doubt. After the publication of 
that edition, it is mere perverseness to endeavour to discredit the au- 
thenticity or genuineness of the History, by insisting on the altera- 
tions and interpolations of David Buchanan. To infer that he was 
not the author of the History from the difference between its style 
and that of his undoubted works, is quite conjectural. The historical 
and the didactic styles are different, in themselves; and when we con- 
sider the intervals at which the History was composed, the numerous 
avocations which distracted the author's attention, and the multipli- 
city of facts which it was requisite for him to collect and investigate, 
we will not be surprised to find this work inferior, in point of lan- 
guage and arrangement, to those tracts which he composed on single 
topics, and which, having the sentiments at his command, he was left 
at liberty to arrange and to adorn. The facts which I have produced 
tend also to corroborate the credibility of the History, as they evince 
that, however negligent as to points of inferior consideration, the 
author was most active and laborious in searching for- materials, and 
in procuring, when it was at all possible, original and authentic docu- 
ments. And such was his character for integrity, that I am persuaded 
there are few, if any, who believe that he would insert, as a fact, any 
thing of whose truth he was not fully convinced. 



Note UUU, p. 365. 

Catalogue, of Knox's writings. — The following catalogue of the Re- 
former's works will, I trust, be found more correct and complete than 
any one which has hitherto appeared The titles have been accu- 
rately copied from the books themselves, when I could possibly pro- 
cure them, and at the end of each I have mentioned where a copy 
may be seen. For the titles of such as I have not seen, I have had 
recourse to the best authorities, as marked after each article. I have 
also noticed those of which there are copies in the MS. volume in my 
possession. 

1. "An admonition, or warning, that the faithfull Christians in Lon- 
don, Newcastel, Berwycke, and others, may avoide God's vengeance 
both in thys life and in the life to come. Compyled by the servaunt 
of God, John Knokes." A cut of truth, poor woman, handcuffed and 
fastened in the stocks, with a halter about her neck, held by Tyrannye 
on the one hand, while Crueltye, with a cornered cap, is threatening 
her with a rod on the other. Beneath the cut, " The persecuted 
speaketh, 

I fear not death, nor passe not for bands: 

Only in God put I my whole trust, 

For (Jod will requyre my blod at your hands, 

And this I know, that once dye I must, 

Only for C'hryst, my lyfe if I give : 

Death is no death, but a meane for to leyve." 

Under these verses, in ancient writing, "John Frythe boke Red and 
send yt agayne." E, in eights. " From Wittonburge by Nicholas 
Dorcastor. Anno m.d.liiii. the viii of May. Cum privilegio ad impri- 
mendum solum." W. H. (Ames by Herbert, p. 1576,) sixteens. Comp. 
Tanneri Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, p. 460. See above, p. 05, not< •. 

2. " A faythful admonition made by John Knox, unto the professours 
of God's truthe ii England, whereby thou mayest learne howe Code 
wyll have his c.i irche exercised with troubles, and how he defendeth 



NOTES. 4 ? ;y 

.1 in the same. Esaie ix. After all this shall not the Lordes wrath 
ceasse, but yet shall hys hande be stretched out styll. Ibidem. Take 
hede that the Lorde roote thee not out both heade and tayle in one 
daye." 

On the back of title: "The epistle of a banyshed manne out of 
Leycestershire, sometime one of the preachers of Goddes worde 
there, to the Christen reader wysheth health, deliveraunce, and feli 
citie." 

"Imprynted at Kalykow the 20 daye of Julii, 1554. Cum gratia et 
privilegio ad Imprimendum solum." French black letter, extends to 
I, and makes 63 leaves. Advocates' Library. A copy of this in MS. 
Vol. 

. 3. "A godly letter sent to the faythefull in London, Newcastell, Bar- 
wyke, and to all other within the realme of Englande, that love the 
coming of our Lord Jesus, by Jhon knox. Matth. x. He that con- 
tinueth unto the ende shall be saved. Imprinted in Rome, before the 
Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In the moneth of 
July, in the yeare of our Lord 1554." D, 28 leaves, Fr. black letter. 
Advocates' Library. A copy in MS. Vol. 

4. "A confession and declaratio of praiers added thereunto, by 
Jhon Knox, minister of christes most sacred Evangely, upon the death 
of that moste famous king Edward the VI. kynge of Englande, 
Fraunce, and Ireland, in which confession, the sayde Jhon doth accuse 
no less hys owne offences, than the offences of others, to be the cause 
of the awaye takinge of that most godly prince, now raininge with 
Chryst whyle we abyde plagues for our unthafulnesse. Imprinted in 
Rome, before the Castel of S. Aungel, at the signe of Sainct Peter. In 
the moneth of July, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1554." C, 19 leaves. 
Fr. black letter. Advocates' Library. 

The " Confession" inserted in Note U. The " Declaration of Praiers" 
is in MS. Vol.. See Note N. Another edition was licensed in 1580. 
See Ames, p. 1146. 

5. " The copie of a letter sent to the ladye Mary dowagire, regent 
of Scotland, by John Knox, in the yeare 1556. Here is also a notable 
sermon, mayde by the sayde John Knox, wherein is evydentlye 
proved that the masse is and alwayes hath been abhominable before 
God, and Idolatrye. Scrutamini Scripturas.'"' H, extends to 64 leaves, 
16mo. Black letter. No year or place of printing. A copy of this 
rare book, which belonged to the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in 
the Advocates' Library. 

Ames (p. 1587) introduces this book as printed in 1556, but without 
alleging any authority; and (p. 1834) he speaks of the Sermon against 
the Mass as printed in 1550, for which he quotes T. Baker's Maunsell, 
p. 101. Both the tracts contained in this book are in MS. Vol. 

6. "Ane exposition upon the syxth Psalme of Dauid, wherein is 
declared hys crosse, complayntes, and prayers, moste necessarie too 
be red of all them, for their singular comforte, that vnder the banner 
of Christe are by Satan assaulted, and feel the heauye burthen of 
synne, with which they are oppressed. 0^/=The paciente abydinge 
of the sore afflicted was neuer yet confounded." Ends on the reverse 
of the last leaf of F. On G begins, » A comfortable Epistell sente to 
the afflicted church of ChrysCexhortynge the to beare hys crosse 
with paciece, lokyng eury houre for hys commynge agayne to the 
greate comfort and consolacion of hys chosen, with a prophecy of ye 
destruction of the wycked. Whereunto is joyned a most wholesome 
counsel], howe to behaue ourselues in the myddes of thys wycked 
generacion touching the daily exercise of God's most holy and sacred 
worde. Wrytten by the man of God, J. K." 



500 NOTES. 

A copy of this very rare collection of tracts, which ilso belonged 
to the late Duke of Roxburghe, is now in the Advocates' Library. 
It wants two or three leaves at the close, — ending with I, 5. Black 
letter, 16mo. (All of these are in MS. Volume. The " wholesome 
counsell" is inserted in Note Z.) In the same volume, and print- 
ed with the same type, are two tracts by "Gracious Menewe," the 
first on " Auricular Confession," and the second, " Of the Com- 
munion in both kyndes." It has been conjectured that Knox wrote 
these under a fictitious name. 

7. " The copie of a lettre delivered to the laidie Marie, regent of 
Scotland, from Johne Knox minister of Goddes worde, in the yeare 
of our Lord 1556, and no we augmented and explained by the author 
in the yeare of our Lord 1558." Device: two arches, one narrow, the 
other broad ; over the narrow one is a crown of laurel, over the broad 
one flames of fire, with this motto about them, " Enter in at the streit 
gate : for wide is the gate, and brode is the waye, that leadeth to de- 
struction, Matth. vii." Printed at Geneva, by James Pollain, and 
Antonie Rebul. m.d.lviii. D, extends to 28 leaves. Rom. letter, 16mo. 
Advocates' Library. 

8. " The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Rege- 
ment of Wemen. Veritas temporis filia. m.d.lviiii." 56 leaves, Rom 
letter. Advocates' Library. 

9. " The Appellation of Johne Knoxe from the cruel! and most un- 
just sentence pronounced against him by the false bishoppes and 
clergie of Scotland, with his supplication and exhortation to the nobil- 
itie, estates, and comunalitie of the same reahne. Printed at Geneva 
m.d.lviii." The Appellation is addressed " To the nobilitie, and estates 
of Scotlad" only; the epistle, " To his beloved brethren the comunal- 
itie of Scotlad," annexed, begins at folio 47, and concludes at folio 59, 
" Be witnesse to my appellation. — From Geneva the 14 of July, 1558. 
Your brother to commaunde in godliness, John Knoxe." On the back 
of which leaf begins : "An admonition to England and Scotland to 
call them to repentance, written by Antoni Gilby." On the back of 
leaf 78, " Psalme of David xciii turned into metre by W. Kethe," ends 
on the first page of folio 80 — Rom. letter, 16mo. Advocates' Library. 

It is a mistake to suppose that " Antoni Gilby" was a fictitious name 
assumed by Knox. Gilby was a member of the English Church at 
Geneva. (See p. 124.) Ames mentions several publications by him. 
See also Tanned Bibliotheca, p. 318. 

10. "The copie of his [John Knox's] epistle, sent unto Newcastle, 
and Barwick. [This was, perhaps, another edition of No. 3.] Also a 
brief exhortatione to Englande for the speedy embracing of Christes 
gospell, heretofore, by the tyranny of Mary, suppressed. Print, at 
Geneva, 1559." Maunsell, p. 65. With a catalogue of Martyrs, 16mo. 
Ames, p. 1600. Oomp. Tanner, p. 460. 

11. "An Answer to a great number of blasphemous cauillations 
written by an Anabaptist, and Adversarie to Gods eternal Predestina- 
tion ; and confuted by lohn Knox, minister of Gods worde iu Scotland : 
Wherein the Author so discouereth the craft and falshode jf that sect, 
that the godly knowing that error, may be confirmed in the trueth by 
the euident worde of God. Prov. xxx. There is a generatio that arc 
pure in their own coceit, and yet are not washed from their filthiness. 
Printed by John Crespin, m.d.lx." Rom. letter, 454 pages. Advocates' 
Library. Another edition was licensed 1580; and it was again printed 
in 1591. See Ames, pp. 1196, 1254, 1263. 

12. "Heir followeth the coppie of the reasoning which was betniv 
the Abbote of Crossraanell and John Knox in Mayboil concerning the 
Masse, in the yeare of God, a thousand five hundreth thre scoir and 



NOTES. 50] 

two yeares. Apocalips xxii. For I protest, &c. Imprinted at Edin- 
burgh by Robert Lekpreuik, and are to be solde at his hous, at the 
nether bow. Cum privilegio, 1563." The running title is "The rea- 
soning betwix Jo. Knox and the abbotte of Crossraguell." In the 
library of Alexander Bos well, Esq. of Auchinleck. See above, p. 248. 

13. "A sermon preached by John Knox, minister of Christ Jesus, 
in the publique audience of the church of Edenbrough, within the 
real me of Scotland, upon Sunday the 19 of August, 1565. For the 
which the said John Knoxe was inhibite preaching for a season, 
1 Tim. iv. The time is come that men cannot abyde the sermon of 
veritie nor noisome doctrine. To this is adjoyned an exortation unto 
all the faithfull within the sayde realme, for the releife of such asfayth- 
fully trauayle in the preaching of Gods word. Written by the same 
John Knoxe, at the commandment of the ministrie aforesaid." Con- 
sists of 49 leaves; and 11 more, " Of the superintendents to the faith- 
ful." No name of place, nor printer. Sixteens. Ames, pp. 1488 — 89. 
Tanner, p. 460. 

14. " To his loving brethren whome God ones gloriously gathered 
in the church of Edinburgh, and now are dispersed for tryall of our 
faith, &c. Johne Knox. Imprented at Striviling be Robert Lekpreuik. 
Anno Do. m.d.lxxi." Rom. letter, 4 leaves, 16mo. Advocates' Li- 
brary. 

15. " An Answer to a letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie, be Johne Knoxe. 
Proverbs xxvi. Answer not a foole according to his foolishness least 
thou be lyke him : answer a foole according to his foolishness least 
he be wise in his owe coseat. 

" The contrarietie appearing at the first sight betwix thir twa sen- 
tecis, stayit for a tyme baith heart to meditate and hand to wryte any 
thing, cotrair that blasphemous letter. But when with better mynd. 
God gave me to considder, that whosoever opponis not him self 
bouldly to blasphemy and manifest leis, differis lytill fra tratouris: 
cloking and fostering, so far as in them ly, the treasoun of traitouris, 
and dampnable impietie of those, against whome Gods just vengeance 
raon burne without end, enless spedie repentace follow: Toquyet 
therefore my owne conscience, I put hand to the pen as followeth : — 
Imprentit at Sanctandrois be Robert Lekpruik, Anno Do. 1572." 

"Jhone Knox, the servand of Jesus Christ, now wearieofthe world, 
and daylie luiking for the resolution of this my earthly tabernakle, to 
the faithful," &c. 3 pages. Then a prayer in 3 pages, which con- 
cludes, "Now, Lord, put an end to my miserie. At Edinburgh the 
12 day of March, 1565." On next page begins " An Answer, &c. At 
the end, " Of Edinburgh the 10 day oif August, anno do. 1568." Next, 
"to the Faithfull Reader" — ends "For as the worlde is wearie of rne : 
so am I of it. Of Sanctandrois the 12 of Julii 1572. Johne Knox". — 
"Followeth the letter as it past from my hand at Diep the 20 Julii 
1554. To his loving mother," &c. (This letter is in MS. Vol.) In all 
45 leaves. Rom. letter. Advocates' Library. 

16. " A Fort for the Afflicted. Wherein are ministered many nota- 
ble and excellent remedies against the stormes of tribulation : Written 
chiefly for the comforte of Christes little flocke, which is the small 
number of the faithfull, by John Knoxe. John xvi. 23." This is an 
exposition upon the 6th Psalm. It has prefixed, an epistle " To the 
Religious Reader, by Abr. Flemming." — " To his beloved mother, J. 
K. sendeth greeting in the Lorde." At the end is " A comfortable 
epistle sent to the afflicted churche of Christ, exhorting them to bear 
his crosse with patience, &c. Written at Deepe 31 May, 1554." F. 4, 
in e : ghts. W. H. f Ames. p. 1 1 18.) Tanner (p. 460) says it was printed 



502 NOTES. 

"Lond. 1580." This is another edition of the fin: t two tracts described 
in No. 6. 

17. Sermon on Ezekiel ix. 4, printed anno 1580. See a Catalogue 
of Writers on O. and N. Testament, p. 107. Lond. 1663. 

18. "A Notable and Comfortable exposition of M. John Knoxes upon 
the fourth of Matthew, concerning the tentations of Christ. First had 
in the public church, and aftenvards written for the comfort of cer- 
taine private friends, and now published in print for the benefit of all 
that fear God. At London printed by Robert Waldegrave for Thomas 
Man, dwelling in Paternoster Row, at the signe of the Talbot." Ad- 
vocates' Library. In MS. Vol. 

The words in Italics are supplied, the copy being torn in these 
places. The book is dedicated by ".Tonne Fielde," the publisher, to 
the " vertuous and my very godly friend Mres. Anne Provze of Exe- 
ter," who was the widow of" M. Edward Derring," a celebrated non- 
conformist. Field was also a noted puritan. See Bancroft's Dan- 
gerous Positions, b. iii. chap. 1 — 5. Field had received the MS. from 
Mrs. Prouze. At the end of the dedication is, " London the first day 
of the first moneth in the year 1583." The book consists of 24 leaves. 

19. " The Historie of the Church of Scotland." Imperfect, beginning 
with page 17. "By these articles which God of his merciful provf- 
dence causeth the enemies of his truth to keep in their registers, &c" 
and ending with M m, p. 560. "For we judge it a thing most con- 
trarious to reason, godlynes, and equitie, that the widow and the chil- 
dren of him who in ;" being part of " the fift head" of the First Book 
of Discipline. 8vo. Advocates' Library. This edition is very rare, and 
none of the copies which have been seen are more complete than that 
which has been just described. See above, p. 495. 

It is unnecessary to give the title of David Buchanan's edition, 
printed in 1644 at London, in folio, and reprinted the same year at 
Edinburgh in quarto. — The genuine and complete edition of the His- 
tory was published in folio, under the following title : — 

" The Historie of the Reformatioun of Religioun within the Realm 
of Scotland, conteining the manner and be quhat persons the lycht of 
Christis Evangell has been manifested unto this realme, after that 
'mrribill and universal defection from the treuth, whiche has come by 
the means of that Romane Antichryst. Together with the Life of 
Johne Knoxe. the author, and several curious pieces wrote by him ; 
particularly that most rare and scarce one entitled, The First Blast 
of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, and a larsre 
Index and Glossary. Taken from the original manuscript in the Uni- 
versity Library of Glasgow, and compared with other ancient copies. 
Edinburgh : Printed by Robert Fleming and Company, 1732." The 
life was written by Mr. Matthew Crawfurd. See last Note. 

Besides the above publications, which were all undoubtedly com- 
posed by our Reformer, there are others ascribed to him upon more 
dubious grounds. Bale, in his Scrip. Mag. Brit. post. pars. art. Knoxus, 
and Verheiden and Melchior Adam, upon his authority, appear, in 
several instances, to have given different names to the same tract. 
They mention among his printed works, " In Genesin Condones.' 
We know that he preached sermons on Genesis at Franckfort, (see p. 
102,) and it is not unlikely that he continued to do so at Geneva. Per- 
haps Bale, hearing of these, might think that they were published. 
Bishop Tanner has enumerated among his works, " Exposition on 
Daniel, Malburg. m.d.xxix. 8vo." Bibliotheca, p. 460. As he mentions 
the place and year of printing, more credit is due to his account: but 
there is evidently a mistake in the 3 T ear, for Knox had not at that time 
Degun to write. It may, however, be an error of the press for a later 



NOTES. 503 

year. We have seen (p. 317) that he preached on Daniel at St. An- 
drews. 

During the reign of Queen Mary of England, a book was published, 
with this title, " The Huntyng of the Romysh Voulfe," &c. Of this 
tract a new edition was printed in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, 
under the title of " The Hunting of the Fox and the Wolfe, because 
they make hauocke of the sheepe of Christ Jesus." This edition is 
introduced with a preface by an anonymous author, " To al my faith- 
ful Brethren in Christ Jesu, and to all other that labour to weede out 
the weedes of poperie," &c. The writer of the preface is very severe 
against the relics of Popery retained in the worship of the Church of 
England by the Act of Uniformity. "My good fathers and deare 
Brethren, who are first called to ye battel to strive for God's glory and 
the edificatiu of his people, againste the Romish reliques, and rags of 
Antichriste, I doubt not but that you will courageouslye and constatly 
in Christ, rap at these rages of God's enemies, and that you will by 
this occasiO race vp many as great enormities, that we al know and 
labour to race out al the dregs and remnats of transformed poperie, 
that are crept into England, by too much lenitie of the that will be 
named the Lords of the clergie," &c. This preface has been ascribed 
to our Reformer. " So far," says Herbert, " as one may be allowed to 
guess at the author by the style, &c. I am inclined to believe this ad- 
dress was written by John Knox, who for magnanimity, courage, and 
zeal for God's glory, was at least equal to any of our reformers." This 
surmise is in some measure supported by the cut of Truth, &c. at the 
end of this tract; the same as prefixed to that author's Admonition or 
warning, &c. at p. 1576, except only the name of Sutleti being here 
given to the figure there inscribed Cruelty e. Herbert's edition of 
Ames, pp. 1605,1606. 

I have not introduced into this catalogue the Form of Excommuni- 
cation, which was wholly, nor the Treatise of Fasting, which was 
chiefly, composed by Knox, nor any other of the public papers in 
which he had a hand, but which were published in the name of the 
General Assembly. 

In an epistle to the reader, contained in his answer to Tyrie, Knox 
mentions that he had beside him a collection of letters which he had 
written to Mrs. Bowes, and. which the state of his health alone pre- 
vented him from publishing. It also appears from Field's dedication 
prefixed to Knox's Exposition of the fourth of Matthew, (see p. 344,) 
that a number of our Reformer's manuscripts were in circulation in 
England as well as Scotland. I have in my possession a manuscript 
volume, containing tracts and letters written by him between 1550 
and 1558. This is unquestionably the identical volume which for- 
merly belonged to the Rev. Mr. Wodrow, (author of the History of 
the Sufferings of the Church of Scotland,) and described under the 
name of the Quarto volume of MSS. in Crawfurd's Life of Knox, pp. 
53, 54, prefixed to the edition of his Historie published in 1732. It 
consists of 518 pages, including the contents. On the leaf at the be- 
ginning of the volume is this title; "The epistles of Mr. John Knox, 
worthy to be read because of the authority of the wryter, the solidity 
of the matter, and the comfortable Christian experience to be found 
therein. Edr. 22 feb. 1683. H. T. m. p." Below, in a hand consider- 
ably older, are these words: " This booke belong'd somtyme to Mar- 
garet Stewart, widow to Mr. Knox, afterwards married to the knight 
of fawdonesyde. Sister shee was to James Earl of Arran." Then 
follow the six tracts desribed by Mr. Crawfurd, in the place above 
referred to. At the beginning of the Letters, in a hand older than the 
former, and the same with that in which the Letters themselves arp 



50-1 NOTES. 

written, is this title : " Certane epistillis and letters of ye servand of 
God, Johne Knox, send from dyvers places to his friendis and familia- 
ris in Jesus Chryst." On the margin of the tracts are several short 
notes by the transcriber, referring to his own times, such as this, 
" our case at this day in Scotland, 1603." This ascertains the date of 
their transcription ; and I think it highly probable that they were 
copied by Mr. John Welch, a son-in-law of the Reformer, one of 
whose letters is inserted on some blank leaves in the middle of the 
volume. The letters have evidently been written by the same person, 
(although the hand appears older;) and, on the margin of a treatise 
at the end of them, " 1603" occurs. Margaret Stewart, the Reformer's 
relict, was alive about the end of the sixteenth century; but whether 
the manuscript in my possession belonged to her, or be considered as 
a transcript from hers, there can be no doubt of its antiquity and 
genuineness. 1 have found, upon examination, that all the six tracts 
in the beginning of the volume have been published ; but as the manu- 
script is more correct than any of the printed editions which I have 
seen, I have generally followed it in the extracts which I have given 
from these tracts. The letters are forty-three in number, besides the 
letter to the queen regent, the Discourse on the temptation of Christ, and 
the Additions to the Apology of the Parisian Protestants, which are in- 
serted among them. Three of the letters also have been published, 
and are noticed in Nos. 6 and 15 of this Catalogue; the remainder, as 
far as I can learn, never appeared in print. They cons'st chiefly of 
religious advices to the friends with whom he corresponded; but a 
number of facts and allusions to his external circumstances are inter- 
spersed. Mr. Wodrow possessed another volume of Knox's MSS. in 
folio, which is described by Crawfurd, Life, p. 53, ut supra. It con- 
tains nothing additional to what I have mentioned in this Note. In a 
letter, addressed to Mr. Robert Durie, from Sedan, 24th May, 1616, 
Andrew Melville says : " I left with my luting and faithful gossep, your 
ather-in-law, Mr. Knox's letters. I wish them to be furthcuming." 



APPEN DIX 



CONSISTING OP 



.ETTERS WRITTEN BY KNOX, AND OTHER PAPERS, 
HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED. 



No. 1 * [From MS. Letters, p. 243.] 

The firste letter to his mothir in law, mestres Bowis. 

Rycht deirlibelovit mother in oure Saviour Jesus Chryst, when I call 
to mind and revolve with myself the trubillis and afflictionis of Godis 
elect frorrie the begyning (in whiche I do not forget yow) thair is with- 
in my hart tuo extreme contraries ; a dolour almaist unspeakabill, and 
a joy and comfort whilk, be mannis sences, can not be comprehendit 
nor understand. The cheif caussis of dolour be two; the ane is the 
remembrance of syn, whilk I daylie feill remanyng in this corrupt na- 
ture, whilk was and is sa odious and detestabill in the presence of oure 
hevinlie father, that by na uther sacrifice culd or myght the same be 
purgeit, except by the blude and deth of the onlie innocent sone of 
God. When I deiplie do considder the caus of Chrystis deth to haif 
bene syn, and syn yit to dwell in all flesche, with paule I am compellit 
to sob and grone as ane man under ane heavie burdene, ye, and sum- 
tymes to cry, O wreachit and miserabill man that I am, wha sal] dely- 
ver me fra this bodie of syn ! The uther caus of my dolour is that sic 
as maist gladlie wald remane togidder, for mutual comfort ane of an- 
other, can not be sufferit sa to do. Since the first day that it pleasit 
the providence of God to bring yow and me in familiaritie, I have al- 
wayis delytit in your company ; and when labours wald permit, ye 
knaw I have not spairit houris to talk and commoun with yow, the 
frute whairof I did not than fullie understand nor perceave. But now 
absent, and so absent that by corporal presence nather of ws can re- 
save comfort of uther, I call to mynd how that oftymes when, with dolo- 
rous hartis, we haif begun our talking, God hath send srreit comfort 
unto baithe, whilk now for my awn part I commonnlie want. The 
exposicion of your trubillis, and acknawledging of your infirmitie 

* The first five Nos. are religious letters: the rest contain historical matter. 

505 43 3 



50o . APPENDIX. 

war first unto me a verie mirrour and glass whairin I beheld my self sa 
rychtlie payntit forth, that nathing culd be mair evident to my awn 
eis. And than the searching of the Scriptures for Godis sueit promis- 
sis, and for his mercies frelie givin unto miserable offenderis, (for his 
nature delyteth to schew mercie whair maist miserie ringeth,) the col- 
lectioun and applying of Godis mercies, I say, wer unto me as the 
breaking and handling with my awn handis of the maist sweit and 
delectabill ungumentisrwhairof I culd not but receave sum comfort be 
thair naturall sweit odouris. But now, albeit. I never lack the pre- 
sence and plane in jge >( 1 ly awn wreachit infirmitie; yet seing syn 
sa manifestlie abojnd in al estatis, I am compellit to thounder out the 
threattnyngis of God aganis the obstinat rebellaris, in doing whairof 
(albeit as God knaweth I am no malicious nor obstinat synner) 1 sum- 
tymes am woundit, knawing myself criminal] and giltie in many, ye 
in all (malicious obstinacie laid asyd) thingis that in utheris I repre- 
hend. Judge not, mother, that I wrait theis thingis debassing my self 
otheris wayis than I am ; na ; I am wors than my pen can expres. In 
bodie ye think I am no adulterer : lat sa be; but the hart is infectit 
with foull lustis, and will lust albeit I lament never sa mekill. Exter- 
nallie I commit na idolatrie; but my wicked hart luffeth the self, and 
cannot be refranit fra vane imaginationis, ye, not fra sic as were 
the fountane of all idolatrie. I am na mankiller with my handis; but 
I help not my nedie brother sa liberallie as I may and aucht. I steill 
not hors, money, nor claithis fra my nychbour; but that small por- 
tioun of warldlie substance I bestow not sa rychtlie as his halie law 
requyreth. I bear na fals witnes agains my nychbour in judgement 
3r uther wayis befor men ; but I speik not the treuth of God sa boldlie 
as it becumeth his true messinger to do. And thus in conclusioun 
thair is na vyce repugnyng to Godis halie will, expressit in his law, 
whairwith my hart is not infectit. 

This mekill writtin and dytit befoir the resait of your letteris, whilk 
I ressavit the 21st of June. They war unto my hart sum comfort for 
dyvers caussis not necessar to be rehersit, but maist (as knaweth God) 
for that I find ane congruence betwixt ws in spreit, being sa fer dis- 
tant in bodie. ffor when that digestlie I did avys with your letter, I 
did considder that I myself was complenyng evin the self sam thingis 
at that verie instant moment that I resavit your letter. Be my pen 
ffrom a sorrowful hart I culd not but brust forth and say, " O Lord, 
how wonderfull ar thi workis ! how dois thou try and prufe thi chosen 
children as gold by the fyre ! how canest thou in maner hyd thi face 
fra thy awn spous, that thi presence efter may be mair delectabill ! 
how canest thou bring thi sainctis lowe, that thou may carie thame to 
glorie everlasting ! how canest thou suffer thi Strang faithful messin- 
geris in many thingis yit to wressill with wreachit infirmitie and fe- 
bill weakness, ye and sumtymes permittis thou thame horribillie to 
fall, partlie that na flesche sail have whairof it may glorie befoir the. 
and partlie that utheris of smaller estait and meaner giftis in thi kyrk 
myght resave sum consolatioun, albeit thay find in thame selves 
wickit motions whilk they are not abill to expell !" My purpois was, 
befoir I ressavit your letter, to have exhortit you to pacience and to 
fast adhering to Godis promisis, albeit that your flesche. the divill, 
and uther your enemyis, wald persuad you to the contrare ; for, by 
the artis and subteliteis that the adversarie useth aganis me, I not 
only do conjecture, but also planelie dois sie yeour assaltis and trubill. 
And sa lykwys, in the bowellis of Chrystis mercie, maist ernistlie I 
beseik you, by that infirmitie that ye knaw remaineth in me, (wars I 
am than I can wryt,) pacientlie to beir, albeit that ye haif not sic per- 
fection as ye wald, and albeit also your motionis be sic as be maist 



APPENDIX. 50, 

vyle and abominabil], yet not to sorrow abuf measure. Gif I to -whom 
God hes gevin greatter giftis, (I wryt to his prais) be yit sa wrappit 
into miserie, that what I wald I can not do, and what I wald not, that 
with sainct paule, I say, I daylie ye everie hour and moment I devys 
to do, and in my hart, ficht I never sa fast in the contrarie, I perform 
and do, — gif sic wreachit wickitnes remane in Godis chief ministeris, 
what wonder albeit the same remane in yow ? Gif Godis strangest 
men of war be beattin bak in their face, that what thay wald tbey^can 
not destroy nor kill, is it any sic offence to yow to be tossit as ye 
compleane, that thairfoir ye suld distrust Goddis frie promissis ? God 
forbid, deir mother! the power of God is knawin be oure weaknes, 
and theis dolouris and infirmiteis be maist profitabill to ws; for by 
the same is our pryde beattin doun, whilk is not easie uther- 
wayis to be done. By thame ar oure misereis knawn, sa that we, 
acknawledging oure selves misterfull, seikis the phesitioun. By thame 
cum we, be the operatioun of the halie spreit, to the hatred of syn, 
and be thame cum we to the hunger and thrist of justice, and to de- 
syre to be desolued, and sa to rign with oure Chryst Jesus, whilk 
without this battell and sorrow this flesche culd never do. And sa 
fra the doloris I proceed to the comfort. 

As the caussis of dolour be tuo, whilk ar present syn, and the lack 
of sic company as in whome we maist culd delyt, sa is the caussis of 
my comfort not ymaginit of my brane, but pronuncit first be God T 
and efter graftit in the nartis of Godis children by his halie spreit. 
Thay ar lykwys tuo ; whilk is a justice inviolable offerit be our flesche 
befoir the trone of our heavinlie father, and ane assureit hoip of that 
generall assemblie and gathering togither of Godis dispersit flok, in 
that day when all teairs salbe wipit fra oure eis, when deth salbe vin- 
cuisit, and may na mair dissever sic as feiring God this day in the 
flesche murnis under the burdene of syn. Off oure present justice, 
notwithstanding syn remane in our mortall bodeis, ar we assureit by 
the faithfull witnes of Jesus Chryst, Johne the apostill, saying, "gif we 
confes oure synnis, faithful] and just is God to remit and forgive our 
synnis." Mark the wordis of the apostill, gif we confes oure synnis 
God man forgive thame, becaus hie is faithfull and just. To confes- 
sioun of synnis ar theis thingis requisit ; ffirst we man acknawledge 
the syn, and it is to be notit that sumtymes Godis verie elect, albeit 
they have synnit maist haynouslie, does not acknawledge syn and 
thairfoir can not at all tymes confes the same; for syn is not knawin 
unto sictyme as the vale be takin fra the conscience of the offender, 
that he may sie and behald the filthines of syn, \vhat punishment be 
Godis just jugenentis is dew for the sam, and then (whilk is the 2 thing 
requisit to confessioun) begynnis the haitred of syn and of oure selves 
for contempnying of God and of his halie law; whairof last springis 
that whilk we call hoip of mercie, whilk is nathing els but a sob fra a 
trubillit hart, confoundit and aschamit for syn, thristing remissioun 
and Gods frie mercie, whairupon of necessity man follow this conclu- 
sioun, God hes remittit and frelie forgevin the syn; and why! for 
"hie is faithful] and just" sayeth the apostill. Comfortabill and mer- 
velous caussis ! first, God is faithfull, ergo, hie man forgive syn. _ A 
comfortable consequent upon a maist sure ground! for Godis fidelitie 
can na mair faill nor can him self. Then lat this argument be gathe- 
rit for oure comfort; the office of the faithfull is to keip promeis ; but 
God is faithful], ergo, he man keip promeis. That God hes promissit 
remissoun of synis to sic as be repentant, I neid not now to recit the 
places. But let this collectioun of the promissis be maid, God promis- 
sis remissioun of synis to all that confessis the same ; but I confes my 
synnis, for I sie the filthines thairof, and how justlie Gcd may con- 



50S APPENDIX. 

demp me for my iniquities. I sob and I lament for that I can not be 
quyt and red oi'syn, I desyre to leif a mair perfyt lyfe. Thir ar infal- 
lible signis, seillis, and tokinis, that God Ties remittit the syn ; for God 
is faithfull that sa hes promissit, and can na mair deceave nor hie can 
ceis to be God. But what reasone is this, God is just, thairfoir hie 
man forgive syn? A wonderous caus and reasone in deid ! ifor the 
flesche and naturall man can understand nathing but the contrar, for 
thus man it reasone: the justice of God is offendit be my synnis, sa 
God man neidis have a satisfactioun, and requyre ane punissment. 
Gif we understand of whome God requyris satisfactioun, whether of 
ws, or of the handis of his onlie sone, and whais punisment is abill to 
recompens oure synnis, than sail we haif greit cause to rejoise, remem- 
bering that God is a just God ; for the office of the just man is to stand 
content when hie hes ressavit his dewtie. But God hes ressavit al- 
redie at the handis of his onlie sone all that is dew for our synnis, and 
sa can not his justice requyre nor craif any mair of ws ather satisfac- 
tioun or recompensatioun for our synnis. Advert, mother, the sure 
pilleris and fundation of oure salvation to be Godis faithfulnes and jus- 
tice. Hie that is faithful has promissit frie remissioun to all penitent 
synneris, and hie that is just, hes ressavit alredie a full satisfaction for 
the synis of all thais that imbrace Chryst Jesus to be the only saviour 
of the world. What restis than to us to be done? nathing but to ac- 
knawledge oure miserie and wrechednes, whilk na flesche can do sa 
unfenidlie as they that daylie feillis the wecht of syn. And uther, 
mother, caus haif we nane of desperatioun, albeit the divill rage never 
sa cruellie, and albeit the flesche be never sa fraill, daylie and hourlie 
lusting aganis Godis halie commandementis, ye, stryving aganis the 
same. This is not the tyme of justice befoir oure awin eis; we luke 
for that whilk is promissit, the kingdome everlasting, preparit to ws 
fra the begynning, whairof we ar maid airis be Godis apoyntment, 
reabillit [i. e. legitimated or restored] thairto be Chrystis death, to 
whom we sail be gatherit, when efter we sail never depart, whilk to 
remember is my singular comfort, but thairof now I can not wryte. 
My commendationis to all whom effeiris. I commit you to the pro- 
tectioun of the omnipotent. 

At Londoun the 23d of June, 1553, your sone unfeaned, 

Johne Knox. 



No. II. [MS. Letters, p. 333.] 

To mariorie bowis wha was his first wyfe. 

Deirlibelovit sister in the commoun faith of Jesus our saviour, the 
place of Johne forbidding ws to salut sic as bringeth not the hailsome 
doctrine, admonisseth ws what danger cumeth be fals teacheris, evin 
the destructioun of bodie and saule ; whairfoir the spreit of God will- 
eth ws to be sa cairfull to avoyd the company of all that teachis doc- 
trine contrarie to the treuth of Chryst, that we communicat with 
thame in nathing that may appeir to manteane or defend tliame in 
thair corrupt opinioun. for hie that bidis thame godspeid, communica- 
tis with thair syn, that is, hie that apeiris, be keiping thame company, 
or assisting unto thame in thair proceidingis, to favour thair doctrine, 
is giltie befoir God of thair iniquitie, baith becaus hie doith confirme 
thame in thair error be his silence, and also confirmes utheris to credit 
thair doctrine, becaus hie opponis not himself thairto: and sa to bid 
thame godspeid is not to speik unto thame commounlie as we for 
civill honesth to men unknawn, but it is efter we have hard of their 



APPENDIX. 50,g 

ials doctrine to be conversant with thame, and sa intreat thanie as 
tney nad not offendit in thair doctrine. The place of Jamis teachis 
ws, belovit sister, that in Jesus Chryst all that unfeandlie profes him 
are equall befoir him, and that ryches nor warldlie honouris ar na- 
tbing regairdit in his syght ; and thairfoir wald the spreit of God, 
speiking in the apostill, that sic as ar trew christianis suld have mair 
respect to the spiritual giftis whairwith God had doteth his messinge- 
ris, nor to externall ryches, whilk oftymes the wicket possessis, the 
having whairof makis man nether nobill nor godlie, albeit sa judge 
the blind affectionis of men. The apostill dampneth sic as preferis a 
man with a golden chayne to the pure ; but heirof will I speik no more. 
The spreit of God sail instruct your hart what is maist comfortable to 
the trubillit conscience of your mother, and pray earnestlie that sa 
may be. Whair the adversarie objectis, sche aucht not think wicket 
thoughts, answer thairto, that is trew, but seing this oure nature is 
corruptit with syn whilk entirrit be his suggestioun, it must think and 
wirk wickitlie be his assaltis, but hie sal beir the condigne punisment 
thairof, because be him syn first entirit, and also be him it doith con- 
tinew whillis this karkais be resolved. And whair hie inquyris what 
Chryst is, answer hie is the seid of the woman promissit be God to 
break down the serpentis heid, whilk hie hath done alreadie in him- 
self appeiring in this oure flesche, subject to all passionis that may fall 
in this oure nature, onlie syn exceptit ; and efter the death sufferit, 
hie heth, be power of his god heid, rissin agane triumphant victour 
over deth, hell and syn, not to him self, for thairto was hie na dettour, 
but for sic as thristis salvatioun be him onlie, whom he may na mair 
los, nor he may ceas to be the sone of God and the saviour of the 
warld. And whair hie wald perswade that sche is contrarie the word 
thairinto, hie leis according to his nature, whairin thair is na treuth ; 
for gif sche wer contrarie the word, or denyit it, to what effect sa 
ernistlie suld sche desyre the company of sic as teacheth and profes- 
seth it] Thair is na dout but hie, as he is the accusatour of all 
Godis elect, studieth to trubill her conscience, that according to hir 
desyre, sche may not rest in Jesus oure Lord. Be vigilant in prayer 
I think this be the first letter that ever I wrait to you. 
In great haist your brother, 

Johne Knox. 



No. III. [MS. Letters, p. 283.] 

To his Mother-in-law, and his Wife. 

ffrome the eis of his Sanctis sal the Lord wype away all teiris ana 
murnyng. 

Deir mother and spous unfeanidlie belovit in the bowells of oure Sa- 
viour Chryst Jesus, with my verie hartlie commendationis. I perusit 
baith your letteris, not only directit to me, but also it that sorrowfullie 
compleanis upon the unthankfulnes of your brother as also of myne, 
that ye suld not have been equallie maid privie to my coming in the 
countrie with utheris, whairof the enemy wald persuad yow (ane 
argument maist fals and untrew) that we judge you not to be of our 
noumber. Deir mother, be not sa suddanlie moveit, hie is your enemy 
that sa wald persuad you. God I tak to recorde in my conscience 
that nane is this day within the realme of Ingland, with whome I wald 
mair gladlie speik (onlie sche whome God hath offirit unto me, and 
commandit me to lufe as my awn flesche, exceptit) than with you. 
43* 



510 APPENDIX. 

For your causis principallie enterpiysit I this jurney; for hering my 
servand to be stayit, and his letteris to be takin, 1 culd na wys be 
pacifeit (for the maist part of my letteris was for your instruction and 
comfort) till farther knawledge of your estait, and that ye wer na 
soner advertisit, only want of a faithfull messinger was the caus; for 
my coming to the countrey was sa sone noysit abrod, that with greit 
dirficultie cuid I be convoyit fra a place to another. I knew na sic 
danger as was suspectit be my brethrene; ffor as for my letteris in 
them is nathing conteanid, except exhortation to constancie in that 
treuth whilk God hes opinlie laid befoir our eis, whilk I am not myndit 
to deny whenever sic questions sal be demandit of me. But the cause 
moveing me that ffor a tyme I wald have bene clos, was, that I pur- 
posit, (gif sa had bene possible) to have spokin with my wyfe, whilk 
now I persave is nathing apeirand, whill God offer sum better occa- 
sioun. My brethren, partlie be admonitioun, and partlie by teiris, 
compellis me to obey sumwhat contrail* to my awn mynd; for never 
can I die in a mair honest quarrell nor to suffer as a witnes of that 
treuth whairof God hes maid me a messinger, whilk with hart I be- 
lieve maist assuredlie, (the halie Gaist beiring witnes to my consci- 
ence,) and with mouth I trust to God to confes, in presence of the 
warld, the onlie doctrine of lyfe. Notwithstanding this my mynd, gif 
God sail prepair the way, I will obey the voces of my hrethrene, and 
will gif place to the furie and rage of Sathan for a tyme. And sa can 
I not espy how that ether of yow baith I can speik at this tyme. But, 
gif God pleis preserve me at this tyme, whairof I am not yit resolved, 
then sal thair lak in me na gud will, that ye may knaw the place of 
my residence, and farthir of my mynd. But now, deir mother, haif 
we cause to rejois, for our heavinlie Father, wha callit us be grace to 
wryt in our hartis the signis and seallis of our election in Chryst Jesus 
his sone, begynnis now to correct our crukedness, and to mak us lyke 
in suffering afflictionis, schame and rebuke of the warld, to the greit 
bischope of our saullis, wha by mekill tribulation did enter in his 
glorie, as of necessitie man everie ane to whome that kingdome is 
apoyntit. And thairfor, mother, be nathing abasched of theis maist 
dolorous dayis, whilk schortlie sal have end to oure everlasting com- 
fort. Thay ar not cropin upon ws without knawledge and foirsight ; 
how oft have ye heard theis dayis foirspokin? thairfoir now grudge 
not, but pacientlie abyd the Lords delyverance. Hie that foirspak 
the trubill, promisses everlasting pleasure by the same word; albeit 
the flesche complene, dispair nathing, for it must follow the awn 
nature, and it is not dampnabill in the syght of oure Father ; albeit 
the corrupt fraill flesche draw bak and refuse the croce, ffor that is as 
naturall to the flesche, as in hunger and thirst to covet reasonable 
sustenance. Onlie follow not the affectionis of the flesche to comit 
iniquytie ; neither for feir of deth, nor for love of lyf, comit ye idola- 
trie; neither yit gif your presence whair the same is committit, but 
hait it, avoid it, and flee frome it. But your leter makis mention that 
ye haif pleasure and delyt in it: na, mother, I espy the contrarie, for 
ye compleane and lament that sic motionis ar within you; this is na 
sign that ye delyt in thame, for na man compleanis of that whairin 
hie delytis. Ye ar in na wors cas, tuiching that poynt, nor yet tuich- 
ins- any uther whairof ye desyre to be red, than was the apostil, when 
with gronyng and angusche of hart he did cry, "O unhappie man 
that I am, wha sal delyver me fra this bodie of syn:" reid the haill 
chapter, and gif glorie to God that lattis you knaw your awn infirmi- 
tie, that from Chryst allone ye may be content to resave that whilk 
never romanit in corruptibill flesche, that is, the justice whilk is ac- 
ceptabill befoir God, the justice by faith and not by workis, that ye 



APPENDIX. 511 

may gloria in rim wha frelie gives that whilk we deserve not And 
thus neither feir that, nor uther assaltis of the divill, sa lang as in 
bodie ye obey not his persuasionis. Schortnes of tyme, and multi- 
tude of cairis, will not lat me wryt at this present sa plentifullie as I 
wald. Ye will me to charge you in suche thingis as I mister, God 
grant that ye may be abill to relief the nedie. Ye may be sure that I 
wald be bold upon you, for of your gude hart I am persuadit, but of 
your power and abilitie I greitlie dout. I will not male, you privie 
how ryche I am, but off Loundoun I departit with les money than ten 
grottis, but God hes sence provydit, and will provyd I dout not, heir- 
efter abundantlie for this lyfe. Ather the quenis majestie, or sum 
thesaurer will be xl pounds rycher by me for sa mekill lack I of dewtie 
of my patentis. But that litill trubillis me. Rest in Chryst Jesus : 
your sone, 

1553. . Johne Knox. 



No. IV. [MS. Letters, p. 303.] 

To his mother-in-law, Mrs. Bowis. 

Blissit be thais that mourne for ryghteousnes sake, &c. 

Belovit mother with my hartlie commendatioun in the Lord. Let 
not your present dulnes discorage yow above measure: the wisdome 
of our God knawis what is maist expedient for our fraill nature, gif 
the bodie suld alwayis be in travel], it suld faynt and be unabill to 
continew in labour, the spreit hes his travel], whilk is a sobbing and 
murnyng for syn, fra whilk unles it sumtymes suld rest, it suddanlie 
suld be consumit. It doith na mair offend Godis majestie that the 
spreit sumtyme lye as it were asleip, nether hauing sence of greit 
dolour nor greit comfort, mair than it doith offend him that the bodie 
use the naturall rest, ceassing fra all externall exercis. Ye sail con- 
sider, mother, that the eis of God dois pers mair deiplie than we be 
war of; we, according to the blind ignorance whilk lurketh within 
ws, do judge but as we do feil for the present, but hie, according to 
his eternall wisdome, dois judge thingis lang before they cum to pas. 
We judge that caldnes and angusche of spreit ar hurtful], becaus we 
sie not the end whairfoir God dois suffer ws to be trubillit with sic 
temptationis; but his maiestie, wha onlie knawis the mass whairof man 
is maid, and causeth all thingis to work to the profit of his elect, knawis 
also how necessarie sic trubillis ar to dantoun the pryd of oure corrupt 
nature. Thair is a spirituall pryd whilk is not haistelie suppressit in 
Godis verie elect children, as witnesses sanct paule. God hath wroth 
greit thingis be yow in the syght of uthir men, with whilk (unless the mell 
of in waroT angusche did beat them doun) ye myght be steirit up to sum 
vane glorie, whilk is a vennoume mair subtil than ony man do espy. I 
can wryt to you be my awn experience. I have sumtymes bene in that, 
securitie that I felt not dolour for syn, nether yit displeasure aganis my- 
self for any iniquitie in whilk I did offend; but rather my vane hart did 
this flatter myself, (I wryt the treuth to my awn confusioun, and to the 
elorie of my heavenlie father through Jesus Christ,) w Thou hes suffer- 
it great troubill for professing of Chrystis treuth, God hes done great 
thingis for the, delyvering the fra that maist cruel! bondage, [galleis : 
on the margin,] hie has placeit the in a maist honourabill vocatioun, 
and thy labours ar not without frute; thairfoir thou aucht rejos and 
Q-if prais unto God." O mother this was a suptill serpent wha this arid 
pour in vennoume, I not perceaving it; but blissit be my God wha 



512 APPENDIX. 

permittit me not to sleip lang in that estait. I drank schortlie efter 
this flatterie of myself a cupe of contra poysone, the bitternes wbairoi 
doith yit sa remane in my breist, that whatever I have sufferit, or pre- 
sentlie dois I reput as doung, yea, and my self worthie of dampnation 
for my ingratitude towardis my God. The lyke, mother, myt. have 
cumin to yow, gif the secreit brydall of afflictioun did not refrane vane 
cogitationis; but of this I have written to yow mair planelie in my 
other letteris. And this I commit you to the protectioun of the omni- 
potent for ever. Yours at his power, 

Johne Knox 



No. V. [MS. Letters, pp. 335-6.] 

To his Sister. 

The spreit of God the father, be Jesus Chryst, comfort and assist yow 
to the end. Amen. 

Touching the sonis of Jacob, who cruellie, contrar to thair so- 
lempned promeis and othe, did murther and slay the citisens of Sic- 
hem ; whasa ryghtlie marketh the scriptures of God sail easelie espy 
thame maist grevouslie to have offend it. fff>r albeit the transgression 
of the young man was haynous befoir God, yit wer thay na civill 
maiestratis, and thairfoir had na autoritie to punis. And farther, thay 
committit treasone, and in sa fer as in thame was blasphemit God and 
his halie name, making it odious to the nationis about, seing thay 
under pretence of religioun, and of ressaving them in leage with God 
and with the pepill, did disceatfullie as also cruellie destroy the haill 
citie suspecting na danger. Albeit sum laboureth to excus thair syn 
be the zeall thay had that thay myght not suffer thair sister to be abu- 
sit lyke ane harlot, yit the spreit of God speiking in thair awn father, 
efter lang advysement, in the extreamitie of his deth, utterlie dampneth 
thair wickit act, saying, " Semioun and Levi, brethren, &c. lat not my 
saule entir in thair consall, nor yit my glorie into thair company, for 
in thair furie. thay killit a man, and for thair lust destroyit the citie, 
cursit is thair heit or rage, for it is vehement, and thair indignatioun, 
for it is intractable, I sail dispers thame in Jacob, and scatter thame 
abrod in Israeli." Heir may ye espy, sister, that God dampneth thair 
het displeasure and cruell act, as maist wickit and worthie of punis- 
ment. But perchance it may be inquyrit, why did God suffer the men 
that had professit his name be reseaving the sign of circumsitioun sa 
unmercifullie to be entreatitl I myght answer, God sufferis his awn 
in all ageis be the ungodlie to be cruellie tormentit. But sic was not 
the case of thir men, whom na doubt the justice of God faund crymi- 
nall and worthie the deth. ffor thay did abus his sacramental! siirne, 
receaving it nether at God's commandement, nor having any respect 
to his honour, nor to the advancement of his name, nor yit trusting in 
his promissis, nor desyreing the incres or multiplicatioun of Goddis 
pepill, but onhe for a warldlie purpois, thinking thairby to have attay- 
nit riches and ease, be joynyng thameselves to Godis pepill. And sa 
the justice of God faund thame worthie ofpunisment, and sa permittit 
thame justlie on his part to be arflictit and destroyit be the ungodlie, 
vvhilk is a terribill exempill to sic as in caus of religioun mair seikis 
the profit of the warld nor eternall salvatioun. But hereof na mair. 
Thus brieflie and rudlie have I writtin unto yow, becaus I remember 
myself anis to have maid yow a promeis sa to do, and everie word of 
the mouth of the faithfull (yf sa impeid not God) aught to be keipit 



APPENDIX. 513 

And now rest in Chryst. After this I think ye sail rasave na mair of 
my handis. In haist with sair trubillit hart. 

Yours as ever in godlines, 
[Anno J553.] Johne Knox 



No, VI. Letter op John Knox to John Fox. 

(See p. 143.) 
(British Museum. Harl. MSS. 416, 34. $ 70.) 

An Original. 

Indorsed k To his louinge brother master fox be these delyuered at 
Basil!." 

The mightie comforth of the holie ghost for salutation. 

Dearlie beloued brother, albeit at the dePture of this our brother 
from whom I receaved yor. loving and frendlie Ire. my selue could 
writ nothing be reasone of the euill disposition of my bodie, yit becaus 
I could not suffer him to depert without som remembrance of my deu- 
tie to you, I vsed the help of my left hand, that is of my wief, in scribb- 
ling these fewe lynes vnto you, as touching my purpose and mynd in 
the publishing the first blast of the trompet. 

When the secreates of all hartes shalbe disclosed, that shalbe knowe 
wch. now by manye can not be perswaded, to wit, that therin I nether 
haue sought my selue, nether yit the vain prase of men. my rude 
vehemencie and inconsidered affirmations wch. may appear rather to 
procead from coler then of zeal and reason, I do not excuse, but to 
haue vsed anye other tytle more plausible, therby to haue allured 
the world by any art, as 1 never purposed so do I not yit purpose, to 
me it is ynewgh to say that black is not whit, and mans tyrannye and 
foolishnes is not goddes perfite ordinance, wch. thinge I do not so 
much to correct coraon welthes as to delyuer my own conscience, 
and to instruct the consciences of som semple who yit I fear be igno- 
rant in that matter, but ferther of this I delay to better opportunytie. 
Salut yor. wief and dovvghter hartlie in my nam. the grace of our 
lord Jesus Christ rest wt.you now and euer. from geneva the 18 of 
May, 1558. Your brother to power, 

Johne Knox. 

I yor. sister the writer herof saluteth you and yor. wief most hartlie 
thanking hir of hir loving tokens wch. my mother and I receaued from 
Mrs. Kent. 



No. VII. [Cald. MS. Vol. i. p. 427.*] 

Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs. Anne Locke. (See p. 171.) 

The queen and her counsell made promis that no person with 

m Sanct Johnston, neither yet of these that assisted them, should be 
troubled for any thing done either in religion, either yet in down cast- 
ing of places, till the sentence of the estates in Parliament had decided 

* The following letters from Calderwood have been corrected by comparing different 
copies. The style has evidently been modernized. 



514 APPENDIX. 

the controversie, and that no bands of French souldiers should be left 
behind the queen and counsell in the town, and that no idolatrie 
should be erected, nor alteration made within the town. But after 
she had obtained her desire, all godlie promises were forgotten; for 
the Sunday next after her entering, mess was said upon a dyeing 
table, (for ye shall understand all the alters were prophaned ;) the 
poor professors were oppressed; when children were slain, she did 
but smile, excusing the lact be the chance of fortune ; and at her de- 
parture, she left 400 souldiers, Scottismen, but paid by France, to dan- 
toun the town. She changed the provist, and exiled all godlie men. 
This crueltie and deceit displeased many that befoir assisted her with 
their presence and counsell ; and among others, the earl of Argyle 
and the prior of Sanct Andrews left [her,] and joined themselves to 
the congregation openly, whilk as it was displeasing to her and to the 
shavellings, so it was most comfortable and joyfull to us, for by their 
presence were the hearts of many erected from desperation. At their 
commandment I repaired to them at St. Andre wis, wher consultation 
being had, it was concluded that Christ Jesus should there be openlie 
preached, that the places and monuments of idolatrie should be re- 
moved, and superstitious habits changed. This reformation was be- 
gun the J4th of June. In the meantime came the bishop of St. An- 
drewis to the towne, accompanied with a great band of" warriours, 
and gave a strate commandement, that no preaching should be made 
by me, who was both brunt in figure and horned, assuring the lords 
that if they suffered me to preach that twelve haquebuts should lyght 
upon my nose at once. O burning charitie of a bloodie bishop ! But 
as that boast did little affray me, so did it more incense and inflamme 
with courage the harts of the godlie, who with one voyce proclaimed 
that Christ Jesus should be preached in despite of Sathan, and so that 
Sabbath and three dayes after I did occupy the publike place in the 
midst of the doctors who this day are even as dumbe as their idols 
which wer brunt in their presence. The bishop departed to the 
Queene, frustrat of his intent, for he had promised to bring me to her 
either alyve or dead : and incontinent was a new army assembled, 
and forward they marched against St. Andrews. It was not thought 
expedient that we should abide them lurking in a town, and so we 
past to the fields and met them at Couper, where lodging was ap- 
pointed for the camp, but we prevented them: where we remained 
upon their coming till the nixt day, when both armies were in sight 
of other within shot of cannon, and we looked for nothing but the ex- 
tremitie of batle: not that we intended to pursue, but only to stand 
in camp where our field was pitched for defence of ourselves. There 
came from our adversaries ane ambassador desiring speech and com- 
muning of che lords, which gladlie of us being granted, after long rea- 
soning the queene offered a free remission of all crymes bypast, sua 
that they would no furder proceed against friars and abbayes, and 
that no more preaching should be used publicklie. But the lords and 
the brethren refused such appointment, declaring that the fear of no 
mortal creature should cause them betray the veritie known and pro- 
fessed, neither yet to suffer idolatrie to be maintained in the bounds 
committed to their charge. The adversaries perceiving that neither 
threatening, flatterie, nor deceit, could break the bold constancie and 
godlie purpose of the lords, barons, gentlemen, and commons, who 
were there assembled to the number of 3000 in on days warning, they 
were content to tak assurance for eight days, permitting unto us free- 
dom of religion in the meantime. In the whilk the abbay of Lindores, 
a place of black monkes, distant from St. Andrewis twelve myles. we 
reformed their altars overthrew we, their idols, vestments of idola- 



APPENDIX. 515 

trie, and mass books, we burnt in their presence, and commanded 
them to cast away their monkish habits. Divers chanons of St. An- 
drewis have given notable confessions, and have declared themselves 
manifest enemies to the pope, to the mass, and to all superstition. 
[Then follows what is inserted., pp. 177, 8.] We fear that the tyran- 
nie of France shall, under the cloak of religion, seek a plain conquest 
of us ; but potent is God to confound their counsell and to break their 
force. God move the hearts of such as profes Christ Jesus with us, to 
have respect to our infancie, and open their eyes to see that our ruin 
shall be their destruction. Communicat the contents herof (which 1 
write to you, least by divers rumours ye should be troubled and wee 
slandered) with all faithfull, but especiallie with the afflicted of that 
little flock, now dispersed and destitute of these pleasant pastures in 
which some tyme they fed abundantlie. If any remain at Geneva, let 
either this same or the double of it be sent unto them, and likeways 
unto my dear brother Mr. Goodman, whose presence I more thirst 
for than she that is my own flesh. Will him therefor in the name of 
the Lord Jesus (all delay and excus set apart) to visit me ; for the ne- 
cessity is great here. If he come be sea, let him be addressed unto 
Dundie, and let him ask for George Level!, for George Rollok, or 
Wm. Carmichael. If he come to Leith, let him repair to Edinburgh, 
and enquire for James Baron, Edward Hope, Adam Fullerton, or for 
John Johnston, writer, be whom he will get knowledge of me. If my 
mother and my wife come be you, will them to make the expedition 
that goodly they can to visit me, or at least to come to the north 
parts, where they shall know my mind, which now I can not write, 
being oppressed with hourly cares. This bearer is a poor man un- 
known in the country, to whom I beseech you show reasonable fav- 
our and tenderness, touching his merchandize and the just selling 
thereof. Thus, with hearty commendations to all faithfull, I heartily 
commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent. From Sanct An- 
dre wes the 23d of June 1559. 



No. VIII. [Cald. I. 522 f 

To the same. (Seep. 196.) 

Lest that the rumours of our troubles trouble you above measure 
dear sister, I thought good in these few words to signifie unto you 
that our esperance is yet good in our God, that he for his great name's 
sake will give such success to this enterprise as neither shall these 
whom he hath appointed to sigh in this be utterlie confounded, neither 
yet that our enemies shall have occasion to blaspheme the veritie, nor 
yet triumph over us in the end. We trusted too much, dear sister, in 
our owne strenth, and especiallie since the erle of Arran and his 
friends were joyned to our number. Amongst us also were such as 
more sought the purse than Christ's glory. Wee by this overthrow 
are brought to acknowledge, what is a multitude without the present 
help of God ! and the hollow hearts of many are now revealed. God 
make us humble in his eyes, and then I fear not the furie of the adver- 
saries, who, be ye assured, doe sore rage, so as yet their crueltie must 
neids crave vengeance from him whose members they persecute. Oui 
dear brethren and sisters in Edinburgh and Lothian who lay nearest 
these bloode thirsty tyrants, are so troubled and vexed that it is a pity 
to remember their estate. Our God comfort them. We stand univer 
sally in great fear and yet we hope deliverance. I wrote to you be- 
fore to be suitor t some faithful], that they would move such as have 



510 APPENDIX. 

abundance to consider our estate, and to make for us some provision 
of money to keep soldiers and our company together. And herein yet 
again I cannot cease to move you. I can not well write to any other 
because the action may seem to appertaine to my own country onlie. 
But because I trust ye suspect me not of avarice, I am bold to say to 
you that if we perish in this our enterprise, the limits of London will 
be straiter than they are now within few years. Many things I have 
which I would have required for myself, namely Calvin on Isaiah, am' 
his Institutions revised. But common troubles cause me to neglect all 
private business. If ye can find the means to send me the books be- 
fore written, or any other that be new and profitable, I will provide 
that ye shall receive the prices upon your advertisemei t. My wife 
saluteth you. Salute all faithfull heartilie in my name, especiallie those 
of familiar acquaintance, of whom I crave pardon that I write not, 
being not so quiet as ye would wish. My onlie comfort is that our 
troubles shall pass sooner, peradventure, than our enemies look. 
Grace be with you. From St. Andrews, in haste, the 1 8th November 
1559. Yours known, John Knox. 

Mr. Gudeman is in the west country in Ayr, who willed me to saluto 
you in his name as oft as I wrote you. 



No. IX. [Cald. I. 524.] 

To the same. (See p. 197.) 

We shall meet when death shall not dissever. 

Two letters I have received from you, dear sister, both almost at 
one time, the one is dated at London the 28th of November, the other 
of the same place the 2d of December. The letter of the last date 1 
first read, which made mention of your trouble be reason of a suddan 
fire in a lodging near to you; that you had sought all means for our 
support, as well of those of high as of low degree; but that it was not 
needfull that any thing should be sent unto us, because it was sup- 
posed that the highest would support us; and last, that ye had not re- 
ceived the answer of your doubts. In your other letters, after your 
most comfortable discourse of God's providence for his people in their 
greatest necessitie, ye godlie and trulie conclude that neither could 
their unworthiness, neither yet their want of things judged necessarie 
for their preservation, stop his majestie's mercie from them. There- 
after ye will me to avoid clanger, and rather to fight by prayer in some 
place removed from danger than expose myself to the hazard of battel!, 
and so ye conclude by praising God's mercie as did Jeremy in his 
greatest anguish, &c. 

What support should come to us be consent of counsel! and authorise 
I am uncertain. But suppose it shall be greater than yet is bruted, 
that ought not to stay the liberal hands of the godlie to support us 
privatelie. For the public support of an army shall not make such as 
now be superexpended able to serve without private support. I will 
make the matter more plain be one example. I know one man that 
s.nce the 10th of May hath spent in this action thirteen thousand 
crowns of the summe [sonne,] besydes his victuals and other fruits of 
the ground. His treasure being now consumed, he cannot, without 
support, susteane the number which before he brought to the field. 
If he and such others that are in lyke condition with him shall be ab 
sent, or yet if numbers shall decay our enemies shall seem to prevail 



APPENDIX. 5i ^ 

in the field, and therefor desired I some collection to be made, to the 
end that the present necessitie of some might have been relieved. If 
the matter pertained not to my native country, I would be more vehe- 
ment in persuasion, but God shall support even how, when, and by 
whom it shall please his blessed majestic. Sorry I am that ye have 
not received my answer unto your doubts, not, so much that I think 
that ye greatly need them, as that I would not put you in suspicion 
that I contemned your requests. The rest of my wife hath been so 
unrestful since her arrival here, that scarcelie could she tell upon the 
morrow what she wrote at night. She cannot find my first extract. 
And therefor, if any scruple remaine in your conscience, put pen again 
to paper, and look for ane answer, as God shall give opportunitie. 
God make yourself participant of the same comfort which you wrote 
unto me : and in very deed, dear sister, I have no less need of com- 
fort, notwithstanding that I am not altogether ignorant, than hath the 
bound man to be fed, albeit in store he hath great substance. I have 
read the cares and tentations of Moses, and sometymes I have sup- 
posed myself to be well practised in such dangerous battels. But, 
alace ! I now perceive that all my practice before was but mere specu- 
lation, for one day of troubles since my last arrival in Scotland hath 
more pierced my heart than all the torments of the gallies did the space 
of 19 months. For that torment, for the most part, did touch the bodie, 
but this pierceth the soul and inward affections. Then was I assuredlie 
persuaded that I should not die untill I had preached Christ Jesus 
even where I now am, and yet having now my heart's desyre, I am 
nothing satisfied, neither yet rejoice. " My God remove my unthank- 
fulness. From San*t Andrews, the last of December 1559. Yours 
known in Christ. 

John Knox 



No. X. fCaH. I. 533 ] 

To the same. (See p. 198.; 

The eternal o ir God shall shortly put an end to all our troubles. 

Lest that sinis\er rumours should trouble you above measure, dear 
sister, I can not but certify you of our estate as often as convenient 
messengers occur. The French, as before I wrote unto you, have 
pursued us with great furie, but God hath so bridled them, that since 
the fifth day when they put to flight the men of Kinghorn, Kircaldy, 
and Dysart, they have had of us (all praise be to our God) no advan 
tage. They lost in a morning a lieutenant, the boldest of their com- 
pany, and fourty of their bravest soldiers, diverse of them having been 
taken, and diverse slain in skirmishing. They have done greatest 
harm to such as did best entertain them ; for from them they have 
taken sheep, horse, and plenishing. Our friends, and foes to them, did 
continually remove from their way all moveables that to them apper- 
tained. They have casten to the ground the laird of Grange's prin- 
cipal house, called the Grange, and have spoiled his other places. 
God will recompense him, I doubt not, for in this cause, and since the 
beginning of this last trouble especially, he hath behaved himself so 
boldly as never man of our realm hath deserved more praise. He hath 
been in many dangers, and yet God hath delivered him above men's 
expectations. He'was shot at Lundie, right under the left pape. 
thorrow the jacket, doublet, and shirt; and the bullet did stick in one 
of his ribs. Mr. Whitelaw hath gotten a fall, by which he is unable to 
44 



518 APPENDIX. 

bear arms. But God be praised both their lives be saved. I remained 
all this time in St. Andrews with sorrowful heart, and yet as God did 
minister his spirit comforting the afflicted, who, albeit they quaked for 
a time, yet do now praise God who suddenly averted from them that 
terrible plague devised for them by the ungodly. The French men 
approached within 6 miles, yet at the sifrht of certain of your ships, 
they retired more in one day than they advanced in ten. We have 
had wonderful experience of God's merciful providence, and for my 
own part I were more than unthankful if I should not confess that God 
hath heard the sobs of my wretched heart, and hath not deceived me 
of that, little spark of hope which his holy spirit did kindle and foster 
in my heart. God give me grace to acknowledge his benefit received, 
and to make such fruit of it as becometh his servant. If ye can find a 
messenger, I heartily pray you to send me the books for which I wrote 
before. "" I must be bold over your liberality not only in that, but in 
greater things as I shall need. Please you cause this other letter in- 
closed be surely conveyed to Miles Coverdale. Salute all faithful ac- 
quaintance, Mr. Hickman and his bedfellow, your husband, Mr. 
Michael and his spouse as unacquainted, especially remembered. I 
know not what of our brethren at Geneva be with you. But to such 
as be there, I beseech you to say, that I think that I myself do now find 
the truth of that which oft I have said in their audience, to wit, that after 
our departure from Geneva should our dolour beginne. But my good 
hope is in God that it shall end to his glory and our comfort. Rest in 
Christ Jesus. From Sanct Andrews, the 4th of February, 1559. 

Your brother 

John Knox. 



No. XI. [Cald. II. 89.] 

John Knox to Mr. John Wood, Secretary to the Regent. 14th 
Feb. 1568. 

My purpose, beloved in the Lord, concerning that which oft and 
now last ye crave, I wrote to you before, from which I can not be 
moved, and, therefore, of my friends I will ask pardon, howbeit on 
that one head I play the churle, retaining to myself that which will 
rather hurt me than profit them, during my days, which I hope in 
God shall not be long, and then it shall be in the opinion of others 
whether it shall be suppressed, or come to light.* God for his great 
mercies sake put such end to the troubles of France, as the purity of 
his evangell may have free passage within that realme ; and idolatry, 
with the maintainers of the same, may once be overthrown by order 
of justice, or otherways as his godly wisdom hath appointed. In my 
opinion England and Scotland have both no less cause to fear than 
the faithful in France, for what they suffer in present action is laid up 
in store, let us be assured, for both countries. The ground of my as- 
surance is not the determination of the Council of Trent, for that de- 
cree is but the utterance of their own malice ; but the justice of God 
is my assurance, for it cannot spare to punish all realmes and nations 
that is or shall be like to Jerusalem, against whose iniquity God long 
cried be his servants the prophets, but found no repentance. The truth 
of God hath been now of some j'ears manifested to both, but what 
obedience, the words, works, and behaviour of men give sufficient tes- 
timony. God grant Mr. Gudman a prosperous and happy success in 

* He seems to refer here to his History of the Reformation 



APPENDIX. 519 

the acceptation rt'his charge, and in all his other enterprises to God's 
glory and the comfort of his kirk; and so will I the more patiently 
bear his absence, weaning myself from all comfort that I looked to 
have received be his presence and familiarity. Because I have the tes- 
timony of a good conscience, that in writing of that treatise, against 
which so many worldly men have stormed, and yet storm, I neither 
sought myself nor worldly promotion, and because as yet I have neither 
heard nor seen law nor Scripture to overthrow my ground * I may 
appeal to a more indifferent judge than Dr. Jewell. I would most 
gladly pass through the course that God hath appointed to my labours, 
in meditation with my God, and giving thanks to his holy name, for 
that it. hath pleased his mercy to make me not a lord bishop, but a 
painful preacher of his blessed evangell, in the function whereof it hath 
pleased his majesty for Christ his son's sake to deliver me from the 
contradiction of moe enemies than one or two, which maketh me the 
more slow and less careful to revenge be word or writ whatever in- 
jury hath been done against me in my own particular. But if that 
men will not cease to impugne the truth, the faithfull will pardon me 
if I offend such as for pleasure of flesh fear not to offend God. The 
defence and maintenance of superstitious trifles produced never better 
fruit in the end than I perceive is budding amongst you, schisme, 
which no doubt is a forerunner of greater desolation, unless there be 
speedy repentance. — [Then follows what has been already quoted, p. 
299.] — The faithfull of your acquaintance here salute you. The grace 
of the Lord rest with you. 

No. XII. [Cald. II. 107.] 

The same to the same. (See above, p. 300.) 

I thank you heartily, dearly beloved in the Lord Jesus, that ye had 
such remembrance of me as to certify of that part which not a little 
troubled and yet troubleth me. What I have done or am able to do 
in that behalf I will not trouble you at this present, this only excepted, 
that it will please you to travel as in the end of your letter ye write ye 
would do, to wit, that my sons might be Denezans there. I am in- 
formed both be letter and be tongue, besides conjectures that probably 
may be gathered, that the Duke and his friends are inflamed against 
me. Ofter than once I have called to mind your words to me that day 
that I had been more than vehement, as some men thought, in the end 
of the chapter of John's Evangel!, concerning the treasonable de- 
parture of Judas from Christ, and of the causes thereof. Before that I 
came forth of the preaching place, ye said, Before my God I think your 
eyes shal see performed that which your mouth hath pronounced. 
My words were these, I fear that such as have entered with us in pro- 
fessing of the Evangel], as Judas did with Christ, shall depart and follow 
Judas, how soon the expectation of gain and worldly promotion faileth 
them. Time will try father, and we shall see overmuch. We look 
daily for the arrival of the duke and his Frenchmen, sent to restore 
Satan to his kingdome, in the person of his dearest lieutenant, sent, I 
say. to repress religion, not from the king of France, but from the 
Cardinall of Lorrane in favour of his dearest niece. Lett England take 
heed, for surely their neighbours houses are on fire. I would, dear 
brother, that ye should travell with zealous men, that they may con- 
sider our estate: What I would say, ye may easily conjecture. With 
out support we are not able to resist the force of the domestical! 

* Referring, most probably, to his treatise against Female Government. 



520 * . APPENDIX. 

enemies, (unless God work miraculously,) much less are we able to 
stand against the puissance of Prance, the substance of the Pope, and 
the malice of the house of Guise, unless we be comforted be others than 
by ourselves. Ye know our estate, and therefore I will not insist to 
deplore our poverty. The whole comfort of the enemies is this, that 
be treason or other means they may cutt off the Regent, and then cutt 
the throat of the innocent king. How narrowly hath the regent es- 
caped once, I suppose ye have heard. As their malice is not quenched, 
so ceaseth not the practice of the wicked, to put in execution the 
cruelty devised. I live as a man already dead from all affairs civil, 
and therefore I praise my God ; for so I have some quietness in spirit, 
and time to meditate on death, and upon the troubles I have long 
feared and forseeth. The Lord assist you with his Holy Spirit, and 
put an end to my travells, to his own glory, and to the comfort of his 
kirk; for assuredly, brother, this miserable life is bitter unto me. 
Salute your bedfellow in my name, and the rest in Christ Jesus. The 
faithful] here salute you. The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with 
yon for ever. 

Of Edinburgh, the 10th of September, 1568. 



No. XIII. [Cald. MS. I. 380.] 

Extract of a Letter from John Knox to Mrs. Anne Locke, dated, 
6th April, 1559. (Seep. 351.) 

Your letters, dear sister, dated at Geneva the 17th of February, 

received I in Dieppe the 17th of March. Touching my negligence in 
writing to you, at other times I fear it shall be little amended, except 
that better occasions than yet I know be offered. For oft to write 
when few messingers can be found is but foolishness. My remem- 
brance of you is not yet so dead, but I trust it shall be fresh enough, 
albeit it be renewed be no outward tokin for one year. Of nature I 
am churlish, and in conditions different from many. Yet one thing 
I ashame not to afBrme that familiarity once thoroughly contracted 
was never yet broken be my default. The cause may be that I have 
rather need of all than that any have need of me. — 



Extract of a Letter from John Knox "To a friend in England.' 
[Cald. II. 144.] 

Of Edinburgh, 19th August, 1569. 

If from day to day thir seven years bypast, I had not looked 

for an end of my travells, I could have no excuse of my obstinate fault 
toward you, beloved in the Lord, be whom I have received, besides 
commendations and letters, divers tokens of your unfained friendship, 
yet have negligently pretermitted all office of humanity toward you. 
whereinto I acknowledge my offence, for albeit I have been tossed 
with many storms all the time before expressed, yet might I have 
gratified you and others faithful] with some remembrance of my 
estate, if that this my churlish nature, for the most part oppressed with 
melancholy, had not stayed tongue and pen from doing of their duty. 
Yea, even now, when that I could somewhat satisfy your desire, I 
find within myself no small repugnance, for this I find objected to my 
wretched heart, 'Foolish man! what seeks thou in writing of missives 
In this corruptible age! Hath thou not a full satiety of all the vanities 
under the sun ! Hath not thy eldest and stoutest acquaintance buried 



APPENDIX. 521 

Ihee in oblivion, and art not thou in that estate be age, that nature 
itself calleth thee from the pleasures of things temporall ? Is it not then 
more than foolishness unto thee to hunt for"acquaintance on the earth, 
of what estate or condition whatsomever the person be?' To these 
objections I could answer nothing, (much morel think than is written,) 
but that I would write with what imperfections I little regard. 



No. XIV. Letter to Sir William Douglas of Lochleven, 31 Mar. 1570. 
[The original is among the papers of the family, at Dalmahoy.} 

After harty commendatioun of my service unto you, rycht wyrship- 
pfull, I receaved your missive this last of March, perceaving tharby 
the bruite that ye hear of the purpose of some to tak the castell of 
Sanctandrois, quhilk bruite I easely beleve be not all togidder vane, 
for men will not faill to hurt what thei can the quietnes of this realme, 
and to reenter inthare usurped possessioun and injust uplifting of the 
fruitis that never did justlie apperteane to sick idill bellies. How sick 
trublaris may be stayed of thare interpryses I remitt to God, to whose 
counsall I committ you in that and all other cases worldly; for I have 
taken my gude nycht of it, and therfor bear with me gude Sr, albeit 
I write not to the superintendent of Fyffm the actioun of that ye desyr 
as concernyng the excuse of the tua ministeris, to our superintendent 
I shall do the best that I can when I meitt with him ; and thus witli my 
harty commendatioun I committ you to the protectioun of the omni- 
potent. Of Edinburghe the sam hour I receaved yours this Friday att 
5 afternone, 1570. 

Yours to power in God trubled in body, 

.Tonne Knox. 
(In dorso) 

To the Rycht Worshepful 
the Lard of Lochlevin. 



No. XV. [Cald, II. 328.] 

John Knox to Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow. (See above, p. 322.) 
The end of all worldly trouble and pleasure both approacheth. 
Blessed are they that patiently abide in the truth, not joining hands 
nor heart with impiety, how that ever it triumph. 

Right worshipful!, after hearty commendations, your letter, dated at 
Pittarrow the ]4th of July, received I in Sanct Andrews, the 15th of 
the same. The brute and armour of Adam Gordon and his doings, 
and preparations made to resist him was diverse, but nothing that I 
heard moved me, for I perceive the cup of iniquity is not yet full. Of 
one thing I am assured, that God of his mercy will not suffer his own 
to be tempted above measure, neither will he suffer iniquity to be ever 
unpunished. From me can come no other counsel than ye have heard 
from the beginning of our acquaintance, to wit, that not. only action 
defileth and maketh guilty before God, but also consent of heart, and 
all paction with the wicked. Out of bed, and from my book, I come 
not but once in the week, and so few tidings come to me. What order 
God shall put into the mind of the authority to take for staying of then- 
present troubles, I know not, but ever still my dull heart feareth the 
worst, and that because no appearance of right conversion unto God. 
but both the parties stands as it were fighting against God himself in 
justification of their wickedness. The murderers assembled in the 

44* a 3 



522 APPENDIX. 

castle of Edinburgh, and their assisters, justify all that they have done 
to be well and rightly done; and the contrar party as little repenteth 
the troubling and oppressing of the poor kirk of God as ever they did ■ 
for if they can have the kirk-lands to be annexed to their houses, they 
appear to take no more care of the instruction of the ignorant, and of 
the feeding of the flock of Jesus Christ, than ever did the Papists, whom 
we have condemned, and yet are worse ourselves in that behalf: for 
they, according to their blind zeal, spared nothing that either might 
have maintained or holden up that which they took for God's service ; 
but we, alace! in the midds of the light forgett the heaven and draw 
to the earth. Dayly looking for an end of my battel, I have set forth 
ane answer to a Jesuit who long hath railed against our religion, as 
the reading of this tractat will more plainly let you understand. The 
letter in the end of it, if it serve not for the estate of Scotland, yet it 
will serve a troubled conscience, so long as the kirk of God remaineth 
in either realme. With my hearty commendations to your bed-fellow, 
and to my Lord Marshall, the Master, and to the faithfull in your 
company. Deliver to them the book according to their directions, and 
pray the faithfull in my name to recommend me to God in their prayers, 
for my battel is strong, and yet without great corporal pain The 
Lord Jesus, who hath once redeemed us, who hath also of his mercy 
given unto us the light of his blessed countenance, continue us in that 
light that once we have received externally, and at his good pleasure 
put an end to all the troubles of his own spouse, the kirk, which now 
sobbeth and crieth, Come Lord Jesus, come Lord Jesus ; whose omni- 
potent Spirit conduct you to the end. Amen. 

At Sanct Andrews, 19th of July. [1572.] 



No. XVI. [Cald. II. 270.] 

John Knox to Mr. Goodman. 

Written about the same time with the preceding. 

Beloved brother, I can not praise God of your trouble ; but that of 
his mercie he hath made you one against whom Satan bendeth all his 
engines, thereof unfainedlie I praise my God, beseeching him to 
strengthen you to fight your battell lawfully to the end. That we 
shall meet in this life^here is no hope ; for to my bodie it is impossible 
to be carried from countrie to countrie, and of your comfortable pre- 
sence where I am I have small, yea no esperance. The name of God 
be praised, who of his mercie hath left me so great comfort of you in 
this life. That ye may understand that my heart is pierced with the 
present troubles, from the castle of Edinburgh hath sprung all the 
murthers first and last committed in this realme, yea, and all the 
troubles and treasons conspired in England, God confound the wicked 
devisers with their wicked devises. So long as it pleased Go 1 to con- 
tinue unto me any strength, I ceased not to forwarn these dayes pub- 
lickly, as Edinburgh can witness, and secretlie, as Mr. Randolph and 
others of that nation with whom I secretlie conferred, can testifie. 
Remedy now on earth resteth none, but onlie that both England and 
Scotland humbly submit themselves to the correcting hand of God 
with humble confession of their former inobedience. that blood was 
not punished, when he be his servants publicly craved justice accord- 
ing to his law; in which head your realme is no less guilty than we, 
who now drink the bitter part of the cup, which God of his meicie 



APPENDIX. 523 

avert from you. And thus weary of the world, with my hearty com- 
mendations to ail faithful acquaintance, Mr. Bodlih and his bedfellow 
especially remembered, I commit you to the protection of the omnipo- 
tent. Off Sanct Andrews. 



No. XVII. [Calderwood's MS. ad an. 1570. Advocates' Library.] 

Prayer used by John Knox after the Regent's death. 

O Lord, what shall we add to the former petitions we know not ; 
yea, alace, O Lord, our owne consciences bear us record that we are 
unworthie that thou should either encreass or yet continue thy 
graces with us, be reason of our horrible ingratitude. In our extreme 
miseries we called, and thou in the multitude of thy mercies heard us; 
and first thou delivered us from the tyrannie of mercieless strangers, 
next from the bondage of idolatry, and last from the yoak of that 
wretched woman, the mother of all mischief, and in her place thou 
didst erect her sonne, and to supply his infa.ncie thou didst appoynt a 
regent endued with such graces as the divell himself cannot accuse or 
justly convict him, this only excepted that foolish pity did so farre 
prevail] in him, concerning execution and punishment which thou 
commanded to have been executed upon her, and upon her complices, 
the murtherers of her husband. O Lord, in what miserie and confu- 
sion found he this realme ! To what rest and quietnesse now be his 
labours suddanlie he brought the same, all estates, but speciallie the 
poor commons, can witness. Thy image, Lord, did so clearlie shyne 
in that personage, that the divell, and the wicked to whom he is prince, 
could not abyde it. And so to punish our sinnes and ingratitude, 
who did not ryghtlie esteem so pretious a gift, thou hes permitted him 
to fall, to our great griefe, in the hands of cruel! and traterous murth- 
erers. He is at rest, O Lord, and we are left in extreme miserie ! Be 
mercifull to us, and suffer not Satan to prevaill against thy little flocke 
within this realme, neither yet, O Lord, let bloode thirsty men come 
to the end of their wicked enterprises. Preserve, O Lord, our young 
king, although he be ane infant; give unto him the Spirit of Sanctifi- 
cation, with encrease of the same as he groweth in yeares. Let his 
raigne, O Lord, be such as thou may be glorified, and thy little flock 
comforted by it. Seeing that we are now left as a flock without a 
pastor in civil] policie, and as a shippe without a rudder in the midst 
of the storm, let thy providence watch, Lord, and defend us in these 
dangerous dayes, that the wicked of the world see that as weill with- 
out the help of man, as with it, thou art able to rule, maintain, and de-- 
fend the little flock that dependeth upon thee. And because, O Lord, 
the shedding of innocent bloode hes ever been, and yet is odious in 
thy presence, yea, that it defyleth the whole land where it is shed and 
not punished, we crave of thee, for Christ thy sonnes sake, that thou 
wilt so try and punish the two treasonable and cruel! murthers latelie 
committed, that the inventars, devysers, authors, and maintainers of 
treasonable crueltie, may be either thoroughlie converted or con- 
founded. O Lord, if thy mercie prevent us not, we cannot escape 
just condemnation, for that Scotland hath spared, and England hath 
maintained, the lyfe of that most wicked woman. Oppose thy power, 
O Lord, to the pryde of that cruel! murtherer of her owne husband ; 
confound her faction and thair subtile enterprises of what estate and 
condition soever they be ; and let them and the world know, that thou 
art a God that can deprehend the wise in their own wisdome, and the 
pronl in the imagination of their wicked hearts, to their everlasting 



524 APPENDIX. 

confusioun. Lord, retain us that call upon thee in thy true fear. Le< 
us grow in the same. Give thou strength to us to fight our battell 
yea, Lord, to fight it lawfullie, and to end our lives in the sanctification 
of thy holy name. 



No. XVIII. [Buik of the Universall Kirk, p. 45. Advocates' Library.] 

My Lord Regent's letter to the Assembly. 

After our maist heartie commendationes, seing we are not able to 
[be] present [at] the assembly now approachand, as our intentioun 
was, we thoght it convenient brieflie to give you significatioun of our 
meaning in wryte, of the qlk we pray you take good consideration, 
and accordinglie to give you advertisement. Ye are not ignorant, as 
we suppose, what hes bene the estate of the kirk of God within this 
realme, baith before we accepted the burdein of regment, and sen- 
syne. How first the thrids of benefices were grantit and the minis- 
trie thereby partly relevit and sustainit in sic sort, that nothing inlai- 
kit that our travells could procure. The first ordour indeed was di- 
verse ways interruptit and broken, bot chieflie in that yeir when we 
were exylit in Ingland, quherthrough the haill ministers that year 
were frustrate of their living; shortlie the estate of government alter- 
ing at God's pleasure, and the king our soveraine being inaugurate 
with the crowne of this kingdom, the first thing yt. we were carefull 
of was, that the trew religioun might be established, and the ministers 
of the evangell made certaine of their livings and sustentation in tyme 
comeing. Ye knaw, at the parliament we war maist willing that the 
kirk should have been put in full possession of the proper patrimonie. 
And toward the thrids, we exped in our travels, and inlaikit only a 
consent to the dissolution of the prelacies, whereunto althogh we were 
earnestly bent, yet the estates delayit, and wald not agrie thereunto. 
And sen that tyme to this houre, we trust ye will affirme, that we 
have pretermittit nothing that may advance the religione, and put the 
professors thereof in suretie, whereanent the haill and only inlaik hes 
been in the civill troubles that God hes suffered the countrey to be 
plaguet with : now the matter being after so great rage brocht to 
some stay and quyetnes, it was convenient that we return where 
matters left, and prease to reduce them to the estate they stood in. 
Ane thing we man call to remembrance, that at sic time as we travel- 
lit in the parliament to cause the estates to grie that the thrids should 
be discernit to pertaine to the ministrie, they plainly opponit them to 
us in respect of the first act, alledgand that with the sustentation of 
the ministrie, there was also regard to be had to the support of the 
prince, in sustaining of the publick chairges, quhilks if they had not 
some reliefe be that meines, the revenue of the crown being so dimin- 
ischit, and the ordinar chairges cume to sic grytnes, on force they 
wold be burdenit with exactionis, and so this dangerous argument 
compellit us to promitt to the estates, That we wald take upon us, the 
act being grantit to the kirk, they should satisfy and agrie to any 
thing suld be thocht reasonable for supporting of the publick chairges 
of the prince, and according to this the commissioner deput for the 
affairs of the kirk agreit to certaine assignations of the thrids for sup- 
porting of the king and us bearing authoritie. Quhilk order had been 
sufficient for the haill, if the civill trouble had not occurit, yet the dis- 
obedience growand so universallie, we ar content to sustain our part 
of the inlaik and loss for the tyme bypast, but because there hes been 
murmur? and grudge for that thing assignat to the kings houss and 



APPENDIX. 505 

ours, and some other needful things in the state, as that there, y the 
ministers were frustrate of their appointit stipendis, some communi- 
catione was had at St. Androes, and nothing yet concludit, quhil the 
general assembly of the kirk; quhilk now moves us to wreit to you 
in this forme, prayand you rychtly to consider the necessitie of the 
cause, and how the same hes proceeded fra the beginning, haveing 
respect that the kirk will [not] be very well obeyit without the king's 
authoritie and power, and that now the propertie of the crowne is not 
able to sustaine the ordinarie chairges. how in the beginning the 
thrids had not been grantit, if the necessitie of the prince had not been 
ane of the chiefe caussis, and at the parliament the estates, as we be- 
fore have written, stack to consent that the haill thrids sould be de- 
clareit to pertaine to the ministrie, whill first we tooke in hand, that 
they being made without conditione in favours of the kirk, the same 
wald againe condescend to sa meikle as wold be sufficient to the sup- 
port of the public affaires, in foorth setting of the kings authoritie, and 
that therefore ye will now aggrie, and condescend to~ane certaine and 
speciall assignatione of it that sal be imployit in this use. The quan- 
tity whereof diverse of yourselves, and the beirer Mr. John Wood our 
servant, can informe you, that after ye may distribute to everie man 
having chairge in the kirk of God, his stipend, according to the condi- 
tione of the place he serves in, according to your w. discretione. 
Hereby all confusione that lang has troublit the estate of the kirk to- 
ward the stipend sal be avoydit, and some special provisione being 
made for sustaining of their publick chairges, we may the better hald 
hand to sie the kirk obeyit of that whereon the ministers sould live, as 
we [sic] sail report, that dureing our travells in the north countrey, 
have found our effectuous good will, and travellis in their furtherance, 
farther, we man put you in mind brieflie, of ane matter that occurit at 
our late being in Elgin. Ane Nicoll Sudderland in fibres, was put to 
the knawledge of ane assyse for incest, and with him the woman; the 
assyse hes convict him of the fault, but the question is, whether the 
same be incest or not, so that we behoovit to delay the executione 
whill we behoovit to have your resolution at this assemblie. The 
case is, that the woman was harlot of before to the said Nicholl's 
mother's brother, herein Mr. Rot. Pont can informe you more amplie, 
to whais sufficience we remitt the rest. Moreover, at our coming at 
Abd. yr. came ane nameit Portfeild, minister provydit of before to the 
viccarage of Ardrossane, and requyrit also of vs, that he might have 
viccarage of Stevinsone, seing both was ane matter meane enough to 
sustaine him, and because the kirks were neir, he might discharge 
the cure of both. We haveing him comendit be diverse great men to 
the same, but thocht gude to advertyse you, yt. this preparative in- 
duce not evill example and corruption : alwayes in cace sick things 
occurre heireafter, let vs vnderstand what ye wald have vs to doe, as 
in lyke maner towards the chaplenries yt. sail happin to vaike. qra- 
nent. because there is no certaine ordour and prescryvit [sic] some 
confusion stands, some desyreand them for lyfetime, some for infants 
that are of the schooles, and some for vii zeirs, we are sometyme pre- 
asit to receive or confirme assignatiouns or demissioun of benefices, 
the preparative whereof apperis to bring with it corruptioun, and so 
we wold be resolvit how to proceid, befor our coming fra fyfe. and 
sensyne we have been very willing to doe justice on all suspectit per- 
sons of witchcraft, as also vpon adulterers, incestuous persons, and 
abusers of ye. sacrament, qrin. we could not have sick expeditioun as 
we wold have wischet, because we have no uther probabilitie where- 
by to try and convict ym. but ane generall delation of names, ye. per- 
sons suspect not being for the most part tryit and convict be ordour 



Ij26 APPENDIX. 

of the kirk befoir. This hindrit many things qlk. utherwayes might 
have bein done, and yrfore. we pray you appoint and prescryve how 
the judgement of the kirk may proceid and be execute against all sick 
trespassors, befor complaint be made to vs, that when we come to 
the cuntrey, we may cause execute ye. law, and be releivit of the 
triall of inquisition heiranent. We thoght expedient to give you this 
to advertisement, and so remitts the haffl to your care and diligence, 
committis you in the protection of eternall God. aberd. ye. last day 
ofJunii, 1569. Your assurit friend, 

James Regent. 



No. XIX. PEDIGREE OF BOWES OF STREATLAM. 

(See p. 68.) 

[For the information contained in this article, I am indebted to Robert 
Surtees of Mainsforth, Esq.] 

" Kichard Bowes (of Aske in Yorkshire) youngest sonne of Sr. 
Raph Bowes of Streatlam Knight (& of his wife Marjory daughter & 
one of ye heirs of Sr. Richard Conyers of South Cowton Knt.) He 
married Elizabeth ye daughter & one of ye co-heirs of Sr. Roger Aske 
of Aske Kt. & by hir had issue Sr. George Bowes ye Knight Marshall 
& at length heire maile of the whole family of Bowes: Robert Bowes 
2d. sonne: and ten daughters: viz. 1. Bridgit married to Thomas 
Hussey Esqr. ye next heire maile to ye Lord Hussey. 2. Eliz. mard. 
John Bainbrigge of Snotterton Esq. 3. Anne mard. Marmaduke Vin- 
cent Esq. Muriall mar. to — Jackson of Bedale Esq. Marjory f to Mr. 
Knoxes \ a Devine in Scotland. Margaret to Thomas Middleton Esq. 
& after to Ambrose Burbeck. Margery, Lucy, Agnes, & Jane all died 
unmarried." 

[On the margin, in a different hand,] " \ sometime called Joane to 
distinguish her from her sister of the same name. § Knox the famous 
Reformer." 

The above is extracted verbatim from a narrative Pedigree compiled 
about 1640 by Thomas Bowes, whose autograph is on the last page, 
and which is now in the possession of Mr. Surtees, having been pur- 
chased by him at the sale of Counsellor Gill's Library several years 
ago. 

The Pedigree in the Herald's office stands on the opposite page. It 
notices only four of the daughters, entirely omitting Mrs. Knox and 
the four unmarried maidens mentioned above. This is from the Visi- 
tation of Durham, by Flower, Norroy, 1575. 

The Visitation by St. George, 1615, is still less full; it names only 
Ralph, Robert, and Richard, omitting all the daughters. — A modern 
Pedigree of less authority amongst Mr. Allan's collection at Grange, 
states Knox's wife to be Joan; but is answered by the old narrative 
statement, which is far the fullest, and by the marginal note affixed to 
it. It was very common at that time to have two children of the 
same Christian name. 

The Knight Marshall had two wives. From the first, a Mallory of 
Studly, descends Thomas Bowes, now of Bradley, Esq. Co Pal. who 
is the male heir of the whole family ; but the issue of the second 
match, a Talbot of Grafton, got the chief estate, now in the Earl of 
Strnthni'-^-p by heirs general. 



APPENDIX. 



527 



:3 S w m 



^ .si 



3 ° 



0) 3 73 3 
fe-Q cd i— » 

o a Soo 

ffi - 



w ' 



!QO 



3,3 qj^< 



t3^ 
ti S 



tfMS 






o a 



m ™ a 

all 

"£ o 

0) ce «* 

,Q UK 



E'2 

ii 



w 


o 




- « 2 


O o 


a 
-: 
a 



tsffl 

.japd 

S-i .3 

fflh 



wak 


O 35 OT 


-.2 a5«8 


= .2S d 


£f>£ <» 


g.3 <D =8 




« 2 b ■ 

2 3^=3 


o? 




0) 




& 




o 




pq 
















-■§53 




pjio 






^s 





— -# 




§g'.2 

s.ss i 


11 i 




CO 

0) CO 

£^ 


ga 

eg £ 
0«2 



T3 

O 

« O 

t: £ 

CD cjj) 

055 
.x so 



CPOO 








T3 


C5 




3 
a 


O 


a 










N 


,3 


CS 




H 


>-> 


CQK 



^ CO Pi 



cd oj O 



528 APPENDIX. 

No. XX. The Testament of John Knox. 

(From the Commissary Records of Edinburgh.) 

Ye testamentare & In ventare of the guids geir sowmes of money 
& dettis Ptenig to vmqle Johnne Knox mlister of ye evangell of 
Christ Jesus the tyme of his deceis quha deceissit vpoun ye xxiiii 
day of november The zeir of God 1572 zeiris ffaithfullie maid & 
gevin vp be him self vpoun ye xiii day of May the zeir of God 
foirsaid And Ptlie be mgaret Stewart his relict quhome wt. Martha 
mgaret & Elizabeth Knoxis his dochteris he vpoun ye xiii day of 
Maii in his Lattir will vnderwritten noiate his executors testa- 
metaris as the same of the dait foirsaid beiris. 

In the first the said vmqle Jhonne grantit him to haif 
"^jarii^is^ ' iac * t ' ie tyme foirsaid Tua sylver drinking coupis mkit 
with J. K. M. on ye ane syde and on the vthir syde with 
E. B. N. cotening xxv vnces or thairby Tua salt fattis of syluer of 
xiii vnces vecht and ane half Auchtene sylver spvnes contening 
xx vnce wecht & a quarter price of the vnce 26s. 8d. SSumma 
ffoureskoir punds of the qlk syluer work abone written the airschip 
is to be deducit and takin of. Item the said mgaret ane of the saids 
executours grantit that the said vmqle Johne had the tyme of his 
deceis foirsaid in pois ane hundet pundes. Item his buikis alsweill 
vpoun the Scriptures as vyer Pphane authors wort, vi score and x/. 
Item in vtensile & domicile the airschip being deducit to the avail of 
30/. 

Suma Inventarii. 296/. 6s. 8d. 

ffollowis the dettis awing to the deid. 

Item yair wes awing to the said umqle Johnne ye tyme of his deceis 
fbirsaid be Andro lord Stewart of Vchiltree his guidfather the sowme 
of 80/. of Lent money. Item be We Fiddes baxfer 10/. restand awand 
to the said vrnqle Johnne of quheit qlk he ressavit to gif breid for. Item 
be Agnes Weymes relict of vmqle Andro Mernis ctetener of St. An- 
drois 19/. lis. l\d. for the rest of beir qlk scho ressauit fra ye said 
vrnqle Johnne to mak aill of. Item be mgaret Spens Spous to Mr. 
Robertt Glen 18/. 15s. 3d for beir qlk scho ressauit fra the said vmqle 
to delyuer aill of. Item restand awand to the said vmqle Johnne the 
tyme foirsaid for ane pairt of his pensioun qlk he had furth of the kirk 
of Haddingtoun be the Psones following the victualles underwritten of 
the zeiris and cropes resive underspecifeit viz. of the crope and zeir 
ofgod 1571 zeiris be James Fiddes for ane pairt of his teyndis of the 
Nuland hand in the parochin of Haddingtoun Ane boll of quheit ane 
boll ane firlote beir vii bollis aitts. be Adame Ethingtoun in Quhitrig 
ane boll of quheit sex bollis aitts price of the boll of quheit the said zeir. 
50s. price of the boll of beir the said zeirtwa mkis. and price of the boll 
of aittis the same zeir 20s. Suma 19/. 13s. Ad. Item be the said James 
Fiddes for his teyndis of the saidis lands of Nuland of the crope & zeir 
of God 1572 zeiris ane boll of quheit ane boll ane firlote beir sevin 
oollis aittis. Be James Oliphant &■ Robert Hepburne for yair teyndis 
of the landis of Stenestoun hand within the said parochin ye said zeir 
sex bollis quheit sex bollis beir and xx bollis aittis. be ye said Adame 
Ethingtoun in Qxihitrig for his teyndis of the saidis lands the said zeir 
ane boll of quheit ane boll of beir and sex bollis aittis. Be Johnne 
gulanis wyfe in Auldersoun for her teyndis yrof. of ye zeir foirsaid twa 
bollis quheit twa bollis beir and viii bollis aittis Price of ye boll of 
"uheit the said zeir 50s. price of the boll beir ye said zeir twa mkis. and 



APPENDIX. 523 

price of the boll aittis ye same zeir 20s. Summa 79/. 13s. M. Item 
restand awand to the said umqle Johnne the tyme of his deceis foir- 
said be the Psons following the sowmes of money & victuale under- 
writtin as for ane Pt of his stipende assignit to him for serulg. in the 
mlistrie of the said crope & zeir of God, 1571 zeiris in the first be Mar- 
garet Haldane Lady Colingtoun for the lambes term in the said zeir 
33/. 6s. 8d. Be Mr. Robert Wynrahame collector of Fyfe 32/. 17s. 
for ye said vmqle Johnnis victuale of the said pensioun sauld be him 
the said zeir. Be Robert Bennet tbre firlottis quheit Pee of the boll 
50.9. Summa 32s. 6d. Item restand awand to the said vmqle Jhonne 
the victuale and underspecifeit as for ane Pt of his said stipend the 
crop & zeir of God 1572 zeiris. In the first be Williame mchingstoun 
in Innecesk tbre bollis tua firlottis tua peckis quheit. Be Williame 
Vernor yair tua bollis tua firlottis thre peckis quheit. Be George Forma 
yair thre bollis tua firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Robert Dow- 
glasthre bollis tua firlottis tua peckis quheit. Be Johnne Cranistoun 
in Monktounhall thre bollis thre firlottis quheit. Be Johne Kerss yair 
thre bollis ane firlot tua pectis quheit. Be Thomas Thomsoun yair 
tua bollis tua firlottis tua pectis quheit. Be Adame wricht tua bollis 
ane firlit quheit. Be Williame Jolmestoun foure bollis ane firlot quheit. 
Be Dauid Hill in Inneresk ane boll thre firlotts thre pectis quheit. ex- 
tenden. to tua chalder quheit price of ye boll of quheit the said zeir 50s. 
Suma 80/. Be helene Cowtis relict, of umqle Richard Prestoun of 
quhithill ane chalder beir. Be Jonet Betoun in Litill Monktoun ellevin 
bollis beir. Be Williame Wauchop of Nudry mschell for the teyndis 
of the lands of Calcoittis thre bollis beir. Be Johnne Hill of that ilk tua 
bollis beir. Be the tennentis of the parochin of Kynglassie fbr.chalderis. 
beir as followis. Be Johnne Boswall in Gaitmylk ane chalder beir. 
Williame Swyne yair viii bollis beir. George Tod in Kyninmonth ane 
chalder beir. Helene Mertyne in Kynglassie and Wm. Boswall hir 
sone tuelf bollis beir. Wm. Boswall in Stintoun xii bollis beir exten- 
den. in ye haill to sex chalderis beir price of the boll Grheid tua mkis. 
Sua ane hundret twentie aucht pundis. Be the tennetis of the paro- 
chin of Newbirnshyre in Fyffe foure chalder aittis as follows vizt 
Williame Dishingtoun in Ranelery fourtene bollis aittis. Thome Al- 
cheur yair xiiii bollis beir. Johnne Zoung in the Coittis sex bollis 
aittis. Be David Sympsoun yair sex bollis aittis and be Andro 

yair sex bollis aittis. Be David Johnesoun in Monc- 

turpie aucht bollis aittis. Be Sympsoun foure bollis 

aittis price of the boll ouerheid 20s. Summa 64/. Item restand awand 
to ye said umqle Johnne, the sowmes underspecifeit as for ane Pt of 
ye sylver of his said stipend of the said zeir of God 1572 zeiris. In the 
first be James Rig of Carberry for the half teynd of Cowsland 33/. 6s. 

Sd. Be lady Edmestoun Spous to Andro Ker of 

hirsell knyt, for the vyr. half of the teyndis of the lands foirsaids 33/. 
6s. Sd. Be the said mgaret. Haldane lady Colyngtoun for the teynd 
of Hailis 66/. 13s. Sd. Be Robert Bennet 33/. 6s. Sd. Be Mr. James 
Macgill of Rankelor, neyer for his males of the lands of Pinkie for the 
times of Witsonday and mtymes, In the said zeir of God 1572 zeiris 
51/. 6s. Sd. And als resting be him of the males of the landis foirsaids 
of the zeir of God 1570 zeiris 45s. Sd. Be the executirs of vmqle Gil- 
bert Edmestoun for the males of the lands of Wowmet of the tme. of 
mtymes. the said zeir of God 1572 zeiris 22/. 8s. Be Jonet betoun for 

the males of Litill Monktoun Nyne pundis. Be the said 

Lady Edmestone and Archibald Prestoun of Wallefeild for the males 
of Netoun 14/. lis. 6d. Be James Riff of Carberry for the Maill yrof 

20/. Item be of Nudry for the Males of Calcottes 

45 R3 



530 APPENDIX. 

thre pundes. Be Robert Douglas in Inneresk for his males 3/. 19*. id. 
Be Wm. mchinston thair for his few niaill 27s. \0d. 

Summa of the detis abone writtin ) gon/ ig„ g / 
awing to ye deid ) ... 

Na detis awing be deid 
Summa of ye Inventare wt. ye detis I 152(3/ 19$ Qd 



awing to the deid 
To be Diuidit in thre Ptis ye ( «,_ , , Q , 
deidis pairt yrof. extendis to J °' D '- ld *' M ' 

ffollowis the latter will and legacie. 
Lord Jesus I comend my troublit spreit in thy Ptectioun and defence 
and thy troublit kirk to thy mcie. Becaus I haif had to do wt. dyuers 
Psonages of the miistrie qrunto god of his meie. erectit me wt. in this 
realme my dewetie cravis that I sail leve unto thaim now ane testimony 
of my mynd. And first unto the papistis and to the vnthankfull warld 
1 say that althocht my lyfe hes bene vnto thaim odious and that oftin- 
times }-ai haif socht my destruction & ye destructioun of ye kirk qlk 
god of his mercie hes plantit within this realme & hes alwayis preservit 
& kepit the samin fra thair crewale Intprysis zet to yaim I am compellit 
to say that onles thai spedele repent my departing of this lyfe salbe to 
yaim the greatest calamitie that evir zet hes apprehendit yaim. sum 
small appearance yai may zit haife in my lyfe gif thai haif grace to se; 
ane deid man haif I bene almaist yir tua zeiris last bypast And zet i 
wald that yai suld rypelie considder in quhat bettir estait yai and yair 
materis stands in yan it hes done befoir and thai haif hard of lang tyme 
befoir threatnit. hot becaus yai will riocht admit me for aneadminiser, 
I gif yai ouir to the Judgment of him quha knawis ye hartis of all and 
will disclose the secretis yairof in dew tyme. And yis far to the pa- 
pistis. To the faithfull God befoir his sone Jesus Christ and befoir his 
halie Angellis I Ptest yat God be my mouth, be 1 nevir sa abiect, hes 
schawin to zow his trewth in all simplicitie. Nane I haif corrupted, 
nane haif I defraudit, mchandise haif I nocht maide (to godis glorie I 
write) of the glorious evangell of Jesus Christ, bot according to the 
measr of the grace graunted unto me, I haif dividit the sermont of 
trewth in just Ptis, beatin doun the pryde of the proude In all that did 
declare yr. rebellioun aganis God, according as God in his law gevis 
to me zit testimonie, & raising vp the consciences trublit with the kna w- 
ledge of yr. awin synnis be the declaring of Jesus Christ the strength 
of his death & the michtie operatioun "of his resurrectioun. In the 
hartis of the faithfull off yis I say I haif ane testimony yis day in my 
conscience befoir God, how yat evir ye warld rage. Be costant yrfoir 
in doctrine that anis publictlie ze have professit, lat nocht sclandrous 
dayis draw zow away fra Jesus Christ, nayir lat the prosperitie of the 
wickit move zow to follow it nor yame. ffor howsoeuer it be yat God 
appeiris to neglect his awin for ane seasoun, zit he remanis ane Just 
Judge quha nathir can nor will justifie the wickit. lam nocht ignorant 
yat mony wald that I suld enter in particulare determinatioun of thir 
Pnt trubles, to quhome I planelie and simplie aswer yat as I neuir 
excedit ye boundis of Goddis scriptures, sua will I nocht do in yis pairt 
by Godis grace. Bot heirof I am assurit be him quha nathair candis- 
save nor be dissavit yat the castell of Edinburt, in the qlk all the mur- 
thour all the truble & the haill destructioun of yis puir commounweil! 
was Inventit, as our awin eis may witness, by yaim & by yair mate- 
naris was put in ex-ecutioun, sail cum to destructioun mantene it quhasa 
list, The destructioun I say of body & saull, except yai repent. I luik 
not to the mometarv prosperitie of ye wicked, ze not althot yai suld 



APPENDIX. 53\ 

remane conquerors to the cuing of or. lord Jesus, bot I luik to this sen- 
tence, that quhasaeur scheddis Innocent bluid defyles the land and 
provoikis Godis wrath aganis himself & the land, vntill his bluid be 
sched agane be ordor of law to satisfie gods anger. This is nocht the 
first tyme that ze haif hard this sentence, althot yat mony at all tymes 
sturrit at sik severitie I zit afferme the same being reddy to entir to 
gif compt befoir his Maiestie of the stewartship he committit vnto me. 
I knaw in my death the rumours salbe strange, bot be ze nocht trublit 
abone measor, belouit in the Lord Jesus. Bot zit agane I say, remane 
costat in ye trewt, & he quha of his mcie. send me, conductit me, and 
prosperet ye work in my hand aganis Sathan will provide for zow 
abundantlie, quhen yat athir my bluid sail wattir the doctrine taucht 
be me, or he of his mercie vtherwayis provide to put ane end to yis 
my battel). My executors I mak constitute & ordane mgaret Stewart 
my spous, Martha Margaret & Elizabeth knoxis my dochteris, and the 
faithfull to be orsmen. To my tua sones Nathaneell & Eleazare 
Knoxis I unfeignedlie leif ye same benedictioun yat yairdairest mider 
Mariorie Bowss left vnto yaim To wit that God for his sone Christ 
Jesus saik wald of his mercie mak yaim his trew fereris and als up- 
richt worschippers of him as ony yat euer sprang out of Abrahames 
loynes, quhairto now as than I fra my trublit hart say amen, ffurther 
I have delyuerit be Maister Randulphe to Mr. Robert Bowss schereff 
of the bischoprik & bruder to ye said Mariorie my vmqle dairest 
spous ye sowme of fyve hundreth punds of scottis money to ye vtilitie 
and proffett of my saidis tua sonis, The qlk money is yat pairt of sub- 
stace yat fell or pertenit to yaim be the deces of Mariorie Bowss yair 
moder of blissit memory, And augmetit be me as I myt. or may spaii 
to mak out the said sowme, for I ressavit of yris bot ane hundret 
merkis sterling, qlk I of my povirtie extendit to fyve hundret punds 
scottis, and yat in contentatioun of yair bairns pairt of geir qlkis may 
fail to yar by my deces. Item I leif to my saids tua sones Tua sylver 
drinking cowpis the ane of thaf is mket. J. K. M. on ye ane syde, and 
on ye vther syde wt. E. B. N. And in like mnner ye toyir wt. the 
same mk. and leres, The wecht of ye saidis twa cuipis contenand xxii 
vnce, or yrby., Tua salt fattis of sylver and xviii sylver spvnes, weyand 
xxxiiii z. and ane qr. vnces, price of ye vnce orheid 26s. 8cl. The qlks 
cuipis salt fattis & spvnes I leif in keping to ye said Margaret my spous 
qil my saidis sones be of the aige of xxi zeiris At ye qlk tyme I ordane 
& commandis hir to delyver the sami to my saidis sones, or to ony ane 
.of yaim, gif be deces ye vthir faillis. Item I leif also to my saids sones 
ane pairt of my saidis buikis of ye avail] of 307. And failzeing of my 
saids sones & thair airis I ordane the foirsaidis fyve hundret punds 
wt. ye syluer cuips spvnes saltfattis and buikis to return agane as 
eftir followis, That is to say, ye ane equale half yrof to ye said Mar- 
garet my spous & my saidis thrie dochteris, And ye vyir half of ye 
samr to my bruder Williame Knox and his airis quhatsumevir. Item I 
leif to my said spous Margaret Stewart, ye Aucht hundret merkis 
qlkis ar laid vpoun the landis of pennymoir quhairn scho is infeft be 
Andro lord Stewart of vchiltree my fader of law, and failzeing of ye 
said Margaret I leif ye same to my saids thre dochters & failzeing of 
thaim I leif the samin to ye said Andro lord Stewart of vchiltrie & his 
airis quhatsueuir, chairgeing & requyring my said fader of law & his 
airis, as yai will asuer befoir yat incorruptible Judge ye lord Jesus, 
yat yai suffer not my said spous & children to be defraudit or evill 
payit of the males & anual rent of the saids lands during the nonre- 
demptioun of ye samr. Item I lief to paule knox my bruder sonne ane 
hundreth pundis qlk lyis in wodset upoun Robert Campbellis landisin 
Kinzeanclewt & quhairin the said paule is ellis infeft, and yat to bo 



532 APPENDIX. 

ane help to hald him at ye scuilis. And as concerning ye rest of m> 
haill guids quhatsumeuir I lief to be dividit betuix my said sj ous & 
my saids thre dochteris, and becaus my said spous man tak the cair 
of ray saidis dochteris & faithfullie travell for thair guid nurischment 
& upbringing, Thairfoir I leif my said spous ye use of yr. geir qll yaibe 
mareit or cum to perfite aige, at qlk tyme I ordane thaim every ane as 
the tyme approaches to naif yair awin yat to yaim appertenis. 

sic subscribitur Johne Knox. 

Johne Adamesoun witness 

Rot. Watsoun witness 

Johne Johnesstoun witness 



Quotta 
gratis. 



The quote of yis testament is given gratis be speale com- 
mand of my lords Commissaris. 

No. XXI. The Testament of Mrs. Welch. 

(Glasgow Testament Register.) 

The Testament testamentar and In ventar of the guidis, geir, debtis and 
soumes of money quhilkis pertenit to vmquhile Elizabeth Knox, relict of 
vmquhile Mr. Johnne Welsche, sumty me minister at Air, within the pa- 
rochin yairof, the tyme of hir deceis Q,uha deceist In the moneth of Jan Li- 
ar, the zeir of God 1600 tuentie fy ve zeiris, ffaythfullie maid and gevin vp 
be hir awin mouthe Insafar as concernes the nominatioun of hir execu- 
touris nominat be hir and legaeie vnderwritten, and pairtlie maid and 
gevin vp be Mr. James Inglis, minister at Daylie, Mr. Josias Welsche hir 
sone, twa of the executouris nominat be the defunct Insafar as con- 
cernes the vpgeving of the Inuentar of hir guidis, geir, debtis awand 
In and Out, As hir latterwill and testament of the daite vnderwrittin 
mair fullie proportis. 

Inuentar. 

Item, the defunct had the tyme foirsaid the guidis and geir vnder- 
written of the availlis, quantities and pryc'es eftirspecifeit, vizt. the In- 
sycht of the hous in vtincillis and domicillis with the abuilzement of 
the defunctis bodie estimat to 3801. 

Summa of the Inuentar 380/. 

Debtis awand In. 

Item, thair was awand to the defunct the tyme foirsaid, the sowmes 
of money following : Be the persones eftirspecifeit, viz. Be Robert 
Wallace, burges of Air, and his cautionneris 2333/. 6s. 8d. Be Johnne 
Stewart burges yair 666/. 13s. 4c/. Be the Lady Cesnokis and hir 
sone the laird of Cesnok, 666/. 13s. id. Be Archibald Dumbar, 133/. 
6s. 8d. Be Vchtred Mc Dowgall of Mondork 66/. 13s. id. Be Johnne 
Stewart 133/. 6s. 8d. 

Summa of the debtis in, 4000/. 

Summa of the inuentar and debtis, 4380/. 

Debtis awand out. 

Item, thair was awand be the defunct, the tyme foirsaid, the sowme? 
of money following : To the persones eftir specifeit, viz. To Jonet 



APPENDIX. 533 

Kennedy of fie, 20/. ; to Bessie Ingrahame of fie, 10/. ; to Allan Cath- 
eart, Mr servand, of fie, 30/. 

Summa of the debtis out, . • 60/. 

Restis frie geir, debtis deducit, 4320/. 

Na diuisioune. 
Quota be compositioune, 219 merkis. 

Legacie. 

At Air, the aucht day of Januar, the zeir of God 1600 tuentie five 
zeiris, I, Elizabeth, relict of vmqle Mr. Johne Welsche, sumtyme min- 
ister at Air, being, at the pleasour of the Lord, now viseit with seik- 
ness and infirmitie of bodye, vncertane of the hore of my daithe, hes 
thairfoir, for setting in ordour of my worldlie effairis, maid my testa- 
ment and latterwil, as followis : Be the quhilk I nominat, mak, and con- 
stitute Mr. James Inglis, minister at Daylie, Mr. Josias Welsche, my 
sone, and Nathaniel] Welsche, also my sonne, my only executouris ; and 
willis and requestis Mr. John Ker, minister at Prestounepannis ; Williame 
Stewart, brother-german to Josias Stewart of Bonytoune; Alexander 
Schaw of Keirhill, aud Johnne Stewart, lait bailzie of Air, to be ouerismen 
and ouersearis of the weill of my bairnes ; and referris the vpgeving 
of the inuentair of my guidis, geir, deDtis and sowmes of money be- 
langing vnto me to the saidis Mr. James Inglis, Mr. Josias Welsche, 
and Nathaniell Welsche, my executouris foirsaidis, quhilk I declair 
salbe als sufficient as gif I had gevin vp the samyne myself. Item, I 
leif to the puir and hospitalitie of Air ffourtie pundis money of this 
realme; and I leiffthe hail! rest and remanent of my guidis, geir, deb- 
tis, sowmes of money, and vtheris quhatsumever belanging vnto me, 
or quhairvnto I haue richt and title in ony sort, to the said Mr. Josias 
Welsche, Nathaniell Welsche, 1113'' sones, and to Luyse Welsche, my 
dochter, eqallie amangis thame thrie, be equall dkisioun. Item, I leif 
to the said Mr. Josias Welsche, twa gold ringis. Item, to the said 
Nathaniel Welsche, ane gold ring; and 1 leif ane pair of golden brace- 
lets and ane chinze of gold, ane~taffatie gowne, and dames wyliecoitt, 
and ane taffatie wyliecoitt, with my silwir belt ; and with sex gold 
ringis, ane lang stalkit sylwir coup, twa sylwir spwnes, to the said 
Lwyse Welsche, my dochter. Item, I leif to the said Mr. Josias Welsche 
ane marmet sylwir pott, with the cover yairof and twa sylwir spunes, 
and I leif to the said Nathaniell Welsche, twa sylwir spunes. In wit- 
nes of the quhilk thing, to this my present testament, w r rittin be 
George Masoune, notai% I haue subscry vit the samyne with my hand, 
at Air, the aucht day of Januar, the zeir of God 1600 tuentie fyve 
zeiris ; befoir thir witnesses, James Will merchand burges of Edin- 
burgh, the saidis William Stewart, and Allexander Schaw, with Al- 
lane Cathcart, my servitor, and the said George Masoune, writter 
neerof. Sic subscribitur, Elizabethe Knox. Williame Stewart, witnes ; 
James Will, witnes ; George Masoune, notar, witnes. 

I, Mr. James Hammiltoune, of Westport, commissar of Glasgow, 
&c. be the tennor heirof, ratefeis, approvis, and conferrals this present 
testament and inuentar, insafar as the samyne is dewlie and lauch- 
fullie made and gevin vp, nathing omittit furth of the samyne, nor set 
within the just avail yairincontenit, and gevis and committis full 
power and intromissioun with the guidis and geir abonewrittin to the 
saidis Mr. James Inglis and Mr. Johne Welsche, twa of the executou- 
ris abonespecifeit allanerlie, with power to yame to call and persew 
yairfoir. Becaus twa of the executouris foirsaid hes maid fayth, as 
vse is, in respect of the said Nathaniell Welsch, the vther executouiis 
45* 



534 APPENDIX. 

niinoritie, and hes fund cautioun, as law will, as ane act maid yah 
vpoune at lenth beiris. At Glasgow, the xxiij day of Maij, 1625 zeiris 



No. XXII. 

Extracts from " A Historie of the Estate of Scotland from the year 
1559 to the year 1566." — MS. belonging to Thomas Thomson, Esq. 

[This is the MS. to which I have frequently referred in the account 
which I have given of the differences between the queen regent and 
the Protestants, in the years 1558 and 1559. At the beginning of it is 
the date "7th January, 1663," most probably the day on which the 
writing was begun. It is undoubtedly a transcript from a more an- 
cient MS. and the transcriber lias not been well acquainted with the 
old hand. Accordingly, he has sometimes left blanks, and at other 
times has evidently given a false reading. Only a small part of the 
original MS. seems to have been transcribed by him. In making the 
following extracts from it, I have endeavoured to select such passages 
or circumstances not mentioned in other histories; and I am not 
without hopes that the publication of these may contribute to the dis- 
covery of the original MS. which may be preserved in some public 
library or private repository.] 

In the moneth of Julij anno 1553, conveened in Edenburgh a certen 
number of the professours of Christ's Evangell. The cause of their 
meeting wes partly to assist certen brethrenof Dundie who wer sum- 
moned to vnderly the law by instigation of the bishops. And after 
consultation ad advice taken, the presented a suplication in the palace 
of Halyrud house to the queene regent, conteining in effect thes arti- 
cles ffollowing. In the first desyring that it might be lawful! to all 
such as pleased to meete publiquely that in any part within this 
real me of Scotland to read comon prayers in the mother tongue. 
Secondly, that it should be lawful to all persons haveing knowledge 
to preach the word of God without the leaven of mens traditions. 
Thirdly, that it should be lawfull for the sayd persons, ministers of 
God's word, to minister the sacraments, to witt, of baptisme and the 
lords supper, according to the true institution commanded by Christ 
and his apostels, and to the faithful! to recave the same. The which 
supplication the said queene regent receaved with a joyfull counte- 
nance forth of the hands of the Laird of Cadder in the presence of a 
great part of the nobilitie, the Papist Bishops also being present. And 
at that tyme shee gave an indifferent answere, saying always shoe 
would advise in the matter. But soon after shoe delyvered the said 
supplication to the Bpp of St. Andrewes to be advised with him that 
wes to be done, as the yssue of the said matter did declare. Alwayes 
the faithfull reioiced and gave condigne thanks to the eternal] our 
God, for that it had pleased him to give them the boldness to vtter 
themselvss to be such as desyred the advancemt. of his glory notwith- 
standing the multitude of their enemies. At the same meeting there 
wer certen brethren of Dundie, who were summoned to vnderly the 
law for the cause of religion. They wer releived vpon securitie to 
enter vpon eight dayes warning. Finally departing from Edenbrugh, 
everie man in their owne shyrs and townes they beganne to proceed 
according to the effect of the said articles privatly and publickly 
where they might without occasion of sedition or greate trouble; the 
greatest fervencie apeared in the Mearns and Angus, and Kyle and 
Fife or Lothian ; but chieflv the faithfull in Dundie exceeded all the 



APPENDIX. 535 

rest in zeal and boldnes, preferring the true religion to all thinj. s tem- 
porall. But in Edenburgh their meeting wes but in private houses. — 
In October the minister of Gods word John Willock came into this 
countrie, by whose godly sermons the brethren were strengthened in 
all places where the faithfull came, and the number increased dayly ; 
bot Sathan never ceases to suppress by all meanes the truth where 
he perceaves the same truely to increase. In the end of September 
following the Bpp of St. Andrews caused summone the preachers, 
viz. John Willok, John Douglas, William Harlaw, Paul Meffan, and John 
to appeare before him at St. Andrews the second of February 
following ; wherof the brethren being advertised, advised what wes 
to be done, and after consultation taken in the matter, caused informe 
the queene regent that the said preachers would appear with such 
multitudes of men professing their doctrine as wes never seen befor 
in such like cases in this countrie. Then the queene fearing some 
vproare or sedition, desyred the Bishopp to continue the matter, and 
declared that shee would send for the nobilitie and estates of the 
realme to advise for some reformation in religion, and for the same 
purpose assigned the seventh of March following for a convention to 
be holden at Edenburgh. bot the Bpp of St. Andrews caused warne 
all the sects of the Papists to the said day to hold a provincial coun- 
sell at Edenburgh, wher they being mett after some commoneing by 
the principal! Bpps with the nobles, whereof nothing in effect followed; 
then the sayd Bpps after their old manner offered themselves to the 
queene, to doe all that shee would command them, proveiding that 
they might be maintained in their dignitie for the suppressing of the 
truth, and after they were agreed with her vpon the summe which 
wes within 15,000/. they sate them downe in the Blackfryers of Eden- 
burgh in their vsuall councell. Where the 7th day wes devised, and 
the next sunday the 15th of March the said Bpp sang a magnifick 
mass of the holy spirit, as they tearmed it, for a beginning of the def- 
ormation. On the other part the comissioners of the faithfull met 
by themselves at the same tyme in Edenburgh, and everie day con- 
sulted for the furtherance of the gospell ; and finally perceaving that 
the queene regent and the Papists were agreed by reasone of the said 
summe promised by them to her, they departed, leaving the Papists 
still at their provinciall councell ; Where, amongst others of the stat- 
utes, the 23d of March the queene regent caused proclame this at the 
markett crosses at Edr. and other places, conteining in effect, that no 
manner of persone should take vpon hands to preache or minister 
the sacraments except they were therto admitted by the ordinarie or 
Bishopp vnder no less paine then death. And because they vnder- 
stood perfectly of the afore said proclamation that it wes disobeyed 
and contemned by the preachers, in April following,* for contraven- 
ing of the said acts and proclamations vnder the paine of Rebellion 
and putting to the home, which thing was done express agt. the laws 
and practice of the Countrie. In the end of this moneth of April] the 
minister of Gods word John Knox arrived at Leith,f and on the next 
day after his commeing, which wes called Phillipp, and Jacobs day, 
the Papists meeting at the Councell being well sett downe in the 
Blackfryers of Edenburgh, one came in and assured them that John 
Knox wes now come out of ffrance, [and] had bene all that night in 
the Towne : at the wch newes they being all astonished, leaving the 
councell rose suddenly from the board where they satt, and passing 

* "They w( re summoned," or some such words, must be supplied here. 

t There is a mistake here as to the date. Knox arrived on the 2d of May See pp 



536 APPENDIX. 

forth to the yeard altogether abashed, fearing the thing which came 
suddenly to pass. In the mean time that court wes cast so that they 
never mett there again to this day. Nevertherless, they sent inconti- 
nent a post to Glasgow to the queene, acquainting her of the matter, 
who caused him to be blowne loud to the home the third day after. 
Bot in the mean time the faithfull being informed of his commeing 
thirwith encouraged ceased not to give praise to God, and finally he 
being convoyed "to Dundie incontinent preached the word public- 
quely. 

Alwayes when they [the Lords of the Congregation] had purged 
the kirks in Sterling, and ordered the Friers as they had done with 
them in St. Johnstone and St. Andrewes, destroying the Altars and 
Idolls, caused the Evangell to be publicquely preached in the Parish 
Kirk, then they came to Edenbrugh the penult day of June not above 
1000 horse in companie, at the first commeing, with some men of 
warr about 300 men. But before their commeing to Edenbrugh, the 
Friers takeing the fray, for their master the Lord Seyton then Pro- 
vost who wes appointed them, wes wearie of his office, the ffriers 
then begane to dispose amongst their acquaintance the best of their 
goods which were left at that tyme, which thing the Rascall people 
perceiving went in finding the yates open and suddenly fell to work 
and sacked all. So that before the arriving of the Congregation 
neither Altars, nor Idolls, nor any thing pertaining to Idolatrie in the 
friers, wes left standing: soe that the whole Churches about Eden- 
burgh, as well as within the Towne being purged, the faithfull reioiced 
giving condigne thanks to the Eternall God who of his mercie had 
wrought so great things without the expectation of all men. The 
minister of Gods word John Knox the same day that the Congrega- 
tion came to Edenbrugh, made a Sermone in St. Giles Church, and 
the next day in the Abbay, so that the dumbe Idolls and all darkness 
being taken away, the clear Ligh-shineing of Gods word was truely 
preached. The third day after the arriveing of the Congregation at 
Edenburgh, My Lord of Glenkarne with the Gent, of the west coun- 
trie came to her [there 1] after that they had purchased [purged] the 
churches in Glasgow of Idolatrie. The names of the Lords of the 
congregation wes the Earle of Argyle, the Lord James, the Earle of 
Glencarne, the Earle of MenteetlCthe Earle Rothes. The same day 
after their comeing to Edr. the Lords and Principalis of the Congre- 
gation send to the Queene Regent, being at Dumbarr, my Lord of 
Glencame, the lairds of Cunninghamhead and Pittaro, declaring to 
her that the whole praetence wes for the suppressing of Idolatrie and 
advancement of the glory of God, desyring her to release the Preach- 
ers from the home, so that they might publicquely preach the word 
of God. The Lords in that cause offered to doe obedience and ser- 
vice, protesting that they meant nothing but the setting furth of true 
religion, and suppressing Idolatrie and superstition, and advancing 
the glory of God by preaching of the word. Aft that tyme they ob- 
tained of the Queene that the Preachers should be released from the 
home, so that they might preach freely to all such as pleased to heare 
them, which wes put in execution the nixt day after when they were 
released.* After this there were divers commeings [communings] 
for appointment in Haddington and other places, the Earl of Huntley 
being present for the Queene and others such as shee pleased to ap- 
point. The things that the Lords demanded consisted only of these 

* Are we to infer from this that the Protestant ministers had desisted from preaching 
while they were outlawed? I do not, indeed, recollect of an instance «<f nnv of them 
except Knox, preaching during that time. 



APPENDIX. 537 

two heads, that the word of God might be publiquely preached, 
and the frenchmen sent forth of the countrie ; but her mind was to 
drive tyme with them as well appeared. For shee had sent alreadie 
to france for more men of warr. During this time the Congregation 
of Edinburgh elected and chose John Knox publiquely in the^Tolbooth 
of Edr. for their minister the 7th of July. 

At length she [the Queene Regent] took purpose at Dumbarr, by 
conclusion of the Councell, the 22th of Julij, being assuredly informed 
tha,t the number of the Congregation wes verie small, should come to 
Ed*r. and compell the Congregation to dislodge. And for this purpose 
they made all readie that night to depart in the morning following. 
The Lords of the Congregation being advertised hereof (not with- 
standing their small number) resolved constantly to resist their [the] 
violence of their adversaries putting their trust in God whose cause 
they meantyned, preferring the equitie of their cause before the 
power and strenght of men. In the mean tyme there wes greate 
teare in the Towne everie man wundering what end and successe the 
matter should take. Shortly so shoone as the Lords were advertised 
that the men of war commeing from Dumbar drew neere the Towne, 
the 25th of June airly in the morning at the sound of the Common 
Bell where forth of Edr. with soe muney as God had moved 
their herts to assist them. The whole number of the Congregation 
exceeded not 1500 men. Which small number being putt in order in 
the East side of Craigingate, incontinent the horse men being with 
my Lord Duke and Monsieur D'ossell appeared to them vpon the 
sands of Leith north west from Lestellrig moveing towards Leith. 
And as soone as they come neere the East part of Gouburnes house 
that wes, they shott from the said place a peece of ordinance which 
dispersed the said horsemen, but soone after they yielded [?. e. the 
Lords of the Congregation retired] themselves, perceaving the whole 
number approaching, which were about 5000 men, horse and foote. 
The Congregation stood still in order on the east side of the Craig, 
and perceaving the adversaries within half a mile they prepared them- 
selvis to battel], not mynding [i. e. meaning] to remove out of that 
place. And albeit the Lordis had desyred the Captaine of the Castell, 
the Lord Erskin, to be on their side, nevertheless they could not per- 
suade him to shew them any favour, yet after the Principal! Lords 
had spoken with him, they sent from the Craigs desyring him that in 
respect in his conscience he favoured the Evangel], and that the mat- 
ter depended fully here vpon, that he would assist them with such 
help as he might, which thing he refused vtterly, assuring them that, 
if they would now [not?] take such appointment as they might have, 
he would declare himselve their enemie, as he had promised to the 
Queene in Dumbarr. In the mean tyme rideing on either side, they 
began to speake to appoint the matter which wes agreed vpon. 

[Anno 1560.] it was printed that the English men would be In Scot- 
land the 25th of March by land. After my Lord James had finally 
agreed with the Duke of Norfolke vpon all things, he arrived againe at 
at Pittenweeme the 9th day after his departing. In the meane tyme 
the Princippalls of the ffrenchmen being informed that the Queenes 
Armie wes not in readiness to come in before the said day. they tooke 
a hisrh enterpryse. For the 7th of March, they departed forth of Leith 
and other places where they had beine in garrisone to the greate de- 
struction and loss of the Countrie, the number of 2000 souldiers of the 
most able and best equipeit, beside 300 Horsemen and marched to- 
wards Lithgow, where they remained the firs night. All the Countrie 
wes in a fray, not knowing their purpose vntill the nixt day at night 
they came to Monebeth, and some of them lodged in Kirk in Tillock 



538 APPENDIX. 

The Duke being surely advertised that their purpose wes to come to 
Glasgow, he departed with small company the night before their arriv- 
ing. There wes in my Lord Duke's Company, the Earles of Arrane, 
Argyle, and Glencarne, with their howsholds only, ffor they suspected 
not nor would not have thought that the ffrenchmen durst at that tyme 
have taken such an enterprice. Imediately there wes proclamation 
made through Cliddesdale and other shires, and likewise privie writ- 
ings sent by my Lord Duke and the other Lords to their friends and 
servants, That they should incontinently cumeto him in Hamilton for 
their defence, and resistance of the ffrenchmen, and because warr 
[beacons were] brunt upon the highest hills for the same effect. But 
indeed they gather slowly, so that it appeared planly, if God would 
have suffered it, the ffrenchmen might easily and without any resist- 
ance have come vp Clyde, and had done whatever it had pleased them 
throughout all that Countrie. Not with standing after that they had 
taken by force the Bpps Castle, and had cruelly hanged a part of the 
souldiers (Scotts men) that were therein, and had chased the rest that 
made resistance in the Towne, the second day after ther comeing to 
Glasgow there came a writing to him [them] from the Queene, con- 
taining in effect that shee wes surely informed that the English armie 
was alreadie come from Barwick and within Scotland; wherefore 
shee wiled them with all possible expedition to returne againe, which 
they did imediately. The damage which they did wes not so greate 
as men supposed for they had no tyme sufficient. When the Lords 
that were at Hamilton were advertised of their departing, my Lord of 
Arrane with soe many horsemen as were readie, past forward to fol- 
low the ffrenchmen, pretending that if they had seen sufficient occa- 
sione to have midled with them. The next day they showed them- 
selves as the ffrenchmen past by the Callender, but there wes no ap- 
pearance, ffor there wes no partie. Alwayes they kept them closs 
together, for they exceeded not 800 men. Soe the ffrenchmen came 
to Lithgow, where they lay the space of 8 days, and made continuall 
spoile in all the Countrie about within the space of viii miles. The 
damage which they did of all especially of cattle, sheepe, and 
horse wes exceeding great, and likewise killed and tooke diverse men 
prisoners. Dureing this tyme the Congregation prepared themselves 
to meet the English armie, and for the same purpose there wes pro- 
clamation made in Cliddesdall, ffyfe, Angus, Mernes, and Strathearne. 
The ffrenchmen being surely advertised that the English armie wes 
in readinesse they came to Leith the 29 of March, where all things 
were prepared that were necessare for their defence, and every day 
they made spoil in the Countrie. 



No. XXIII. Letter, James V. concerning the progress of the Lutheran 
opinions in the diocese of Aberdeen, anno 1525.* 

[Extracted from the Burgh Records of Aberdeen.] 

Curia ballivorum burgi de Abirden, tenta xvirp die mensi 
Augusti 1525. 

Our Soueranis Ires in contrar Luthyr. 

James, be the grace of God, kinge of Scottis, to our Schereff of Aber- 
dene, and his deput, and to our louitts, Schyr Johne ruderfurd knyt, 

* See p, 38. 



APPENDIX. 5.'{9 

and thomas mezeis of Petfothellis, our scherefeys in thit part con- 
iunctlie and seuerallie specialie constitut, greting, fforsamekill as it is 
humelie menyt and schewin to ws be ane Reuerend fader in god, and 
our truist consalour, gawyne, bischop of Aberdene, yat quhar syndry 
strangers ande otheris wtin his diocesy of Aberdene, has bukys of 
that heretick luthyr and favors his errorys and fals opinionys, in- 
confrar our act of parliament laitlie mayd in our last parliament, Oure 
will is heirfor, ande we charge zow straitle and commandis yat incon- 
tynent thir our Ires sayne ze [make] publick ye sa5 r de act at all places 
neydfull and tak inquisitione gyfe ony personys be fundin wtin the 
sayd diocesy of Aberdene, that hes sic bukys, or fauoryssic arorys of 
the said luthyr, and that ze confisk yr gudes and inbring ye samyn 
to our wss and profict, efter the forme of the said act, as ze will an- 
suer yrupoun. ye quhilk to do, we commyt to you coniunctlie and 
seurlie oure full power be thyr oure Ires deliuering yame to zow deulie 
execut ande indorset agane to the berar. Geuin vnder our signet, at 
Edinburgh, ye sevint day of August, and of our regne ye xij zeyr 
Ex deliberacione dominor. consilii, &c 

Chepman. 



SUPPLEMENT 



[The first Poem inserted in the Supplement is so exceedingly rare, 
that the copy from which I have printed is supposed to be unique. It 
is valuable as the principal events in our Reformer's life are commem- 
orated in it, and the leading features of his character delineated, by 
the pen of one who was personally acquainted with him. As a curi- 
ous specimen of the Scottish language and versification at the period 
in which it was composed, the old orthography has been carefully 
retained. The serious reader will be pleased in tracing the vein of 
piety which runs through rhymes which must appear to him rude, and 
sometimes almost unintelligible. — Its author, John Davidson, was a 
regent, or teacher, in the University of St. Andrews, and afterwards 
successively minister of Libberton, and of Salt-Preston, now called 
Prestonpans. I have already referred to several of his other writings. 
Pp. 344, 379, 489. He also published a Catechism, entitled, " Some 
Helpes for Young Schollers in Christianity," printed at Edinburgh, by 
Robert Waldegrave in 1602. And he died about 1603. Note sub- 
joined to Jameson's edition of his Catechism, 1708. Life of Davidson, 
in Wodrow's MSS. vol. i. Bibl. Coll. Glas. 

The Latin Poems which follow are taken from a manuscript in the 
Advocates' Library, and exhibit traits in the characters of the princi- 
pal Scottish Martyrs and Reformers, with allusions to several events 
in their lives, which I have not met with elsewhere. On this account, 
md also as a specimen of Scottish literature, I have published a selection 
from the MS. which appears to have been written about the beginning 
of the seventeenth century. From the corrections with which it 
abounds, there is reason to think that the copy in the Library had 
belonged to the author. It likewise contains Latin Poems, entitled 
"IconesRegum Judse et Israelis." — The author, John Johnston, was 
a professor of St. Mary's College, in the University of St. Andrews, 
at the close of the sixteenth, and commencement of the seventeenth, 
century; and was the intimate friend and associate of Andrew .Mel- 
ville, the learned principal of that College. He published, " Hemes 
ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi. Lugduni Batavorum, 1603." 4to. 
And also " Inscriptiones Heroicae Regum Scotorum," which were 
reprinted in " Deliciae Poetarum Scotorum." His verses on Buchanan 
are inserted in " Poetarum Scotorum Musa? Sacrae," torn. ii. p. 500. 
It is said that he also published a book on the government of the 
church by bishops; but this I have not seen. There is a Life of John- 
ston, in Wodrow's MSS. vol. ii. Bibl. Coll. Glas.l 
510 



UPPLEMENT, 



5il 



A.NE BKEIF COM- 

MENDATIOVN OF VPRIOHT- 
nes, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that walk in it, 
amplifyit chiefly be that notabill document of Goddis 
michtie protectioun, in preseruing his maist vp- 
richt seruand and feruent Messinger of Christ- 
is Euangell, Iohne Knox Set furth in 
Inglis meter be M. Iohne Dauid- 
sone, Regent in S. Leon- 
ards College, 

IT Quhairunto is addit in the end ane short discurs of the Estatis quha 
hes cause to deploir the deith of this Excellant seruand of God. 

IT PSALME. XXXVII. 
IT Mark the vpricht man, and behauld the lust, for the end of that man 
is peace. 

f IMPRENTIT AT SANCTAN- 
drois be Robert Lekpreuik. Anno 1573. 



TO THE MAIST GODLIE, ANCIENT, AND WORTHIE 

Schir Iohne Wischart of Pittarow Knicht, M. Johne Dauid- 

sone wissis the continual! assistance of the Spreit of 

God, to the end, and in the end. 

Considering with myself (maist worthie Knicht) the greit frailtie and 
vnsureness of all strenthis eirthly quhatsueuer, quharin ma lefing god, 
vsis to put his traist on the ane part, and the sure fortres and saifgaird 
of vprichtnes, howbeit destitute of all aide warldly on the vther part: 
I culd not withhald my pen fro vttering of that praise and commenda- 
tion of vprichtnes, quhilk in my mynde I had consauit of the same 
Being chiefly mouit heirunto be the Miraculous (as I may weill call it) 
and maist wonderful! preseruatioun of that maist notabill seruand of 
God, and sinceir Preicheour of Christis Euangell, Iohne Knox. Quha 
being bot of small estimatioun befoir the eyis of the warld, (zit greit 
befoir God,) was hatit vnto the deith. And that euin be Kingis, 
Q,ueenis, Princes, and greit men of the warld, and finally be all the 
rabill of Sathanis suddartis (a,) in Scotland, Ingland, and France 

(a) soldiers. 
46 



542 SUPPLEMENT. 

Zea, not only was he hatit, and raillit on, bot also persecutit maist 
scharply, and huntit from place to place as ane vnworthie of ony so- 
cietie with man. And althocht thay were michtie and potent, zea, 
and wantit na euill will, and he on the vther syde ane pure man, alane, 
and oft tymes without help, or assistance of ye warld, zit was he 
michtely preseruit, and as in a maist sure saifgard (all the wickits 
attentis quha thristit nathing mair than his blude being frustrat) con- 
ducted to an maist quyet, peaciabill and happy end, to the greit 
aduancement ofGoddis glorie, and singulare comfort of his Kirk, and 
to the Confusioun of Sathan and discufort of all his wickit instrumetis. 
Thairfor that this sa notabil and euidet ane documet of the louing 
cair of our god towardis his seruads svld not with him be buryit bot 
abyde recent in memorie till all the inhabitantis of this Reahne in all 
ages to cum, I haue preissit (6) schortly in this ly till paper to mak, as it 
wer, ane memorial] of the same, and yat in that laguage quhilk is maist 
cumoun to this hail Reahne, to the intent that asweill vnleirnit as lernit 
may be partakeirs of the same. Not that I think my self abill to hand- 
ill sa worthie ane mater worthelie in ony toung, bot that partly I may 
schaw my gude will in this matter, and partly to gif occasioun to 
vtheris, that baith lies mair dexteritie in sic thingis, and greiter opportu- 
nitie of tyme, to intreit the same at greiter lenth. That be calling to 
mynd this notabill exepill of Godis louing cair towardis vs, we in all 
thir feirfull dayis (quharin he that seis not tryall approaching neir is 
destitute of Judgement) may be strenthnit and encourageit to ga ford- 
wart vprichtly, eurie ane in our awin vocatioun, without declyning 
outher to the richt hand or the left. And principally that oure watche 
men faint not, nor begin to iouk (c,) or natter with the world for feir 
of Tyrunis, bot that they may haue brasin facis, and foirheidis of Iron 
againis the threitenings of the wickit, codempning impietie of all per- 
sounis in plane termis, following the ensapill of this maist zelous ser- 
uad of God, of quhue.heirtofoir we hau maid mentioun, and that being 
assurit gif sa thay walk vprichtly in dischargeing of thair office, that 
thay ar in ye protectioun of the Almichtie. 

IT And this small frute of my sober trauellis, I haue thocht gude to 
offer and present to zow (maist worthie Knicht) not sa mekill for that, 
that I thocht it worthie to be presentit til ony: as that I wald let my 
gude will and grate (d) mynd, be the same appeir towardis zow, throw 
quhais procurement I obteinit the benefite of that godly and faithful! 
(thocht mockit and falsly traducit of the warld) societie, quhairof pre- 
sently I am participant. For the quhilk I acknawledge me, and my 
humbill seruice always addettit to zour honour. And howbeit (as I 
mon confes) na thing can proceid of me that may in ony wayis cor- 
respond to zour mentis towardis me: zit sal the thankfulnes of mynd 
at na tyme (God willing) be deficient. Quhilk is to be acceptit quhair 
vther thingis are lacking, in place of greit rewaird. And the rather 
haue I takin bauldness to dedicate this lytill Treateis vnto zour hon- 
our, baith becaus I vnderstude, zow euer to haue bene sen zour Chyld- 
heid, ane vnfenzeit fauourar, and mantenar to zour power of vprichtnes, 
quhais praise in this lytill Volume is intreatit. And also, that this notabill 
seruand of God (quhais michtie preseruation, notwithstanding the 
wickitis rage, to ane quyet end, chiefly mufit me to this busines) was 
maist belufit of zow quhile he leuit, and yat for yat greit vprlghtnes? 
quhilk ze saw from tyme to tyme maist viuely expres the self in him. 
And finally, that your honour may be mufit heirby, as ze haue begunne 
and continewit to this day ane zelous professour ofGoddis word, main- 

{b) pressed, endeavoured. (c) shift. (d) grateful. 



SUPPLEMENT 



543 



tenar of the samin, and lufer of his seruandis: sa ze may perseuer to 

the end of zour lyfe, without sclander to zour professioun, euer ap- 

prouing the treuth, and haitting impietie in all persounis, not leaning 

to warldly wisdome, nor louking for the pleasure of greit men in the 

.varld: Sen nane of thir thingis, but only vprichtnes, can outher mak 

ane pleasand to God, or zit sure in this warld. And sa traisting that 

zour honour will accept this my sober offer (till God grant better occa- 

sioun of greter) intill gude part, I commit zow to the protectioun of the 

Almichtie, that quhen it sail pleis God to tak zow furth of this 

miserie, ze may end zour lyfe in the sanctificatioun of his haly 

name. To whom be praise and Glorie, for euer. Amen. 

From Sanctandrois the XVIII. of February. 



ANE BREIF COMMENDATIOVN OF VPRICHTNES. 



SEN that we se men till haue studyit ay 

Into this eirth sic strengthis to prepair, 

As micht be saifgaird to thame nicht and clay, 

Quhen ony danger dang thame in dispair, 

Wald thow gude Reider haue ane strength preclair(e), 

Maist Strang and stark to rin to in distres, 

This lytill schedull schortly sail declair 

How that the surest Towre is vprichtnes. 



Prouer. 10. 
12, 13, 18. 
Ecclesi. 9. 
Ps. 25, 27, 91. 



Quhilk vprichtnes we may descriue to be : 
Ane traid of lyfe conforme to Godds command. 
Without all poysoun of Hypocrisie, 
Or turning to and fra, from hand to hand. 
Bot stoutly at the word of God to stand, 
Eschewing alwayis it for to transgres, 
Not bowing back for thame that contramand. 
This wayis we may descriue this vprichtnes. 

For first thair is na Caste]], Towre, nor Toun, 
Nor naturall strenth, as Alexander sayis, 
But manis Ingyne may vincous and ding doun, 
As that he had experience in his dayis, 
Na strenth was sure to theme that was his fais : 
The Craig in Asia did beir witnes, 
Howbeit in hicht vnto the sky it rais, 
It was ouercum for laik of vprichtnes. 

Euin sa that bailful Bour of Babilone, 
Na saifgaird was to Darius we reid, 
Suppois it was ans maist Strang Dongeone, 
And mony ma I micht declair in deid 
Bot sic exempellis Foraine nane we neid; 
Qxihat surenes fand the Bischopis halynes, 
Into Dumbartanequhair he pat his Creid] 
It was not half so sure as vprichtnes. 

The force of men gif ony will obtend, 
Kinred, or friends to" be ane gaird maist Strang, 



lob. 31. 



Prouer. 5. 
Psalm 18. 



a Curt. li. 7. 



a Curt. li. 7. 



Q,. Curt. li. 5. 
Ieremi. 51. 



Ps. 33, 40. 60 
Esai. 31. 



(e) excellent. 



544 



SUPPLEMENT. 



All is bot vane, they can not man defend, '.eremi. 17. 

For quha mair surely into Royat (/) rang, 

Nor the greit Conquerour his friendis amang d. Curt. li. 10. 

Zit was he poysonit, as sum dois express, 

Intill his Camp quhilk he had led so lang: 

Than quhat is force of man till vprichtnes 1 

Riches and rent we ken dois not abyde, Prouer. 11. 

Bot flittis and fachis (g) euer to and fra ; Eccles. 5. 

Than vane it is in thame for to confyde, Job. II. 

Sen that we se thame asweill cum as ga: Psalm. 49. 

Thairfoir my friendis sen that the case is sa, 1 Timot. 6. 

That warldly strength can haue na sickernes, Zephan. I. 

Sum vther saifgaird surely we mon ha, Ecclesi. 2. 

Quhilk is nocht ellis bot only vprichtnes. Nahum. 3. 

Bot sum perchance that winks mair wylelie, 
Will say thay wait ane wyle (h) that I na wist, 
With iouking thay will jangil (?) craft elie, 
And on thair feit will ay licht quhen thay list, 
Thinking all surenes thairin to consist : 
Hypoerisie is quent (k) with quyetnes, 
Bot all begylit thay ar into the mist; 
For nathing can be sure but vprichtnes. 

For quhat become offals Achitophell, 
For als far as he saw before his neis, 2. Sam. 17. 

The Scriptures schawis I neid not heir to tell. 
The lyke of this in mony Historeis, 

I micht bring furth that to my purpois greis, Psalm. 7. 

How Hypocrites into their crafty nes, Ester. 7. 

Thame selfis hes trappit with greit misereis, 
Becaus thay did eschew all vprichtnes. 

Bot quha sa euar on the vther syde 
Hes preissit peirtly to leif vprichtlie, Ester. 6. 

And be the treuth bound bauldly till abyde, Dani. 6. 

Hes euer had the maist securitie. 
For thay had God thair buckler for to be, 

Quhome we mon grant to be ane Strang fortres, Psalm. 76. 

Of quhome the Deuill can not get victorie, Psalm. 89. 

Nor all the enemies of vprichtnes. 

Think weill my friendis this is na fenzeit fair,(Z) 1 Sam. 17. 18. 

For quha sa list of Dauid for to reid, 19. 20. 21. 22. 

May se quhat enemies he had alquhair, 29. 33. 

And zit how surely he did ay proceid ; 2 Sam. 2. 3. 5 

Becaus he walkit vprichtly in deid. 8. 15. 16. 18. 

He was mair sure from Saulis cruelnes, 20. 

Nor gif ten thousand men intill his neid, 1 Sam. 23. 
Had with him bene syne lackit vprichtnes. 

Of sic exempills we micht bring anew, 
Bot ane thair is that preifis our purpois plane, 
Of Daniell that Propheit wyse and trew, Dani. 6. 

How oft was he in danger to be slane ! 

(£) juggle. 



(/) royalty. (,ff) changes situation, 

(&) acquainted, or (perhaps) crafty. 



ih) know a trick. 
(I) feigned affair. 



SUPPLEMENT. 545 

into the Lyonis Den he fand na pane ! 

The three Children the fyre did not oppres. Dani 3. 

I think this Only Historie might gane, 

To preif how sure a Towre is vprichtnes. 

Bot zit bccaus exempills fetchit far, 
Mufis not so muche as thay thingis quhilk we se, 
I purpois schortly now for to cum nar, 
Vnto the but (m) quhair chiefly I wald be: 
That is to schaw the prufe befoir zour ee 
Of thir premissis, as all mon confes 
That hes sene God wirking in this countrie, 
How ane hes bene preseruit in vprichtnes. 

It is Iohne Knox in deid quhome of I mene, 
That feruent faithfull seruand of the Lord, 
Quhome I dar bauldly byde at till haue bene, 
Ane maist trew Preichour of the Lordis word. 
I raknathing quhat Rebalds (n) heir record, 
Q.uha neuer culd speik gude of godlynes. 
This man I say eschaipit fyre and sword, 
And deit in peace, in praise of vprichtnes. 

Bot that this may be maid mair manifest : 
I will discurs sum thing in special], 
Tuiching this Lamp, on lyfe quhill he did lest. 
First he descendit bot of linage small; 

As commaunly God vsis for to call Amos, i. 7 

The sempil sort his summoundis til expres. Mark. 1. 

Sa calling him, he gaue him giftis with all 1. Cor. 1. 

Maist excellent, besyde his vprichtnes. Iaco. 2. 

For weill I wait that Scotland neuer bure, 
In Scottis leid (0) ane man mair Eloquent. 
Into perswading also I am sure, 
Was nane in Europe that was more potent. 
In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent, 
And als in Latine toung his propernes, 
Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present. 
Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes. 

For fra the tyme that God anis did him call, 
To bring thay joyfull newis vnto this land, 
Q,uhilk hes illuminat baith greit and small, 
He maid na stop but passit to fra hand, 
Idolatrie maist stoutly to ganestand : 
And chiefly that great Id oil of the Mes. 
Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand, 
Zit schrinkit he na quhit from vprichtnes. 

The greuous Galayis maid him not agast, 
Althocht the Prelats gold in greit did geif, 
Ouir schipburd in the sey him for to cast, 
He fand sic grace they sufferit him to leif. 

■m) butt, or mark, (><) I regard nothing what worthless fellows, &c. (0) language 

in* T3 



546 SUPPLEMENT. 

Zea mairatour they did him not mischief. j. 

As thay did his Companzeounis mair and les, 

With pynefull panis quhen thay thair pythis did prei£ 

God sa prouydit for his vprichtnes. 

In Ingland syne he did eschaip the Ire, 
Of Iesabell, that Monstour of Mahoun, (p) 
In Scotland nixt with terrour him to tyre, 
Thay brint his picture in Edinburgh Toun. 
Bot sen to Scotland last he made him boun, (q) 
Quhat battell he hes bidden ze may ges, 
Sen Dagon and thay Deuillis he gart ding doun, 
In spite of thame that hatit vprichtnes. 

Thay that hes bene cheif in Authoritie, 
For the maist part had him at deidly feid, 
Zit he eschaipit all their crueltie, 
Howbeit oftymes thay did deuyse his deid. 
Zea, sum were knawin perfitely be the heid 
Q,uha vndertuke his Dirige for to dres, 
Zit bauldly be hes baner~he abaid, 
And did not iouk ane ioit from vprichtnes. 

Bot chiefly anis he was put to ane preace, (r) 
Quhen that the Q.uene of tressoun did accuse him 
Befoir hir Lords' in haly Rudehous place. 
Quhair clawbacks of the Court thocht till abuse him 
Sa prudetly this Propheit yair did vse him, 
Into refuting of thair fulischenes, 
That all the haill Nobilitie did ruse (s) him 
And praisit God for his greit vprichtnes. 

Quhen Quene and Court could not get him couict, 
Bot sa wer disappointit of thair pray, 
Thay fryit in furie that he schaipit quick, 
Zit at the leist to get thair wills sum way, 
Thay wald haue had him wardit for ane day, 
In Daueis Towre, zea, for ane hour or les, 
It was denyit for ocht the Quene culd say, 
Thair micht be sene how sure was vprichtnes. 

Bot in quhat perrell trow ze he was last, 
Quhen Edinburgh he left with hart full sair, 
Doubtles na les nor ony that hes past, 
In spyte thay spak that him thay suld not spair 
Thay suld him schuit into the pulpit thair 
Becaus he did rebuke their fylthenes, 
And mischant (t) murther that infects the air, 
Zit God preseruit him in vprichtnes. 

Mony ma dangers nor I can declair, 
Be sey and land this Propheit did sustene, 
In France and Ingland, Scotland, heir and thair, 
Quhilk I refer to thame that mair hes bene 
Intill his company and sic things sene, 
Bot this far schortly I haue made progress, 
To preif how God maist surely dois mantene, 
Sic as continew intil vprichtnes. . 

(p. th». devl. (#) ready, (/) press, difficulty. t.s) extol. <Jt) wickea 



SUPPLEMENT. 

For this Excellent seruand of the Lord, 
Vnto the deith was hatit as we knaw, 
For sinceir preiching of the Lordis word 
With Kingis, Princes, hie estait and law, 
Zit in thair Ire him micht thay not ouirthraw, 
He did depart in peace and plesandnes : 
For all the troublis that ze hard vs schaw 
That he sustenit for lufe of vprichtnes. 

And this is merwell gif we will consider, 
Ane sempill man but (w) warldly force or aide, 
Aganis quhome Kings and Princes did confidder (v) 
How he suld fend (w) from furie and thair fead, (x) 
Syne leaue this lyfe with list for all thair plaid, (y) 
He had ane surer gaird we mon confes, 
Nor ony warldly strenth that can be maid, 
Q,uhilk was nathing but only of vprichtnes. 

Bot sum may say quhairto suld thow prefer 
This vprichtnes quhilk thow extolls sa hie 
Vntil all warldly strenthis that euer werl 
Sen that the contrair daylie we may se, 
How upricht men ar murtherit mischantlie, 
As first was Abell with greit cruelnes, 
Gude Iohne the Baptist, and als Zacharie, 
Zea, Christ him self for all his vprichtnes. 

Peter and Paull with mony ma sensyne. 
And of lat zeiris in Ingland as we knaw, 
How mony piteously was put to pyne. 
And now in France that schame is for to schaw. 
lames our gude Regent rakkin in that raw, (z) 
Q,uha had rung zit wer not his richteousnes. 
Sa, I can se nathing sa sone ouirthraw 
Man in this eirth as dois this vprichtnes. 

To this I answer into tennis schort, 
Q,uhen warldly strenth is vincust and maid waist 
With it man tynis baith courage and comfort, 
Quhen it is tynt quhairin he pat his traist: 
Bot quho that deith in vprichtnes dois taist, 
Sail haue the lyfe that lests with joyfulnes, 
Sa they ar sure, becaus they ar imbraist 
Be the Eternall for thair vprichtnes. 

Bot this sa lichtly we may not pass by : 
I grant indeed quha preissis vprichtlie 
To serue the Lord mon first themselfis deny, 
And na wayis dres to daut (a) thame daintelie 
Bot thame prepair for troublis Identlie (b,) 
For troublis ar the bage they mon posses, 
Sen Sathan ceisis not continuallie 
To troubill thame that followis vprichtnes. 



547 



Gene. 4. 
Matth. 14. 
2 Chron. 24. 
Matth. 27. 

Euseb. To. 4. 

fol. 7. 

Vide Sleidanum. 



Prouer. 11. 



Prouer. 11. 

Matth.- 16. 



Matth. 16. 

2 Timo. 3. 
Psalm, 34. 
1 Pet. 5. 
lob. 1. 



Q ihylis hading (c) thame befoir Princes and Kings, Luc. 21. 



(m) without. (v) confederate. (to) defend. (aj) enmity. (//) plea, controversy 
fa) reckon in that rank. («) cherish. (6) diligently. (<) dragging. 



548 



SUPPLEMENT. 



As rauing Rebalds rudelie to be rent, .. Reg. 13. 

Accusing thame of troubling of all things, 1. Reg. 17. 

As cankerit Carlis that can not be content, 

Except all things be done be thair consent : 

Now scornit, now scurgeit, now bad with bitterness, Matth. 27. 

Imprissonit, and sindrie fassiounis schent (d,) Ieremi. 38. 

And sum tymes dreuin to deith for vprichtnes. Act. 12. 

This is thair lote oftymes I will not lane (e) 
Into this eirth that vse to be vpricht, 
Bot quhat of this] my purpois zit is plane: 
That is, that they are surer day, and nicht, Psalm. 91. 

For all this wo, nor ony warldfy wicht : Psalm. 118. 

For in thair conscience is mair quyetnes 
In greitest troublis, nor the men of micht 
Hes in thair Castells, without vprichtnes. 



For quhen Belshazzer greit King of the Eist, 
Ane thousand of his Princes had gart call, 
Drinkand the wyne befoir thame at the Feist, 
Intill his prydefull Pomp Imperial! : 
Euin in the middis of this his mirrie hall 
He saw ane sicht that sank him in sadnes, 
Quhen he persauit the fingers on the wall, 
Wryting his wrak for his vnvprichtnes. 

Quhat sail I say? I need not till insist, 
To schaw how thay to God that dois Rebell, 
In thair maist micht can not be haldin blist, 
For in this warld they do begin thair hell, 
As Cain did that slew the iust Abell : 
Within thair breist thay beir sic bailfulnes, 
That toung of men can not the teynd part tell, 
Of in wart torments for vnvprichtnes. 

Bot thay that walks vprichtly with the Lord 
In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest, 
As the Apostillis doung (/) for Goddis word, 
Reioysit that for Christ sa thay were drest; 
Peter in prisone sleipit but molest ; 
Paull in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes, 
Did sing ane Psalme at midnicht, sa the best 
Surenes that man can haue, is vprichtnes. 

Sa be this surenes now I do not mene, 
That Godds seruands ar neuer tane away, 
Be cruell men, for the contrair is sene, 
For God oftymes of his Iudgements I say, 
Letts thame so fall, as thocht befoir the day: 
To plague the warld for thair vnthankfulnes 
Quhilk is not worthie of sic men as thay. 
Bot I mene this be strenth of vprichtnes, 

That quhen it plesis God to let thame fall, 
Thay haue sic inwart comfort without cair, 
That thay depart with ioy Angelicall, 



Dani. 5. 



Gene. 4. 
Esai. 66. 
Prouer. 15. 



Prouer. 14. 
Acts. 5. 



Act. 12. 
Act. 16. 



Esai. 3. 
Heb. 11 



Acts. 7. 
2 Timot. 4. 



'fr maimed or disgraced. 



M conceal. 



(/) beat, or scourged 



•SUPPLEMENT. 

Of lyfe assurit'tiiat lestis for euer mair. 

And zit sum tyme he dois his seruands spair, 

To let the Tyrannis se his michtines, 

In spyte of thame, that he can his alquhair 

Preserue maist surely intill vprichtnes. 

Quhilk we haue sene as we can not deny, 
Into lohne Knoxis michtie presentation, 
Quhilk till our comfort we suld all apply, 
I mene that ar the Faithfull Congregatioun. 
Sen he departit with sic consolatioun 
Euen as he leuit, he deit in Faithfulnes, 
Being assurit in Christ of his Saluatioun, 
As in the end he schew with vprichtnes. 

Sa is he past from pane to pleasure ay, 
And till greit eis doubtles vntill him sell, 
Bot for ane plague till vs I dair weill say, 
As sair I feir we sail heir schortley tell, 
Schir wink at vice (§•) beginnis to tune his bell. 
Bot on this held na mair I will digres, 
That gude men hes mair rest in all perrell 
Nor wickit in thair welth bot vprichtnes. 

Then sen alwayis we se that men ar sure 
Throw vprichtnes quhidder they hue or die, 
Let all gud Cristianes Imploy thair cure, 
In thair vocationn to leif vprichtlie; 
And chiefly let all preicheouris warnit be, 
That this day God and the gude caus profes, 
Na wayis to wink at sic Impietie 
As chiefly dois withstand all vprichtnes. 

Taking exempill of this Propheit plane, 
Quhome heir befoir we breuit in this bill, (h) 
Quha Goddis reuelit will wald neuer lane, 
Qxihen men begouth for to delyte in ill, 
He wald not wane ane wy (i) for na manis will 
For to rebuke Erie, Barrone, or Burges, 
Quhen in thair wickit wayis thay walkit still. 
Follow this Lamp I say of vprichtnes. 

Let nouther lufe of friend, nor feir of fais, 
Mufe zow to mank (k) your Message, or hald bak 
Ane iot of zour Commission ony wayis: 
Call ay quhite, quhite, and blak, that quhilk is blak, 
Ane Gallimafray (7) neuer of them mak: 
Bot ane gud caus distingue from wickitnes, 
This kynd of phrais sumtymes this Propheit spak, 
Quhen he saw sum not vsing vprichtnes. 

In generall do not all things inuolue, 
Thinking zour selfis dischargeit than to be, 
Thocht ha rnanis mynd in maters ze resolue : 
For (zit till vse this same manis Elogie) 



549 



Esai. 41. 
Ierem. 1. 4. 5„ 



Psalm. 37 



Tit. 1. 



Psalm. 40. 
Esai. 5. 

2 Timot. 2 



2 Timot. 2. 



(g) Sir Wink-at-vice, an allegorical character. CO described in this work 

(i) probnbly, waynd ane wee., i. e. swerve a little. (*) cur'ail. (0 a hotch potch 



550 



SUPPLEMENT. 



2 Timot. 4. 

Act. 17. 
Esai. 58. 
1 Timot. 5 



To speik the treuth, and speik the trueth trewlie, Num. 23, 24. 
Is not a thing (m) (said he) brethren doutles. 
Thairfoir speik trewly but Hypocrisie, 
Gif ze wald haue the praise of vprichtnes. 

Let vice ay in the awin cullouris be kend, 
But beiring with, or zit extenuatioun, 
Schawing how heichly God it dois offend, 
Spairing'na stait that maks preuaricatioun: 
Let it be sene till all the Congregatioun, 
That ze sic haitrent haue at wicketnes, 
That ze mon dampne their greit abhominatioun, 
Q,uha planely fechtis aganis all vprichtnes. 

Quhilk tred of doctrine gif ze anis begin Psalm. 38. 

I grant the Deuill and warld will be agane zow; Psalm. 41. 
The feid of fremmit, and craibing of zour kin, (n) 
First ze sail find, syne terrour to constraine zow 

To syle the suith, (o) and sunze, (p) I will plane (q) zow. 

The Zock is not sa licht as sum dois ges; Nahum. I. 

Bot zit haue ze na dreid quha do disdane zow, Psalm. 31. 

Sen that zour fortres sure is vprichtnes. Psalm. 34. 

For pleis it God zour lyfe to lenthen heir, 
fThocht all the warld aganis zow wald conspyre, 
Thay sail not haue the power zow to deir, (r) 
Albeit they rage and rin wod (s) in thair Ire, 
And gif that God thinks gude be sword or fyre 
To let zow fall, be ay in reddynes : 

Being assurit that heuin salbe zour hyre, 2 Timot 4 

Because ze endit sa in vprichtnes. 

Let not the lufe of this lyfe temporal], 
Quhilk ze mon lose, but let, quhen ze leist wene, (t) 
Stay zow to cois («) with lyfe Celestial], 
Q,uhen euer that the chois cumis thame betwene, 
Christis sentence in zour garden keip ay grene, 
duha sanis his lyfe shall lois it not the les. Matth. 16 

Quhilk euin into this warld hes oft bene sene, 
Q,ahat gaine is than to deny vprichtnes 1 

Than to conclude, sen in thir dangerous dayis 
Sa mony terrours Tyranis casts befoir zow, 
Call vpon God to strenthen zow alwayis, 
That with his haly Spreit he will decoir zow, 
As he hes done his seruands ay befoir zow, 
That ze may neuer wink at wickitness, Esal. 51. 

With Gun & Gainze (v) thocht thay boist to gor zow, 
Sen that zour Towre sa sure is vprichtnes. 

IT FINIS. M. I. D. 



(m) one thing. (n) the hostility of strangers, and anger of relations, 

(o) conceal the truth. (p) anxiety. (q) plainly telL (r) injure 

(s) run mad. (t) without hinderance, when ye least think. («) barter, 

(w) gainze signifies sometimes an engine for throwing weapons, and sometimes the 
weapon thrown. 



SUPPLEMENT. 551 



ANE SCHORT 

DISCVRS OF THE ESTAITIS 

quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this 
Excellent Seruand of God. 

npHOW pure conterapnit Kirk of God, 
-*- In Scotland scatterit far abrod, 
Q,uhat leid (a) may let the to lament : 
Sen baith the Tyger and the Tod, 
Maist cruellie cummis the to rent. 
Thow wants ane watcheman that tuke tent, 
Baith nicht and day that nocb* suld noy the, 
Allace thow wants the Instrument, 
That was thy Lantrene to conuoy the. 

Thy lemand (6) Lamp that schew sic licht 
Was gude Iohne Knox, ane man vpricht, 
Quhais deith thou daylie may deploir. 
His presence maid thy bewtie bricht, 
And all thy doings did decoir: 
He did him haillie indeuoir, 
Thy richteous actioun to maintene, 
And libertie to the restoir, 
Pleading thy caus with King and Uuene. 

He neuer huntit benefice, 
Nor catchit was with Couatice, 
Thocht he had offers mony one 
And was als meit for sic office 
As outher gellie (c) Iok or Iohne, 
His mynd was ay sa the vpon, 
Thy only weilfair was his welth ; 
Thairfoir lament sen he is gone, 
That huikit nathing (d) for thy helth. 

Lament Assemblie General!, 
At thy Conuentionis, ane and all, 
For thou wilt mis ane Moderatour, 
Q,uhais presence mufit greit and small, 
An J terrifeit baith theif and tratour, 
With all vnrewlie Rubiatour, (e) 
Thair ionkers durst not kyth thair cure, 
For feir of fasting in the frateur, (/) 
And tynsall of the charge thay bure. 

But now I feir that thow sail se 
Greit missing of that man to be, 

(a) lay or song. (J) shining, bla7ing. (c) good fellow, bon vivant 

(d) thought nothing too much. 'e) ragamuffin, vagabond 

(/) fratornity, alluding to the fastings of the mars. 



552 SUPPLEMENT. 

Quhen craftie heidis sail na mair hyae 
The hurde (g) of thair hypocrisic, 
Bot all sinceirnes set asyde, 
With policie will all things gyde, 
Thir Balamis birds sair may tho-w feir: 
Thairfoir be Godds buke abyde, 
And to sic bablers giue na eir. 

Giue strange opiniounis enteris in, 
Tak tent quha sic thingis dois begin, 
And with sic matteris mynts to mell ; (h) 
For Sathan ceisis not fra sin, 
The Kirk of Christ seikins; to quell. 
Sic folly faill not to refell : 
For when the reik(r) beginnis to ryse, 
The fyre will follow as thay tell, 
Be it not quencheit be the wyse. 

Bot cheifly murne and niak thy mane, 
Thou Kirk of Edinburgh allane, 
For thow may rew by (k) all the rest, 
That this day thow wants sickin ane. 
Thy speciall Pastour, and the best 
That ony Kirk had eist or west. 
He did comfort the in all cair, 
And the foirwairnd of thy molest, 
Quhairby thow micht thyself prepair. 

There was na troubill come to the 
Bot he foirspak it oppinlie, 
• Thocht sum the mater than did mock, 
Gif he spak suith now thow may se, 
This day thy heid is in the zock, 
God send the blyithnes of this block, 
And freith the from thy fais aboue the ; 
For thow art the maist feruent flock 
That Scotland beiris, as deid dois proue the. 

And giue God sa handills the best, 
Allace what sail cum of the rest, 
Except repentance rin and red : 
It is ane mirrour manifest, 
Of dule and dolour to be dred, 
To fall on thame this barret (/) bred. 
Bot till our purpois to returne, 
Thocht of this feir thow salbe fred, 
Zit lies thow mater for to murne. 

Because that watcheman thow dois want, 
That the in puretie did plant, 
And comfortit thy congregatioun : 
Bot zit thocht he be gane I grant 
T/ie Lord can send the consolatioun, 



s) treasure (7<) attempts to meddle. (i) smoke, (fc) above. 

(Z) tre tble, contention. 



SUPPLEMENT 

Gif thow giue him dew adoratioun, 
He will not leaue the comfortless, 
As alreddy thow hes probatioun. 
God grant thy Preicheours vprichtnes. 

IT Ze Lords also that dois frequent 
The loft in Sanct Geills Kirk lament, 
That Bogill (m) thair that ze hard blaw, 
With quhome quhyles ze wer small content, 
For the schairp threitnings he did schaw ; 
Zit thay maid zow sumquhat stand aw, 
Thocht not so muche as neid requyrit. 
This day in graue he lyis full law, 
Quhilk langtyme was of him desyrit. 

For seing all things not go weill, 
He said thair suld not mis ane reill 
That suld the cheifest walkin vp. 
Gif he said suith this day ze feill, 
Luke gif God hes begun to quhup, 
Bot thair byds zit ane sowrer Cup, 
Except zour maners ze amend, 
The dreggs but dout als ze sail sup : 
From whilk danger God zow defend. 

Sanctandrois als not to leif out, 
His deith thou may deploir but dout, 
Thow knawis he lude the by the laue,(n) 
For first in the he gaue the rout 
Till Antechrist that Romische slaue, 
Preicheing that Christ did only saue. 
Bot last, of Edinburgh exprest, 
Q,uhen he was not far fra his graue, 
He came to the by all the rest. 

God grant that thow may thankfull be, 
For his greit graces schawin to the, 
In sending the his seruands trew, 
Amen. Thow heiris na mair of me. 
Bot Kyle, and Cuninghame may rew 
Als sair as ony that I schew, 
To quhome this darling was maist deir; 
And vther gentill men anew, 
Quhome I haue not reheirsit heir. 

Than last of all to turn to zow, 
That wer our brethren, bot not now : 
God grant agane ze may cum hame, 
For we suld wis zour weill I vow, 
As also did this man be Name, 
Thocht sum said he did zow defame, 
He prayit to God that ze micht turne, 
That ze micht schaip Eternall schame; 
Thairfoir zour part is als to murne. 

Cm) brgle-hom. («) Thou knowest he loved thee above the : 

47 U3 



M3 



'.,54 SUPPLEMENT. 

For doutles he was mair zour freind, 

Nor thay that winkit, or manteind 

Zour fulische factioun and vnfair. 

In deid that ze suld not susteind, 

He thunderit threitnings to the air, 

To terrifie zow mair and mair, 

And rug (o) zow back that ze micht rew : (j») 

For he knew perseueird ze thair, 

Ze wer bot schipwrak but reskew. (q) 

Than all this land thow may lament, 
That thow lacks sic ane Instrument, 
Till sum not plesand, zit sa plane, 
That all the godly was content. 
Allace his lyke he left not ane, 
Nor I feir sail not se agane : 
Bot zit let vs nawayis dispair, 
For quhy our God dois zit remane, 
Q.uha can and will for his prepair. 

For thocht his deith we do deploir 
Zit is he not our God thairfoir : 
As wickit wardlings wald obtend, 
Gone is zour God quhairin ze gloir. 
The leuing God, we mak it kend, 
Is he, on quhome we do depend, 
Q.uha will not leaue vs in distres, 
Bot will his seruands till vs send, 
Till gyde vs throw this wildernes. 

Thairfoir letting thir Bablers be, 
Quhais chief Religioun is to lie, 
And all Godds seruands to backbyte, 
Traducing this man principallie: 
Let thame spew out in thair dispyte, 
All that thay will be word or wryte. 
Lyke as him self is into gloir, 
Sa sail all ages ay recyte 
Johne Knoxis Name, with greit decoir. 

IT FINIS. 



aVAM TVTVM 

SIT PROPVGNACVLVM, DEO SINE 
fuco inseruire, ex mirifica eximii Dei serui ioannis 
knoxii, in tranquillum vitae exitum, illusis omnibus 
impiorum conatibus, conseruatione, & eius exem- 
plum sequi, monemur. 

toDpuH- (p) repent. (?) but shipwrecked without 



SUPPLEMENT. 555 

aVEM petiere diu crudeles igne tyranni, 
Saepius & ferro quern petiere duces; 
Occubuit (mirum) nullo violatus ab hoste, 

Eximius Christi KNOXIVS ille sator. 
Nam pater iEthereus Regum moderatur habenas, 

Electosque potens protegit vsque suos. 
Muniat hinc igitur nostras fiducia mentes, 

Ne mors nos tetricis terreat vlla minis. 
Q,u6q; minus trepidi sistamus tramite recto, 

Huius ne pigeat viuere more viri. 

1T FINIS. Quod M. I. D. 



EXCERPTA E POEMATIS 
JOHANNIS JONSTONI 

QUIBUS TITULI 

IIEPI 2TE<t>ANflN 

SIVE 

DE CORONIS MARTYRUM IN SCOTIA, 

NECNON 

PECVLIVM ECCLESI^E SCOTICANiE. 
ms. in bibl. facult. jurid. edin. a. 6. 42. 

Patritius Hamiltonus.* 
Martyr Andreapoli xxviii. Febr. An. Christi ] 527 

E CsbIo alluxit primam Germania lucem, 

Q,ua Lanus, et vitreis qua fluit Albis aquis. 
Intulit nine lucem nostra? Dux praevius ora?. 

O felix terra ! hoc si foret usa duce ! 
Dira superstitio grassata tyrannide in omnes, 

Omniaque involvens Cimmeriis tenebris, 
Dla nequit lucem hanc sufferre. Ergo omnis in unam, 

Fraude, odiis, furiis, turba cruenta coit. 

* See p. 32. 



556 SUPPLEMENT. 

Igne cremant. Vivus lucis qui fulserat igne, 
Par erat, ut moriens lumina ab igne daret. 



Joannes Machab.evs,* 

Alpinus, Christianismi in Dania Instaurator, Hafnise Theol. Professor 
floruit 1550, teste Balaeo. 

I. 

Q,vae tulit in lucem me Scotia, luce frui me 

Non tulit. Haud mirum: sprevit et ipsa Deum. 
Anglia vix cepit. Subeuntem Teutonis ora 

Suscipiens fovit L. . onis in gremio. 
Lvtheri hie tetigisse datum dextramque Philippi: 

Cernere et hie Christvm lucidiore die. 
Me doctore dehinc amplexa est Dania Christvm; 

Hafnia dat patriam, datque eadem tumulum. 
Hue vitas cursus : supremi hie meta laboris. 

Hinc vehor exilii liber in astra metu. 
Havd jactura gravis, patriae tellure carere : 

In patria gravior posse carere Deo. 

II. 

De Joh. Machabaeo Patre, et Christiano, 
Filio Patris simillimo. 
Excedens terris Machabaevs liquerat vno 

Unius in nato pectoris efligiem. 
Filius hanc solam potuit tibi promere: at illvm 
Mors habet. Ecquis earn reddere nunc valeatl 



Alex. Alesivs.J 

(Obiit Lipsiae xx. Junij 1565.) 

Lipsiae Theol. Professor, de se et Joh. Machabaea 

Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitaeque laborumque, 

Ex quo nos Christi conciliavit amor. 
Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum; 

Pertulimus pariter praestite cuncta Deo. 
Dania te coluit. Me Lipsia culta docentem 

Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonos. 
Qui mea scripta legit, Machabaevm cernat in illis. 

Alterutrum noscis, noscis utrumque simul. 

* See p. 390. t See p. 389. 



SUPPLEMENT. 557 



Johannes Rochivs* et Thomas Gulielmivs, 

Uterque a sacris Jac. Hamiltono Scotie Gubematori, uterque Caristi 
nomine Exul; et ille postea Martyr in Anglia, 22 decemb. 1557, 
Londinj. 

Postquam iterum premitur redivivi gloria Christi, 

Et crudelis adhuc omnia Presul agit, 
Cessimus inviti Invidice, et crudelibus iris. 

Ah ! facilis nocuit Principis ingenium. 
Doctores nuper quae nos adscripserat Aula 

Deficit : et nostra? spes cecidere simul. 
Redditur exilium Christi pro munere. Christvs 

Exul erat : nobis sitne probro exilium 1 
Quid si mors adeunda sit] O mors ilia beata 

Qua vitae melior parta corona foret. 



Georgivs Sophocardivs,{ 
Sive Wys-hartus, Martyr, Andreapoli, Kal. Martii an. 1546. 

Quam bene conveniunt divinis nomina rebus ! 

Divinae hie Sophiae corque ocul usque viget. 
Qui Patris arcanam Sophiam, caelique recessus 

Corde fovens, terris Numina tanta aperit. 
Vnus amor Christvs. Pro Christo concitus ardor 

Altius humanis Enthea corda rapit. 
Praeteritis aptans praesentia, jvdicat omnia; 

Et ventura dehinc ordine quaeque docet. 
Ipse suam mortem, tempusque modumque profatur, 

Fataque Carnifici tristia Sacrilego. 
Terrificam ad flammam stetit imperterritus. Ipsa 

Quin stupet invictos sic pavefacta animos, 
Vt vix ausa dehinc sit paucos carpere. Tota 

Uicet innocui victa cruore viri est. 



Johannes Wedderbvrnvs.§ 
Pulsus in exilium, an. 1546. Exul in Anglia moritur 1556. 
I. 
Non meriti est nostri, meritas tibi dicere grates, 

Aut paria, aut aliqua parte referre vicem. 
Quae meruisse alii vellent, nee posse mereri est : 

Haec velle, hsec posse, haec te meruisse tuum est. 
Sic facis atque canis sacra : sic agis omnia, nil ut 
Sanctius, et nusquam purior ulla fides. 

* See pp. 46—7. t See p. 40. t See p. 40. $ See p. 393. 

47* 



5.58 SUPPLEMENT. 

Hinc nullum magis invisum caput hostibus : hinc et 

Nemo unquam meruit charior esse bonis. 
Grandius hoc meritum, nil te meruisse fateris, 

Humanis mentis nee superesse locum. 

II. 
De Johanne, Jacobo, et Roberto Wedderbvrno, Fratribus. 

Divisvm imperium, per tres, tria Numina, Fratres, 

Infera quaeque vides, qu33que superna, canunt. 
Vos miror potius tres vero nomine fratres, 

Vosque supra veneror, Numina vana, Deos; 
Concordes animas, clarissima lumina gentis, 

Tres paribus studiis, tres pietate pares. 
Felices qui vos tales genuere pa rentes, 

Quaeque orbi tellus pignora rara dedit. 
Progenitos Caelo Alectum* dedit inclyta terris : 

Inde Dei-Donum noraen habere putem. 



Johannes Knoxvs.j 

Primus Evangelii Instaurator in Scotia, post superiora cruenta ilia 
tempora, obiit placide Edenburgi xxiv. ixbris, hora noctis undeci- 
ma, 1572. 

I. 

Hie ille est Scotorum Knoxus Apostolus olim, 

Cui prior hos ingens Beza dedit titulos : 
Interpres caeli, vero qui Numine plenus, 

Plurima venturi praescia signa dedit. 
Facundum pectus. Libertas maxima fandi. 

Totus inexhausto flagrat amore Dei. 
Q.uam pia cura Poli, tam humani meta furoris : 

Tanto plus victor, quo furit iste magis. 
Post varios hostes aggressa Calumnia tandem 

Hoc didicit, nulli nee sibi habere fidem. 
Herovm Pietas odio est mortalibus. Unum hoc 

Arguat Heroem hunc crelitus esse datum. 

II. 

Cvra Dei: Romae pestis : Mundi horror: et Orci 

Pernicies : caeli fulmen ab arce tonans. 
Limite in hoc modico tanti jacet hospitis umbra: 

Vmbra silet ; tamen est hostibus horror adhuc. 

* Dundee. 

t The name of Scfiir John Knox occurs as a witness to a deed concerning Rannelton 
Law, dated 8th March, 1541, and preserved in an old volume of Protocols, belonging to 
the burgh of Haddington. There is good reason to think that our Reformer is the per- 
son named in that deed, which, in this view, confirms the statement in p. 23, that he was 
in priests orders before he left the Church of Rome. 



SUPPLEMENT. 559 

Johannes Willocvs.* 
Obiit in Anglia. 

Cum Patriae implessem donis ccelestibus urbes, 

Mille olim obiiciens mortibus hanc animam, 
Ipsa adeo exultat caeli sic luce sereni, 

Pene sibi ut caelum, et lux queat esse aliis : 
Excessi patria laetus tellure, libensque: 

Vt vicina istis cresceret aucta opibus. 
Hie etiam sevi caelestia semina verbi ; 

Gensque pia hie nostram plurima sensit opem. 
Haec et opes mihi, cumque opibus cumulavit honores 

Nee secus ac Patria me Anglia civem habuit. 
Bis civis gemina in patria : mihi tertia restat ; 

Possidet haeredem tertia sola suum. 



CHRISTOPHORVS GvDMANNVS.f 

Anglus, Ecclesiastes Andreapolitanus : moritur in Cestrensi provincia 
Angliae an. 1601. 

Non Ego, ceu credis, Scotis peregrin us in oris 

Publica nee rerum cura aliena mihi. 
Hie geniti Christo, hie geritur Respublica Christi: 

Christi Ego sum. In Christo his sumque ego congenitus ; 
Q,uin genui hie partem Christo. Patremque Ducemque 

Et licet, et gaudent me vocitare suum. 
Q,ueis patriam peperi : non hanc : sed quae altera caelo est 

Hac prior ; his dicar qui peregrinus ego : 
Alterutra jactent se alii regione profectos, 

Nomine se jactat utraque terra meo. 



Johannes Areskinus,{ 

Dunius, Equestri familia ortus, Religionis gravis et constans assertor, 
concionator nobilis, natus annos lxxx, moritur xii Martij, 1590. 

Post tot avos veteres, et tot decora inclyta rerum 

Surgit Areskino gloria major adhuc : 
Scilicet ilia Crucis Christi, quae sola perennis : 

Quae regit una homines, quae facit una deos. 
Robora consiliis, pietatem miscet utrisque; 

Et faciendo docet, atque docendo facit. 
Heroem nullum huic aequarint secula. Nullus 

Inter avos veteres fama et honore prior. 

* See pp. 115, 308. t See p. 478. t See p. 116. 



560 SUPPLEMENT. 



Johannes Brabnervs,* 

Aberdonensis, Ecclesiastes Celurcanusf et Dunensis, moritur an. 1564, 
postr. Kal. Novembris. 

Nascendi primam dedit Aberdonia lucem: 

Ille renascendi munera rettribuit. 
Vtrum ergo debet Patriae plus, an Patria illi? 

Mutua sic rerum gratia rite coit. 



Johannes Vin-ramvs,} 

Caenobii Augustinianorum olim Praefectus apud Andreanos, postea in- 
ter Christi Ministros: obiit senex xxiix, Septemb. 1581. 

Q,uo te censu hominum, quo te, Vin-Rame, reponam 

In numero] hie multum est anxia mens animi. 
Se prodit Pietas, neque turbida Jucis imago est: 

Spargit enim de se lumina clara sui. 
Q,uin te aperi tandem manifesto in lumine. Pelle 

Turbidulos sensus, cumque pudore metus. 
Cum pietate etenim postquam se nubila miseet 

Mens hominum, lucis deperit ille vigor. 
Gaudet agens Pietas manifesta in luce. Nee ilia 

Sit Pietas, quae haud pro scit Pietate mori. 



Johannes Rowivs,§ 
Ecclesiastes Perthensis, obiit xvi. viiibris an. 1580. 

Consilio praestans, rebus gravis auctor agendis 

Praecipuos inter, Lumina prima, Patres, 
Cognitio varia : immensa experientia rerum. 

Omnigenam linguam mens praeit ingenii : 
Exactor disciplinae, vindexque severus, 

Ipse sibi censor, seque ad amussim habuit : 
Sancta domus, castique lares, frons laeta, severa: 

Larga manus miseris, mensa benigna bonis. 
Vrbis delicium: sancti pia copula amoris: 

Una fides, fidei publica cura simul 
Clara viris, cultuque decens, pulcherrima Pertha : 

Rowivs at Perthae haud ultima fama fuit. 

* I have not met elsewhere with any notice of Brebner or Bremnei <: 

1 1. e. of Montrose. J See pp. 34, 422. $ See p. 216 



SUPPLEMENT. 5^ 

Jacobvs Lausonivs,* 

Ecclesiastes Edinburgensis, obiit xii. Octobris an. 1584. 

Ingenio felix Lausonivs, ore diserto, 

Acer judicio, consiliisque gravis. 
Corpore non magno, mens ingens : Spiritus ardens, 

Invectumque decus pectoris atque animi. 
Non tulit Impietas. Patria migrare necesse est. 

Mitior in profugum terra aliena fuit. 
Hospitii cui jura volens vivo ista dedisset, 

Multa gemens tristi in funere dat tumulum. 



David Fergvsivs,| 

Pastor ad Fermilo-dunum, obiit xxiij Augusti an. 1598 

Qvem non erudiit solers Academia, quern non 

Finxit Stagira nobilis : 
Nesciit ille tamen nescire ilia omnia solers, 

Quae et ista et ilia prodidit, . 
Q,uin Doctore Deo scivit meliora sequutus, 

Quae et ista et ilia nesciit. 
Disce hinc quae melius doceas Academia. Tuque 

Disce hinc Stagira nobilis. 



Georgivs Haivs. 

Postqvam animum primis patriae effinxere Camenae 

Artibus, excepit culta Lvteta sinu. 
Cecropiis opibus, spoliisque orientis onustus, 

Intulit in patriam munera opima suam. 
Ingenium vegetum comitatur gratia linguae 

Lactea Nectareo verba lepore fluunt. 
Dum parat excedens locupletes linquere natos, 

Publica privatis posthabuisse ferunt. 
Optima sed Pietas patrimonf portio. Privis 

Si nimium indulges, publica rapta ruunt. 

* See p. 329. t See p. 217. 



INDEX. 



Aberdeen, a celebrated grammar school in, 19. Greek early taught n, 
372. Reformed doctrine early embraced in, 538. 

Adamson, Patrick, joins the reformed preachers, 200. Appointed suc- 
cessor to Buchanan as Principal of St. Leonard's college, 374. 

Aless, Alexander, embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged 
to leave Scotland, 34, 389. Made Professor at Leipsic, 389. Verses 
on, 556. 

Alexander, Robert, advocate, an early favourer of the reformation, 
36. Writes the testament of the Earl of Errol in Scots metre, 392. 

Alexandersoun, Andrew, a martyr, 381, 383. 

Anabaptists, Knox's warning against the dangerous principles of, 
137-8. 

Anderson, Robert, convicted of heresy, 383. 

, William, convicted of heresy, 382. 

Andrews, St, Knox teaches philosophy at, 23. Reformed opinions 
spread privately in University of, 38, 389. Knox retires from, 39. 
Knox's first sermon at, 51. Knox expresses his confident hope of 
again preaching in, 57. Opposition to Knox's preaching at, 169, 
514-15. Knox preaches at, 170. Demolition of monasteries at, ib. 
Petition for Knox's translation to, 285. Knox retires to, 315. Meets 
with opposition at, 316. His preaching and exhortations to the 
students at, 324-25, 489. Knox leaves, 328. 

, Castle of, seized by the conspirators against Cardinal Bea- 

toun, 42. Retained by them, 43. Knox takes refuge in. 45. Sac- 
rament of the Supper first dispensed in the Protestant form in, 54. 
Besieged and taken, 55. 

-, Prior of, See Stewart, Lord James. 

Angus, Earl of, Knox employed in affairs of, 234, 465. 

Annand, George, convicted of heresy, 383. 

, James, convicted of heresy, 383. 

, Dean John, his dispute with Knox and Rough, 50. 

Arbugkill, a friar his attempt to defend the popish ceremonies against 
Knox, 53. 

563 



564 INDEX. 

Arbuthnot, Alexander, appointed by the General Assembly to revise a 
suspicious book, 487. 

Argyle, Countess of, conversation between Knox and the Queen re- 
specting her, 253. Her public repentance, 470. 

, old Earl of, Knox preaches in the house of, 125. John Doug- 
las taken under the protection of, 149. Correspondence between 
Archbishop Hamilton and, 149-50. 

-, young Earl of, attends Knox's sermons at Calder-house, 119. 



Joins the Congregation, 168. Knox employed in removing a vari- 
ance between him and his lady, 234. Variance between Earl of 
Murray and, 299. 
Arran, Earl of, is suspected by the clergy, 37. Made regent of Scot- 
land, 39. Abjures the reformed doctrine, ib. Resigns the regency 
to the Queen Dowager, 114. Is made Duke of Chastelherault, ib. 
See Chastelherault. 

Earl of, son to the former, comes to Scotland, and persuades 



his father to join the Congregation, 186. English ministers wish 
him raised to the Scottish throne, and married to Elizabeth, 443. 
Knox employed in removing a feud between Bothwell and, 234. 
Lunacy of, ib. 

Articles, of Church of England, Knox employed in revising, 67. 

Assembly, Classical. See Presbytery. 

, General, what, 212. The first, 218. Moderator of, when 

introduced, ib. Approve of Knox's conduct, 269. Employ Knox 
in drawing up public papers, 286. Their recommendatior of Knox, 
291. Give a commission to him, 295. Order the murdeix_v of Re- 
gent Murray to be excommunicated in all the churches of the king- 
dom, 307-8. Their protestation against hierarchical titles, 321. 
Knox's letter to, ib. His last letter to, 327. Their attention to the 
widow and daughters of Knox, 359. Order of procedure in, 460. 

Athole, Duke of, his reason for voting against the Protestant Confes- 
sion, 206. 

Augustine, influence of his writings on Knox, 24. 

Aylmer, John, answers Knox's Blast, 144. Character of his work, 145. 
His address to the bishops, 408. His invective against the King of 
France, 417. His sentiments respecting the English constitution, 
427. His commendation of Knox, 343. 

Ayr, a minister early settled in, 179. 



B. 

Baillie, Alexander, his calumnies against Knox and other reformers, 
475. 

Baillies, of Jerviswood, a daughter of Knox married to one of the, 494. 

Balcanquhal, Walter, defends Knox, 345. 

Bale, Bishop, dedicates a book to Knox, 153. 

Balfour, Sir James, his conversation with Knox in the French galleys, 
57. Accessory to the murder of Darnley, 484. 

Ballates, Gude and godlie, 394. Similar compositions in other coun- 
tries, ib. 

Ballesky, Martin, forfeited for reading English books, 385. 

Balnaves, Sir Henrv, of Halhill, an early favourer cf the Reformation, 
36, 183, 382, 401. ' His learning and reputation, 46. Takes refuge 
in the Castle of St Andrews, ib. Urges Knox to become a preacher, 
47. Composes a book on justification in the French prison, 58. 
Extracts from Knox's dedication to it, 59-60. Extracts from the 
book, 401-403. 



INDEX. 565 

Bancroft, Dr. the first episcopalian who wrote disrespectfully of Knox 
344. Davidson's answer to, ib. 

Bannatyne, Richard, Secretary to Knox, discovers a MS. of Balnaves, 
58. Knox's request to, at the beginning of his last illness, 336. His 
character of Knox, 341-2. His petition to the General Assembly 
496. 

Barron, James, 130, 515. 

Bassinden, Thomas, General Assembly order a book printed by him 
to be called in, 487. 

Beatoun, Cardinal David, archbishop of St. Andrews, appoints assas- 
sins to kill Knox, 39. Defeats the proposed marriage between 
Queen Mary and Edward VI. 39. His cruelties to the Reformers, 
41. His assassination, 42. Knox's opinion of this, 44, 397. 

, James, archbishop of St. Andrews, puts Patrick Hamilton to 

death, 33. 

, James, archbishop of Glasgow, his character of Knox, 121. 

Dispute between him and Archbishop Hamilton, 160, 453-4. 

Berwick, Knox preaches at, 63-4. Knox visits, 1 16, 182. 

Beveridge, -, suffers martyrdom, 34, 379. 

Beza congratulates Knox on the abolition of Episcopacy, 323. Epis- 
tolary correspondence between Knox and, 461-2. 

Bible, English imported into Scotland, 35. Authorized by Parliament, 
39. Circulation of, 40, 382. 

, Geneva, Knox one of the translators of, 140. 

Blacat, John, pursued for heresy, 381. 

Blast, First, of the Trumpet, 141-4, 153, 155, 180. Knox's explanation to 
Queen Mary respecting, 225-6. See Aylmer, and Government, 
Female. 

Bodlih, Mr. 523. 

Boece, Hector, principal of the university of Aberdeen, 19. 

Bonner, Bishop, John Rough put to death by, 55. Barbarity of, 96. 
Lenity with which he was treated by Elizabeth, 154. 

Book of Common Order. See Geneva, Order of. 

Bothioell, Earl of, Knox employed to remove a feud between him and 
young Earl of Arran, 234. Murders the king, 293. Marries the 
Queen, 294. 

Bortluvick, Lord, his reason for voting against the Protestant Confes- 
sion, 205. 

■ , Sir John, his opinion of the Reformation of Henry VIII. 43. 

Released from the pains of heresy, 387. 

Bowes of Streatlam, pedigree of, 526. 

, Elizabeth, favourable to the marriage between Knox and 

her daughter, 68. Letters from Knox to, 117, 121, 505, 509-11. 
Loses her husband, 124, 179. Farther particulars of, 178, 326, 526. 

, Marjory, Knox married to, 68, 83. Knox's letters to, inter- 
cepted, 85. Accompanies her husband to Geneva, 124. Joins her 
husband in Scotland, 179. Her death, 218. Knox's letters to, 508- 
9, 512. Her parentage, 526. 

, Richard, father of Mrs. Knox, 68. 

, Sir Robert, brother to the former, painful interview of Knox 

with, 83. 

Boyd, Lord, joins the Congregation, 168. Craves Knox's pardon on 
his death-bed, 335. 

Brabner, John, verses on, 560. 

Bradford. John, 67, 80, 414. 

Braid. See Fairley, laird of. 

Brechin, early provided with a minister, 179. See Chisholm. 

^rist -I, Geore-e Wishart preaches at, 397. 
48 



566 INDEX. 

Brown, John, convicted of heresy, 385. 

Buchanan, George, studies under Major about same time with Knox 
20. Similarity of their sentiments, 21, 23. Knox's commendation 
of him, 23. Embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves the king- 
dom, 34. His return to Scotland, 216. His tribute to the Regent 
Murray's memory, 307. Sits in the General Assembly as a doctor, 
447. Farther particulars respecting, 456-7. Calumnies of popish 
writers against, 457, 476. 

, Patrick, 456. 

Bucer, Martin, 63. 

Burne, Nicol, his calumnies against Knox, 474. Against the foreign 
reformers, 476. 



Cairns, John, a Reader in Edinburgh, 237, 290, 464. 

, Henry, convicted of heresy, 381, 386. 

Caithness, Robert Stewart, bishop of, visits Knox on his death-bed, 
336. 

Calvin, John, high reputation of, 94. Respect of English reformers 
for, ib. Friendship between Knox and, 94, 99. Character of the 
English liturgy by, 101. Is displeased with Knox's treatment at 
Frankfort, 108. Advises Knox to return to Scotland, 131. Diffi- 
culties which he had met with in establishing ecclesiastical discip- 
line. 209. Knox's correspondence with, 219, 460. Comparison be- 
tween Knox and, 354. 

Cameron, John, convicted of heresy, 386. 

Campbell of Kineancleugh, accompanies Knox to Ayrsnire, 119. And 
to Castle Campbell, 125. Is surety for Willock, 163, 436. Attends 
Knox in his last illness, 337-8. 

of Loua ^n, Sir Hugh, 163. 

Cant, Robert, convicted of heresy, 381, 382, 384 

C'armichael, Richard, convicted of heresy, 386. 

, William, 515. 

Carseivell, John, afterwards superintendent of Argyle, joins the re- 
formed preachers, 200, 211. 

Cassillis, Earl of, suspected by the clergy, 37. 

Catalogue of Knox's works, 498. 

C'icil, correspondence between Knox and, 156, 180, 181, 231. 

[Jhastelherault, Duke of, Knox warns against his ambitious designs, 
139. He joins the Congregation, 186. Knox's freedom in pointing 
out his faults, 196. His design of excluding Mary from the throne 
opposed by Knox, 224. He is offended at the regency being con- 
ferred on Murray, 300. Is made lieutenant for the Queen, 300. 
Knox's early suspicions of him, 519. See Arran, Earl of. 

Chisholm, William, Bishop of Brechin, persecutes Wishart for teach- 
ing the Greek New Testament, 372. 

Christison, John, tried for heresy, 162, 165, 436-7. 

Church, Protestant, of Scotland, sketch of its form of government and 
worship, 210-14. Danger to which it was exposed from Mary, 
221-2. Inadequate provision for the ministers of, 232. Critical 
state of, 286-8. Improved state of, under Murray's regency, 298, 
299. Sentiments of, respecting the difference between civil and 
ecclesiastical authority, 487. 

Clergy, Popish, of Scotland, Knox ordained by, 23, 375 Their char 
acter before the Reformation, 25-30. Persecute the reformers, 30- 
34. Instigate James V. to proscribe the Protestant nobles and gen- 



INDEX. 56 

try, 37. Suspect Knox of heresy, 38. Degrade him from the priest- 
hood, 39. Their politic plan to counteract his preaching at St. An- 
drews, 54. Summon Knox before them, 121. Condemn him as a 
heretic, and burn his effigy, 125. Knox's appellation from their 
sentence, 141. Panic-struck at Knox's return to Scotland, 164. 
Their feeble exertions to counteract the reformation, 200. Their 
pretended miracle at Musselburgh, 201-2. Their ignorance of 
Gixeek, 373. Their representations of Knox's character, 260, 312, 
473-7. And concerning his second marriage, 269, 474-5. See 
Council, Provincial, and Popery. 

Clerk, William, convicted of heresy, 381, 386. 

Cockburn, John, of Ormiston, places his son under Knox's care, 41 
43. Is outlawed, 1 10, 382. 

Cocklaiv, Thomas, parson of Tullibody, 381, 384, 388. 

ColvUle, Robert, of Cleish, his detection of the pretended miracle at 
Musselburgh, 206, 454. 

Dolvin, John, 489. 

Commissioners, see Visiters. 

Congregation, The, their pacific intentions, 166. Deceived by Queen 
Regent, 167. First Lords of, 168. Obtain assistance against the 
Regent from Elizabeth, 182-3. Unfavourable turn in their affairs, 
195, 515. Knox reanimates them, 196-7. English army arrives to 
assist them, 198, 538. Their loyalty, 443-4. See Protestants, Scot- 
tish. 

Cornaca, Helen, applies for the degree of Doctor in Divinity, 146, 429, 

Corpse-present, 29, 386-7. 

Council, Provincial, of Scottish clergy, acknowledge the corruptions 
of the Church, 111. Their canons for reformation, 111-13, 417. 
Catechism published by their order, 112, 418-23. Application of the 
Protestants to, 161. Remonstrance by Roman Catholics to, ib. 
Agreement by Queen Regent and, 162. See Clergy, Popish, and 
Popery. 

Privy, of Scotland. Knox an extraordinary member of, 188. 

Knox tried before, 263, 266. Suspend Knox from preaching for a 
time, 284. 

Covenant, Religious, the first in Scotland, entered into by Protestants 
of Mearns, 120. Another subscribed by the lords, 147. Another 
by the Protestants of Edinburgh, 327. 

Coverdale, Miles, Bishop of Exeter, 390, 518. 

Cowsland, Walter, convicted of heresy, 381, 384. 

Cox, Dr. Richard, 101-107. His sentiments concerning ceremonies, 
409. 

Craig, John, account of, 236-40. His account of a dispute on resist- 
ance at Bologna, 278-9. His spirited behaviour at the Queen's 
marriage with Bothwell, 294. Leaves Edinburgh, 328. 

Crail, Knox preaches in, 169. Demolition of the monasteries at, 171. 

Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, his zeal in advancing the refor- 
mation, 63. Employs Knox to preach at Berwick, 63. Disposed to 
carry the reformation of the English Church farther, 407-8, 413. 

Crichton, of Brunston, 110. 

Croft, Sir James, Knox's interview with, at Berwick, 181. Employ- 
ed by Elizabeth to correspond with the Congregation, 182. His 
reprimand of Knox's proposal, 184. 

Crossraguell, Abbot of. See Kennedy, Quintin. 

Cuninghame, Andrew, son of the Master of Glencairn, convicted of 
heresy, 385. See Glencairn. 

Cupar, the forces of rhe Queen Regent and Congregation meet ?t, 
170, 176, 487. Demolition of the Monasteries at, 171. 



56S INDEX 



Darnley, Lord, is married to Queen Mary, 281. Displeased at a sei 
mon of Knox, 284. Professes himself a Papist, 288. Is murdered 
293. Alleged plot against his life at Perth, 317. 

Davidson, John, Account of Scottish Martyrs by, 379. His answer* 
to Bancroft, 344. His Latin verses, 458. Banished by Morton, 489. 
His poem on Knox, 541. 

Deacons appointed at an early period of the reformation, 148. In the 
foreign churches at London, 411. Their office, 21 1. Number of, in 
Edinburgh, 237. 

Delaporte, Mons. Knox acts as colleague to, at Dieppe, 134. 

Dieppe, in France, Knox on leaving England lands at, 86. He visits, 
93,94,95,116,125,131,153. 

Discipline, Ecclesiastical, Scottish reformers sensible of its importance, 
20s. Strictness of, 250. Strictness and impartiality of, in the 
Church of Scotland, 250, 469-71. Did not include civil punish- 
ments, 470. 

, First Book of, Knox one of its compilers, 209-10. Approba- 
tion of, 210. Its plan, 211. Reasons of the nobility's aversion to, 
214. 

Doctors, their office in the Protestant church, 211, 447-8. 

Douglas, Bishop Gawin, besieges the cathedral of Dunkeld, 25. 

, George. See Angus, Earl of. 

, Hugh, of Langniddrie, Knox tutor to the family of, 39, 41, 43, 

45. 

, John, taken into A rgyle's family as chaplain, 149. Preaches 

under the name of Grant, 151. Presented to the archbishopric of 
St. Andrews, 320. Knox refuses to inaugurate him, 323. Sum- 
moned before a provincial council, 535. 

Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glasgow, his sermon at Ayr, 26. Re- 
formers in Diocese, of, 453. 

Duncan, John, convicted of heresy, 384. 

Dundas, Euphemia, slanders Knox, 260. 

, George, an early Greek scholar, 372. 

Dundee, the first town in which a Protestant congregation was form- 
ed, 148. 

Durham, Bishop of. See Tonstal 

Durie, John, visits Knox in his last illness, 333. 



Edinburgh, Knox preaches privately in, 117. He preaches publicly 
in, 12 . He is burned in effigy at the cross of, 125. A Protestant 
Church formed in, 147. Demolition of the monasteries at, 171, 504. 
Knox chosen minister of, 176, 536. Leaves it, 177. Knox resumes 
his ministry in, 208. Knox retires from, 290. Knox returns to, 295. 
Knox forced again to leave, 315. Inhabitants of, enter into a solemn 
league, 327. Knox arrives at, 328. 

- — , Kirk-Session of, number of, 237. Provide a smaller place 

of worship for Knox, 328. Knox's interview with, on his death- 
bed, 333-4. 

, Town Council of. their attention to the support of Knox, 

232, 462. Provide him with a colleague, 237. 239. Their proceed- 
ings respecting a slander against Knox, 260, 472. Remonstrate 
against the suspension of Knox, 285. 



INDEX. 5b:, 

Edward VI. of England, proposed marriage between dueen Mary 
and, 39. Knox made a chaplain to, 66. • Offers Knox a bishopric, 
74. His plan for improving the English Church, 79, 410-13. State 
of his court, 79. Spirited conduct of his chaplains, 80, 413-14. Last 
sermon of Knox before him, 80. Distress of Knox at his death, 81. 
Knox's prayer after his death, 415. 

Elder, John, convicted of heresy, 382. 

Elaers, Ruling, appointed at an early period of the Reformation, 148. 
In the foreign churches in London, 41 1. Their office in the Church 
of Scotland, 211. 

Elizabeth, Oueen of England, refuses to allow Knox to pass through 
England, 153. Her impolitic severity to the English exiles at Gen- 
eva, 154. Her lenity to the Papists, 154. Grants a safe-conduct to 
Knox's wife, 178. Knox apologizes to her for his Blast, 180. She 
resolves to assist the Congregation, 182. Sends an army to then- 
assistance, 198. Obtains advantageous terms of peace for them, 
199. Her personal aversion to the Scottish war, 442. Knox's 
opinion of her religious principles, 291. 

England, State of the Reformation in, under Henry VIII. 42. Knox 
arrives in, 62. State of religion in, under Edward VI. 62. Popery 
restored in, 85. Knox leaves, 85. Knox's Admonition to, 96, 104. 
Persecution in, 96. Exiles from, 97. Knox visits his sons in, 291. 
Carries a letter to the bishops of, ib. 

, Church of, Knox's reasons for refusing a fixed charge in, 73. 

Refuses a bishopric in 74. His sentiments respecting the govern- 
ment and worship of, 74-5. Private opinions of the reformers of, 
similar to Knox's, 78, 407-9. 

, Privy Council of, employ Knox to preach, 63. Confer on him 

marks of approbation, 66. Knox honourably acquitted by, 72. Offer 
Knox the living of All Hallows, 73. They petition Elizabeth to assist 
the Congregation, 433. 

Errol, William Earl of, an early friend of the Reformation, 33, 392. 

Erskine, Lord, attends Knox's sermons, 1 19. Invites him to return 
to Scotland, 130. Refuses to assist the Congregation, 176, 537. See 
Mar, Earl of. 

, John, of Dun, Greek language first patronized by, 20. Re- 
formed sentiments embraced by, 36. He attends Knox's sermons 
at Edinburgh, 116. Takes him to Dun, 118. Favours the preach- 
ers, 151, 436. Made superintendent of Angus and Mearns, 21 1, 233. 
Soothes Queen Mary, 258. Her good opinion of him, 283. His 
letters to Regent Mar, 488. Verses on, 559. 

Exercise, Weekly, what, 212, 449. Practised in England, 450. 

Exhort ers, 21 1. 

Exiles, Scottish, 388-91. 



Fagius, Paul, 63. 

Fairley of Braid, his attention to Knox during his last illness, 3o3, 006, 

Fergusson, David, summoned for heresy, 436. Improves the Scottish 

language, 218, 458. Knox's recommendation to his sermon, 327. 

Extracts from it, 451. His character, 458-60. Verses on, 561. 
Field, John, his commendation of Knox, 344. 

Fife, John, embraces the reformed sentiments, 34. Account of, 389-90 
Fleming, James, marries one of Knox's daughters, 359. 
Flescheour Alexander, convicted of heresy, 383. 
Forman, Bishop of Murray, says grace before the pope, 27. 



570 INDEX. 

Forrest, David, Knox lodges with, 233. 

, Henry, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379. 

, Thomas, vicar of Dollar, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 

379-80. 
Forrester, Robert, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379, 386. 
Foster, (Forester,) William, convicted of heresy, 381, 385. 
Fox, John, the martyrologist, 101, 10G. Disapproves of Knox's Blast, 

143. Knox's letter to, 513. 
France, Knox carried prisoner to, 55. His apology for the persecuted 

Protestants in, 133. Knox preaches in, ib. Designs of, against 

Scotland and England, 155. Sends troops to the assistance of the 

Queen Regent, 179. Persecution against the Protestants in, 234-5. 

Bartholomew massacre in, 330. Distress of Knox at this, 330. His 

denunciation against the King of, 330. 
— — — , Galleys of, Knox confined in, 55. His conduct in, 57, 60. 
Frankfort on the Maine, English exiles obtain a place of worship at, 

98. Knox called to be minister at, 99, 415-16. Dissentions about 

the English liturgy at, 99. Moderation of Knox in these, 100, 101. 

Knox accused of treason to Magistrates of, 104. Knox leaves, 106 

Disputes continue at, 106. 
Fullerton, Adam, 515. 



Galloway, Bishop of. See Gordon. 

, Patrick, defends the Scottish reformers, 345. 

Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, cruelty of, 96. 

Gau, John, 392. 

Geneva, Knox visits, 94. He studies at, 97. Is invited to be pastor 
to the English Church in, 124. Leaves it for Scotland, 131. Re- 
turns to, 140. Knox obtains the freedom of the city, 152. He leaves 
it finally, ib. Cherishes the desire of returning to, 299. See Bible. 

. church of, Knox did not derive his first ideas of ecclesiasti- 
cal polity from, 75. Scottish Church differed in some points from, 
76. 

, Order of, its composition, 101. Time of its introduction into 

Scotland, 431. Difference between it and English liturgy, 432 
Worship generally conducted according to it in Scotland, 212. 

Giford, Knox supposed to have been born at, 17, 367. 

Giffordgate. See Haddington. 

Gilby, Anthony, 101, 124, 143, 500. 

Glasgow, University of, Knox studies at, 18, 369-70. Extracts from 
records of, 370-71. 

Glencairn, Alexander Earl of, an early friend of the Reformation, 36. 
The sacrament celebrated by Knox at his house, 119. Presents a 
letter from Knox to the Queen Regent, 124. Invites Knox to return 
to Scotland, 130. Remonstrates with the Q.ue<^n Recent, 163. 
Comes to the assistance of the Protestants, 167. Visits Knox on his 
death-bed, 336. Reforms the churches at Glasgow, 536. 

, William Earl of, father to the former, an early friend of the 

Reformation, 36. See Cuninghame, Andrew. 

Glenmchy, laird of, a hearer of Knox, 125. 

Goodman, Christopher, colleague to Knox at Geneva, 124, 129, 143, 
164, 185. Comes to Scotland, 179, 516. An extraordinary member 
of privy council, 188. Returns to England, 285. Farther account 
of, 308, 478-9. Knox's letter to, 522. Verses on 559. 

Gordo- 1, Bishop of Galloway, one of the Protestant privy counsellors. 



INDEX. 571 

1 88. Disappointed in his expectations of being made superinten- 
dent, 252-4. Occupies Knox's pulpit, 315. Vindicates the Queen's 
authority, ib. 

Gourlay, Norman, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379. 

Government, Female, its incongruity when joined with ecclesiastical 
supremacy, 428-9. Resolution of a committee of the Scottish par- 
liament against, 480. See Blast., 

, Political, influence of the Reformation on, 188-90. Knox's 

sentiments respecting, 1 00-93. 

Grange, Laird of See Kircaldy. 

Greek language, its introduction into Scotland and progress, 19, 20, 
372-4, 469. 

Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury, approves of Presbyterian ordina- 
tion, 49. His sermons before the court, 413. 

Guilluume, Thomas, chaplain to the Regent Arran, instructs Knox in 
the reformed doctrine, 40. Retires into England, ib. verses on, 557. 



H. 

Haddington, Knox born in Giffordgate of, 17, 368. Educated at 

grammar school of, 1 8. 
Hadden, James, chaplain of Edward VI., 414. 
Hamilton, Archibald, his opposition to Knox, 317. His apostasy, 318. 

His calumnies against Knox, 473. His calumnies against Buchanan, 

457. His account of Knox's death, 491. 
, Gavin, Abbot of Kilwinning, intercourse between Knox 

and, 306. His negotiations at Rome, 453. 
, James, of Bothwellhaugh, assassinates the Regent Murray, 

301. 

of Kincavil, James, convicted of heresy, 388. 

John, Archbishop of St. Andrews, persecutes Knox, 42. 



Persecutes the Protestants as enemies to the state, 109-10. His 
Catechism, 112, 418. His correspondence with the Earl of Argyle, 
149. Puts Walter Mill to death, 150. Reconciliation between him 
and the Queen Regent, 159. Between him and Archbishop Bea- 
toun, 160. Opposes Knox's preaching at St. Andrews, 169, 514. 
His sermon, 177. Restored to his jurisdiction by Queen Mary, 291. 
Accessory to the Regent Murray's murder, 302. Is executed, 318. 
Correspondence with Rome, 453. 

John, a secular priest, his ridiculous stories concerning the 



reformers, 476. 

, Robert, his calumny against Knox, 317. 

, Patrick, reproves the corruptions of the clergy, 32-3. Tra- 
vels to Germany, 33. Suffers martyrdom in Scotland, ib. Verses 
on, 555. 

Harlow, William, preaches in England, 115. Preaches in Scotland, 
115. 151. Tried for heresy, 162, 165, 436-7. Becomes minister of 
the West Kirk, 237, 488. 

Harrison, James, embraces the reformed sentiments, and leaves Scot- 
land, 34. Account of, 391. 

Hay. George, his answer to the Abbot of Crossraguell's mass, 242, 
243, 466-7. Verses on, 561. 

, Andrew, joins the reformed preachers, 200. 

, James, convicted of heresy, 383. 

Hebrew language, Knox acquires the knowledge of, 2C, 97. Studied 
ir Scotland, 215-16, 453-6. 



572 INDEX. 

Henderson, Henry, (master of the grammar school of Edinburgh,) suf- 
fers martyrdom, 382. 

Henry VIII. of England, presses the marriage of his son and the 
Q.ueen of Scots, 39. His partial reformation disliked by the Scottish 
Reformers, 42-3. 

Hepburn, John, prior, storms the episcopal Castle of St. Andrews, 25. 

Herries, Lord. See Maxwell. 

Herriot, Adam, a Friar of St. Andrews, joins the reformed preachers, 
200. 

Hickman, Mr. 82, 518. 

Hooper, Bishop, 103, 407. 

Hope, Edward, 515. 

Hume, Mr. his remarks on Knox's account of the assassination of 
Beatoun, 397-9. His representation of the rudeness of Scotland, 
217. His misrepresentations of Scottish reformers, 347-8. His ac- 
count of the conduct of Knox to Mary, 471-2. 

Huncan, (Duncan?) James, convicted of heresy, 382. 

Huntly, Earl of, his insurrection, 240. 

Hutcheson, Sir John, convicted of heresy, 387. 



J. 

James V. refuses to proscribe the Protestants, 37. Persecution during 
the reign of, 379-88. Letter against heresy in Aberdeen by, 338-9. 

James VI. Knox preaches at coronation of, 295. His prejudices 
against the Scottish reformers, 345. Conversation between him and 
one of Knox's daughters, 362. 

Jameson, Margaret, convicted of heresy, 381, 386. 

Jerome, influence of his writings on Knox, 24. 

Jewel, Bishop, his opinion of episcopacy and ceremonies, 408-9. Dis- 
approves of Knox's book on female government, 519. 

Johnston of Elphingston, 337. 

, John, writer in Edinburgh, 515. 

, St. See Perth. 

, William, advocate, an early favourer ot the Reformation, 36. 

Jonston, John, of St. Andrews, his verses on Scottish Reformers, 555. 



K. 

Kennedy, Quintin, his answer to Knox's defence before Tonstal, 406. 
His Compendious Tractive, 242. Challenges Willock to a dispute 
on the Mass, ib. Dispute between Knox and, 242-7. Farther ac- 
count of his writings, 466-9. See Hay, George. 

suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379, 392. 

Ker, Sir Andrew, of Fadounside, marries Knox's widow, 359, 492, 
494. 

Kethe, William, 478-9. 

Kilmaurs, Lord. See Glencairn, Alexander. 

Kineancleugfr. See Campbell. 

Kircaldy, William, of Grange, an active agent of the Congregation, 
180. Excommunicated for the slaughter of Cardinal Beatoun, 382. 
Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh for the Regent, 310. His de- 
fection, ib. Knox involved in a personal quarrel with, 311. Offers 
Knox a guard, 314. Knox's dying message to, 334-5. Knox's tes- 
timony to his former zeal, 517. 



INDEX. 573 

Knollys, Sir Francis, his account of the Protestant worship in Scot- 
land, 432. 

Knox, , father of the Reformer, his parentage, and situation in 

life, 17, 367-8. 

, Eleazer, son of the Reformer, account of, 326, 359. 

, Elizabeth, the Reformer's daughter, her fortitude at her hus- 
band's trial, 360. Conversation between James VI. and, 362. Her 
testament, 532-3. See Welch. 

, Margaret, the Reformer's daughter, 359. 

, Martha, the Reformer's daughter, 359. 

, Nathanael, son of the Reformer, account of, 326, 359. 

, Paul, 531. 

, William, brother of the Reformer, and minister of Cockpen, 69. 

of RanferJy, 17, 367-8. 

Kyd, Thomas, convicted of heresy, 381, 384. 

Kyllor, a friar, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379, 392. 



Laing, James, his calumnies against Knox, 474-5. And against other 
reformers 476-7. 

Lambert of Avignon. Patrick Hamilton studies under him at Mar- 
burg, 33. 

, John, degraded from the priesthood, 384. 

Langniddrie, chapel at, called Knox's Kirk, 41. See Douglas, Hugh. 

Lasco, John A. character of, 411. His account of the foreign churches 
in London, ib. His account of Edward VI.'s plan for the gradual 
reformation of the Church of England, 412-13. 

Latin schools in Scotland, 19. 

Latimer, Bishop, 67, 80, 414. 

Lawson, James, sub-principal of the University of Aberdeen, chosen 
colleague to Knox, 329. Knox's letter of invitation to, ib. Knox 
preaches for the last time at the admission of, 331. Teaches Hebrew 
at St. Andrews, 455. His exertions in establishing the High School 
of Edinburgh, ib. Verses on, 561. 

Leith, Queen Regent takes possession of, 176. Fortified by Regent 
Lennox, 316. Convention at, 320. 

Lennox, Earl of, made Regent, 310. Is killed, 319. 

Leslie, Normand, 109, 382. 

Lethington. See Maitland, William. 

Level, George, 515. 

Lever, Thomas, 414. 

Leivis XIII. of France, interview between John Welch and, 361. 

Liberty, civil, popery unfriendly to, 188-9. Influence of the Reforma- 
tion on, 190. Knox attached to, 190-1. 

Lindores, Abbey of, 171, 514-15. 

Lindsay, Lord, 336, 484. 

, Sir David, of the Mount, an early favourer of the Reformation, 

36. Influence of his poems on the Reformation, 45, 51, 143, 393, 
396. Urges Knox to become a preacher, 47. 

Literature, State of, in Scotland, 18-20. Influence of the Reforma- 
tion on, 213, 215-216. See Greek and Hebrew. 

Liturey, English, Knox employed in the revisal of, 67, 406-7. Dis- 
sentions at Frankfort about, 99-106. Opinion of early bishops 
concerning, 407. Whether used in Scotland at the beginning of 
the Reformation, 430-2. 

i , Knox's. See Geneva, Order of. 



574 INDEX. 

Locke, Mr. Knox lodges in the house of, 82, 129. 

, Mrs. Ann', Knox's letters to, 163-4, 513-18. 

Logie, Gawin, principal of St. Leonard's college, an early reformer 

34. Leaves the kingdom, 34, 388. 

, Robert, 388. 

London, Knox summoned to, 71. Preaches in, 72. 
Lorn, Lord. See Argyle, young Earl of. 
Lovell, or I^evell, George, 162, 381, 436, 515. 

, James convicted of heresy, 386. 

Lowett, (Lovell V) George, pursued for heresy, 381. 

Luther, Anecdotes of, 28, 74. His apologies, 180. Comparison be- 

ween Knox and, 354. 



M. 

Macbee, (Maccabceus) John, embraces the reformed sentiments, and is 
obliged to leave the kingdom, 34. Made professor at Copenhagen, 
390. His proper name M'Alpine, ib. Verses on, 556. 

Macbray, (Macbraire,) John, an early reformer, 34, 391, 416, 454. 

Macdowal, John, an early reformer, 34, 391. 

Maitland, Thomas, author of a fabricated conference between Knox 
and the Regent Murray, 306. Insults over the Regent's death, ib. 

, William, of Lethington, attends Knox's sermons at Edin- 
burgh, 116. Reasoning between Knox and, 118, 231, 272-79. His 
conduct at Knox's trial, 263-66. Defends Knox's prayers, 285. His 
defection from the Regent Murray, 301, 334. 

Major, John, Knox's education under, 20, 370. Political and religious 
sentiments of, 21. Present at Knox's first sermon, 52, 370-71, 374-5. 

Mar, Countess of, 214. 

, Earl of, made Regent, 319. His death, 335. See Erskine, Lord. 

Murischal, Earl, suspected by the clergy, 37. Favours Knox, 122. 
Remains neutral in the contest between Queen Regent and the 
Congregation, 168. Knox sends salutations to him, 522. 

MarsUiers, Pierre de, teaches Greek at Montrose, 373. 

Martyrs, Scottish, 379-88. 

Martyr, Peter, 63. 

Mary, Queen of England, proclaimed, 81. Knox's prayer for, 82, 415. 
Her cruelty, 95. This promotes the reformation in Scotland, 114— 
15. Manner in which the English Exiles spoke of, 416. 

of Guise, Queen Dowager of Scotland, her intriguing spirit, 39. 

Favours the Reformers, 114. The Protestant Barons petition her, 
151. Her dissimulation, 158-60, 164-5, 434. Prohibits the Protes- 
tant preachers, 162. Summons them to Stirling, ib. Proclaims 
Knox an outlaw, 164. Advances with an army to Perth, 166. Vio- 
lates the treaty of Perth, 167, 513-14. Offers a reward for Knox's 
head, 185. Knox advises her suspension, 187. Reflections on this, 
188. Her death, 198. Remarks oh Dr. Robertson's account of her 
conduct, 434. 

- — , Queen of Scots, her proposed marriage with Edward VI. de- 
feated, 39. Married to the Dauphin, 39, 61. Refuses to ratify the 
acts of Scots Parliament, 219. Arrives in Scotland, ib. Her edu- 
cation and prejudices against the Protestant religion, 220. Popular 
alarm at her setting up mass, 221. Resolves to punish Knox, 224. 
Interview between Knox and, 225. Second interview between 
Knox and, 234-6. Third interview between Knox and, 251-2. Ue\- 
artifice, 253. Prevails on the Parliament not to ratify the reformed 
religion 254. Fourth interview between Knox and, 257-8. Her 



-NDEX. 575 

conduct at Knox's trial by the Council, 263-66. Writes to the Pope, 
and Council of Trent, 270. Knox's form of prayer for, 272. Mar- 
ries Lord Darnley, 281. Resolves on restoring the Popish worship, 
288, 462. Banishes Knox from Edinburgh, 290. Restores Archbi- 
shop Hamilton, 291. Her alienation from her husband, 293. Her 
participation in the murder of her husband, ib. Her marriage with 
Both well, 293-4. Her imprisonment and resignation, 294. Knox 
vindicates his not praying for her, 313. 

Maxwell, Master of, 262, 432. 

Melville, Andrew, 345, 374, 456. 

, Sir James, strictures on his memoirs, 435. On his account 

of Regent Murray, 483-4. 

, James, his account. of Knox's pulpit eloquence, 324. 

, Sir John, ofRaith, an early favourer of the Reformation, 36. 

Is executed, 110. 

Methven, Paul, one of the Protestant ministers, 151, 162, 436-7. Ex- 
communicated, 249. 

Mill, Walter, his martyrdom, 150. 

Milton, John, his eulogy of Knox, 446-7. 

Monasteries, Scottish^ their number and degeneracy, 25-27, 376. 
Causes of their demolition at Perth, 165-70. Apology for this mea- 
sure, 171-5. Lamentation over, 437-8. Loss sustained by their de- 
molition, 438-42. 

Monteith, Earl of, joins the Congregation, 168, 536. 

Montgomery, Robert, joins the reformed preachers, 200. 

M< ntrose, Greek early taught in, 20, 372. Early provided with a min- 
ister, 177. 

Morrison, John, 49. 

Morton, Earl of, accused of simony, 320. His interview with Knox 
on his death-bed, 335. Elected Regent, ib. His eulogium on Knox, 
340. His attention to Knox's family, 359. 

Murray, Earl of, in favour with Mary, 240. Variance between Knox 
and, 257. Endeavours to intimidate Knox, 262. Defends Knox, 
268. Is outlawed, 282. Returns from banishment, 290. Appointed 
Regent, 294-5. His favour to the Protestant Church, 298. Is as- 
sassinated, 302. His character, 303-4. Distress of Knox at his 
death, 305. Fabricated conference between Knox and, 306. Knox's 
sermon before his funeral, 307. Remarks on Dr. Robertson's char- 
acter of, 481-6. Epitaph, and verses on, 486. Prayer used by Knox 
after the death of, 523. Letter to General Assembly by, 524. See 
Stewart, Lord James. 

of Tibbermuir, Patrick, 436. 

of Tullybardine, Sir William, 493. 



N. 

Newcastle upon Tyne, Knox preaches at, 65, 66, 72. Knox offered 

the bishopric of, 74-5. 
Northumberland, Duke of, offended at Knox, 70, 



Ochiltree, Lord, Knox marries the daughter of, 269. See Stetoart, 

YV alter, and Margaret. 
Orvmtvn, Laird of" See Cockburn. 



576 INDEX. 



Parliament, Scottish, Protestant confession ratified by, 204-6. Their 
indifference about the security of the Protestant religion, 254. Knox, 
prepares overtures for, 297. Receives a commission from, 297. See 
Bible and Reformation. 

Parkhurst, Bishop, 115, 409. 

Paterson, John, convicted of heresy, 381, 383. 

, Robert, convicted of heresy, 381, 384. 

Patritz, John, 151. 

Pilloitr, Laurence, convicted of heresy, 382. 

Pitmilly, Laird of, 383. 

Perth, Demolition of monasteries at, 165. Queen Regent threatens. 
166. Violates the treaty of, 167, 513-14. A minister settled in, 178. 
Hebrew first taught at, 216, 455. Verses on the grammar school of, 
455. See Simson, Andrew. 

Pittarrow, Laird of. See Wishart, Sir John. 

Poetry, its influence in promoting the Reformation, 35, 36, 391-94. 

Ponet, Bishop, similarity of his political sentiments to Knox's, 479-SO. 

Pont, Robert, 359, 452. Extracts from his sermons, 452-3. Account 
of, 488, 493, 525. 

Popery, state of, in Scotland, 25. Sanguinary spirit of, 222, 462-3 
Preparations for its restoration in Scotland, 288. 

Portjield, , 525. 

Presbytery, early state of, 212. 

Preston, Dr. attends Knox in his last illness, 337-8. 

Prophesying. See Exercise, Weekly. 

Protestant Lords invite Knox to return from Geneva, 130. Repent 
of this, 131. Knox animates them by his letters, ib. His advice to 
them respecting resistance, 1 39-40. Renew their invitation to Knox, 
147. Petition the Queen Regent, 151, 433. Resolve on decisive 
measures, 168-9. Their aversion to the Book of Discipline, 210-14. 

Protestant Preachers summoned to Stirling, 162. Knox resolves to 
accompany them, 164. Outlawed, 165. Their exertions during the 
civil war, 199. Their increase, 200. 



Randolph, the English ambassador, his account of Knox's preaching, 
224. His letter respecting Knox's History, 495-6. Knox's confiden- 
tial communications with, 522. 

Readers, their temporary employment, 211, 448. 

Reformation in Scotland, urgent necessity of, 29-31. Causes of its 
progress, 35, 36. Early embraced by nobles and gentry, 36. Spreads 
in the University of St. Andrews, 34, 38. Laws against, 38, 111. 
Embraced by Knox, 38. Languishing state of, 109-13. Causes of 
its revival, 114-15. Progress of, 126, 147. Its influence on civil 
liberty, 188-91. Established by Parliament, 205, 206. Knox's His- 
tory of, 495. See Church, Protestant. 

Reformers, English, approve of Knox's call to the ministry, 49. Dis- 
like many things in their ecclesiastical establishment, 76, 407-10. 
Their opinion of Knox, 343-4. 

Religion, corrupt form of it in Scotland before the Reformation, 25-31. 

Resistance to civil rulers, Knox's advice respecting, 139-40. Doctrine 
of the New Testament respecting, 193-4. Knox r vindicates it before 
Queen Mary, 225-6. Debate between Knox and Maitland concern- 



INDEX. 



577 



ing, 273-8. Craig's account of a dispute on, at Bologna, 278-9 

See Government, Political. 
Richardson, Robert, embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged 

to leave Scotland, 34. Account of, 391. 
Ridley, Bishop, his testimony to Knox, 343. 
Rizzio, David, assassination of, 289. 
Robertson, Dr. remarks on his account of the Queen Regent's conduct 

to the Protestants, 434. On his character of Queen Mary, 348. On 

his character of Regent Murray, 481-6. 
Robeson, John, convicted of heresy, 381. 
Rollock, George, 515. 

, James, convicted of heresy, 381, 382, 386. 

, Richard, convicted of heresy, 383-4. 

Rothes, Earl of, joins the Congregation, 168, 536. 

Rough, John, a friar, embraces the Reformation, 46. His solemn 

charge to Knox to undertake the ministry, 47. Knox assists him in 

a dispute, 50. Summoned before the clergy, 52. Is martyred in 

England, 55. Verses on, 557. 
Row, John, account of, 216. Teaches Hebrew at Perth, ib. Farther 

account of, 453-5. Verses on, 560. 
, son to the above, his early proficiency in Hebrew, 455. His 

epitaph, 459. 
Russel, Jerom, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379. 
Ruthren, Lilias, daughter to Lord Ruthven, an early favourer of the 

Reformation, 36. 

, Lord, an early favourer of the Reformation, 36. 

, Lord, son to the former, joins the Congregation, 168. His son 

visits Knox on his death-bed, 336. 



Sadler, Sir Ralph, ambassador from Henry VIII. 42. Carries on the 

correspondence with the Congregation, 182. Greek motto of, 373. 
Sandilands, Sir James, an early favourer of the Reformation, 36. 

Knox dispenses the sacrament in the house of, 118. A petition to 

the Queen Regent presented by, 151, 433. 
Seatoun, Alexander, embraces the reformed sentiments, and is obliged 

to leave Scotland, 34. Account of, 388. 
Scotland, state of literature in, at commencement of the Reformation, 

18-20. State of Religion in, 25-30. 
Scottish language, cultivation of, by the reformers, 217, 458-59. 
Scrimger, Henry, 374. 
Session, Kirk, what, 212. 

, Court of, Robert Pont one of the judges of, 488. 

Simson, Andrew, master of the grammar school of Perth, 19. Anec 

dote respecting the scholars of, 393. See Dunbar. 

, Duncan, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379, 384. 

, Patrick, teaches Greek at Spot, 374. 

Sinclair, the name of Knox's mother, 18. 

, Bishop of Ross, informs against Knox, 262. Votes for his 

acquittal, 266. 
Sm.eton, Thomas, his learning, 374. His account of Kr ox's last illness 

and death, 333-4. His character of Knox, 342-3. His Hebrew lit- 

erature, 456. 
Somerset, Protector of England, his fall lamented by Knox, 70. 
Somerville, Lord, his vote against Protestant confession, 205-6. 
49 X3 



578 INDEX. 

Spolsicood, John, favours the Reformation, 118. Joins the preachers, 
200. Made superintendent of Lothian, 21 1, 234. 

, Archbishop, his commendation of Knox, 346. His account 

of the Book of Discipline, 448. 

Steward, Archibald, visits Knox on his death-bed, 333. 

Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews, attends Knox's sermons, 
119. Invites Knox to return to Scotland, 130. Joins the Congre- 
gation, 1G8-9. Proofs of his loyalty, 443-4. Created Earl of Mur- 
ray, 240. See Murray, Earl of. 

, John, s;on to Lord Methven, an early favourer of the Refor- 
mation, 36. Convicted of heresy, 387. 

, Margaret, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, married to Knox, 269, 

332, 359, 528^531. Married to Sir A. Ker of Fadounside, 359. Copy 
of Knox's letters in her possession, 503, 504. 

, Walter, son to Lord Ochiltree, convicted of heresy, 383, 384. 

, William, translator for the kirk, 493. 

Stirling, demolition of the monasteries at, 171. A minister early set- 
tled in, 177. 

Story, Dr. his defence of Mary's persecution, 154. 

Straiton, David, suffers martyrdom, 34. Account of, 379, 381, 385. 

of Lauriston, an early friend of the Reformation, 36. 

Sudderland, Nicoll, 525. 

Superintendents, bishops so called in England, 408. Their office in 
the foreign churches in London, 411. Difference between diocesan 
bishops and, 448-9. 

Switzerland, Knox visits, 93. 

Syme, James, 116, 130. 

Synods, Provincial, what, 212. 



Testament of Knox, 528-532. 

of Mrs. Welch, 532-3. 

Throkmorton, Sir Nicholas, 178, 296, 442. 

Thou, De, his character of Regent Murray, 485. 

Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, character of, 64, 154. Knox's defence 

before, 65-6, 404-6. 
Tremellius, Emanuel, 63. 
Tulchan Bishops, 321. 
Tyrie, John, Knox's answer to, 325-6. 



Vaus, John, rector of the school of Aberdeen, 19. 
Venable, John, reformer of Dieppe, 134. 
Visiters of churches, what, 211. 



W 

Wallace, Adam, his martyrdom, 110, 454. 
Wannand, A.exander, convicted of heresy, 381, 384. 
Wedderburn, James, author of satires against the Popish clergy, 392-3 
Verses on, 557. 

Gilbert, convicted of heresy, 381, 383. 
-, Jo>in, convicted of heresy, 381. 



INDEX. 579 

Wedderburn, John and Robert, authors of Psalms and Godly Ballads, 
394. Verses on, 558. 

Welch, John, marries one of Knox's daughters, 359. Is found guilty 
of treason, 360. Interview between Lewis XIII. and, 361. See 
Knox, Elizabeth. 

Whitlaw, Alexander, of Greenrig, 178, 182, 517-18. 

Whittingham, Dean of Durham, ordained at Geneva, 49. A friend of 
Knox^ 101, 105. Successor to Knox at Geneva, 131. Eulogium on 
him by the Earl of Warwick, 427. 

Williams. See Guillaume. 

Willock, John, returns to Scotland, 115. Preaches privately, 116—17 
Leaves Scotland, 117. Returns and joins the Protestant preachers, 
151. Tried for heresy, 162-5, 436-7. Officiates for Knox in Edin- 
ourgh, 176. His advice respecting the suspension of the Queen Re- 
gent, 187. Made a member of the extraordinary Privy Council, 
188. His stipend, 464, 493. Made superintendent of Glasgow, 211. 
Goes to England, 308. Calumny against, ib. Pretended conversa- 
tion between Knox and, 469. Verses on, 559. 

Wingate, (Winzet,) Ninian, Knox's controversy with, 248-9. 

Winchester of Kinglassie, George, convicted of heresy, 1 10, 387. 

Winram, John, Sub-prior of St. Andrews, connives at the Reformed 
opinions, 34. His cautious behaviour, 53. Joins the reformers, 200. 
Made superintendent of Fife, 211. His Catechism, 422. Verses on, 
560. 

Wishart, George, banished for teaching the Greek New Testament, 
40, 372. Returns to Scotland, 40. Knox attends, 41. Is outlawed, 
382. Account of him by one of his scholars, 395-6. Bears a fagot 
at Bristol, 397. Translates the Swiss confession, ib. Verses on, 5o7. 

, Sir John, of Pittarrow, brother to the former, Knox writes to, 

132. Made comptroller, 232, 493. Knox's letter to, 521-22. David- 
son's dedication to, 541. 

Wood, John, Secretary to the Regent Murray, is assassinated, 302. 
Knox's letters to, 518-19. 



Zuinglius, his influence with the senate of Zurich, 214. Comparison 
between Knox and, 354. 



